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https://archive.org/details/jesuitsinnortham00park_0 


/ (O^Vc.^ 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1867,  by 
Francis  Parkman, 

In  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


4T 


University  Press  : John  Wilson  & Son, 
Cambridge. 


THE 


JESUITS 

IN 

NORTH  AMERICA 


IN  THE 


SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 


PV 

FRANCIS  PARKMAN, 

AUTHOR  OF  “pioneers  OF  FRANCE  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD.” 


FOURTEENTH  EDITION. 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND  COMPANY. 
1880. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1867,  by 
Francis  Parkman, 

In  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachu«?tts 


PREFACE. 


Few  passages  of  history  are  more  striking  than 
those  which  record  the  efforts  of  the  earlier  French 
Jesuits  to  convert  the  Indians.  Full  as  they 
are  of  dramatic  and  philosophic  interest,  bearing 
strongly  on  the  political  destinies  of  America,  and 
closely  involved  with  the  history  of  its  native  pop- 
ulation, it  is  wonderful  that  they  have  been  left 
so  long  in  obscurity.  While  the  infant  colonies  of 
England  still  clung  feebly  to  the  shores  of  the  At- 
lantic, events  deeply  ominous  to  their  future  were 
in  progress,  unknown  to  them,  in  the  very  heart  of 
the  continent.  It  will  be  seen,  in  the  sequel  of  this 
volume,  that  civil  and  religious  liberty  found  strange 
allies  in  this  Western  World. 

The  sources  of  information  concerning  the  early 
Jesuits  of  New  France  are  very  copious.  During 
a period  of  forty  years,  the  Superior  of  the  Mission 

a*  [ V j 


VI 


PKEFACE. 


sent,  every  summer,  long  and  detailed  reports,  em- 
bodying or  accompanied  by  the  reports  of  his  sub- 
ordinates, to  the  Provincial  of  the  Order  at  Paris, 
where  they  were  annually  published,  in  duodecimo 
volumes,  forming  the  remarkable  series  known  as 
tlie  Jesuit  Relations.  Though  the  productions  of 
men  of  scholastic  training,  they  are  simple  and 
often  crude  in  style,  as  might  be  expected  of  nar- 
ratives hastily  written  in  Indian  lodges  or  rude 
mission-houses  in  the  forest,  amid  annoyances  and 
interruptions  of  all  kinds.  In  respect  to  the  value 
of  theh  contents,  they  are  exceedingly  unequal. 
Modest  records  of  marvellous  adventures  and  sacri- 
fices, and  vivid  pictures  of  forest-life,  alternate  with 
prolix  and  monotonous  details  of  the  conversion  of 
individual  savages,  and  the  praiseworthy  deportment 
of  some  exemplary  neophyte.  With  regard  to  the 
condition  and  character  of  the  primitive  inhabitants 
of  North  America,  it  is  impossible  to  exaggerate 
their  value  as  an  authority.  I should  add,  that  the 
closest  examination  has  left  me  no  doubt  that  these 
missionaries  wrote  in  perfect  good  faith,  and  that 
the  Relations  hold  a high  place  as  authentic  and 
trustworthy  historical  documents.  They  are  very 
scarce,  and  no  complete  collection  of  them  exists  in 
America.  The  entire  series  w^as,  however,  repub- 


PREFACE. 


Vll 


lished,  in  1858,  by  the  Canadian  government,  in 
three  large  octavo  volumes.^ 

These  form  but  a part  of  the  surviving  writings 
of  the  French- American  Jesuits.  Many  additional 
reports,  memoirs,  journals,  and  letters,  official  and 
private,  have  come  down  to  us  ; some  of  which 
have  recently  been  printed,  while  others  remain  in 
manuscript.  Nearly  every  prominent  actor  in  the 
scenes  to  be  described  has  left  his  own  record  of 
events  in  which  he  bore  part,  in  the  shape  of  re- 
ports to  his  Superiors  or  letters  to  his  friends.  I 
have  studied  and  compared  these  authorities,  as 
well  as  a great  mass  of  collateral  evidence,  with 
more  than  usual  care,  striving  to  secure  the  great- 
est possible  accuracy  of  statement,  and  to  reproduce 
an  image  of  the  past  with  photographic  clearness 
and  truth. 

The  introductory  chapter  of  the  volume  is  inde- 
pendent of  the  rest ; but  a knowledge  of  the  facts 
set  forth  in  it  is  essential  to  the  full  understanding 
of  the  narrative  which  follows. 

In  the  collection  of  material,  I have  received 

1 Both  editions  — the  old  and  the  new  — are  cited  in  the  following 
pages.  Where  the  reference  is  to  the  old  edition,  it  is  indicated  by  the 
name  of  the  publisher  (Cramoisy),  appended  to  the  citation,  in  brackets. 

In  extracts  given  in  the  notes,  the  antiquated  orthography  and  ac 
centuation  are  preserved. 


Vlll 


PREFACE 


valuable  aid  from  Mr.  J.  G.  Shea,  Eev.  Felix 
Martin,  S.J.,  the  Abbes  Laverdiere  and  H.  R. 
Casgrain,  Dr.  J.  C.  Tache,  and  the  late  Jacques 
Viger,  Esq. 

I propose  to  devote  the  next  volume  of  this  se- 
ries to  the  discovery  and  occupation  by  the  French 
of  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi. 

Boston,  1st  May,  1867. 


COISTTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 


NATIVE  TRIBES. 


Paqb 

Divisions.  — The  Algonquins.  — The  Hurons.  — Their  Houses.  — 
Fortifications.  — Habits.  — Arts.  — Women.  — Trade.  — Festivi- 
ties. — Medicine.  — The  Tobacco  Nation.  — The  Neutrals.  — The 
Fries.  — The  Andastes.  — The  Iroquois. — Indian  Social  and  Po- 
litical Organization.  — Iroquois  Institutions,  Customs,  and  Char- 
acter. — Indian  Religion  and  Superstitions.  — The  Indian  Mind  xix 


CHAPTER  I. 

1634. 

NOTRE-DAME  DES  ANGES. 

Quebec  in  1634. — Father  Le  Jeune.  — The  Mission-House. — ^Ita 
Domestic  Economy.  — The  Jesuits  and  their  Designs  ....  1 


CHAPTER  II. 

LOYOLA  AND  THE  JESUITS. 

Conversion  of  Loyola.  — Foundation  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.- — Prep- 
aration of  the  Novice.  — Characteristics  of  the  Order — The 
Canadian  Jesmts 8 


CHAPTER  III. 

1632,  1633. 

PAUL  LE  JEUNE. 

Le  Jeune’s  Voyage.  — His  First  Pupils. — His  Studies.  — His  Indian 
Teacher.  — Winter  at  the  Mission-House.  — Le  Jeune’s  School. 

— Reinforcements 14 

[ix] 


X 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
1G33,  1634. 


LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


Page 

Le  Jeune  joins  the  Indians.  — The  First  Encampment.  — The  Apos- 
tate.— Forest  Life  in  Winter.  — The  Indian  Hut.  — The  Sor- 
cerer.— His  Persecution  of  the  Priest.  — Evil  Company.  — Magic. 

— Incantations.  — Christmas.  — Starvation.  — Hopes  of  Conver- 
sion.— Backsliding. — Peril  and  Escape  of  Le  Jeune.  — His  Re- 
turn   23 


CHAPTER  V. 

1633,  1634. 

THE  HURON  MISSION. 

Plans  of  Conversion. — Aims  and  Motives.  — Indian  Diplomacy. — 
Hurons  at  Quebec.  — Councils.  — The  Jesuit  Chapel.  — Le 
Borgne.  — The  Jesuits  thwarted.  — Their  Perseverance.  — The 
Journey  to  the  Hurons. — Jean  de  Brebeuf.  — The  Mission  be- 
gun   42 


CHAPTER  VI. 

1634,  1635. 

BREBEUF  AND  HIS  ASSOCIATES. 

The  Huron  Mission-House.  — Its  Inmates.  — Its  Furniture.  — Its 
Guests.  — The  Jesuit  as  a Teacher. — As  an  Engineer.  — Bap- 
tisms.— Huron  Village  Life.  — Festivities  and  Sorceries.  — The 
Dream  Feast.  — The  Priests  accused  of  Magic.  — The  Drought 
and  the  Red  Cross 69 


CHAPTER  VII. 

1636,  1637. 

THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 

Huron  Graves.  — Preparation  for  the  Ceremony.  — Disinterment. — 

Tlie  Mourning.  — The  Funeral  March.  — The  Great  Sepulchre. 

— Funeral  Games.  — Encampment  of  the  Mourners.  — Gifts. — 
Harangues.  — Frenzy  of  the  Crowd.  — The  Closing  Scene. — 
Another  Rite.  — The  Captive  Iroquois.  — The  Sacrifice  . ...  71 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


CHAPTEE  VIII. 
1636,  1637. 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


Page 

Enthusiasm  for  the  Mission.  — Sickness  of  the  Priests.  — The  Pest 
among  the  Ilurons.  — The  Jesuit  on  his  Rounds.  — Efforts  at 
Conversion.  — Priests  and  Sorcerers.  — The  Man-Devil. — The 
Magician’s  Prescription.  — Indian  Doctors  and  Patients.  — Cov- 
ert Baptisms.  — Self-Devotion  of  the  Jesuits 83 


CHAPTER  IX. 

1637. 

CHARACTER  OF  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS. 

Jean  de  Brcbeuf. — Charles  Gamier.  — Joseph  Marie  Chaumonot. — 

Noel  Chabanel.  — Isaac  Jogues.  — Other  Jesuits.  — Nature  of 
their  Eaith.  — Supernaturalisin.  — Visions.  — Miracles  ...  99 


CHAPTER  X. 

1637-1640. 

PERSECUTION. 

Ossossand.  — The  New  Chapel.  — A Triumph  of  the  Eaith.  — The 
Nether  Powers.  — Signs  of  a Tempest.  — Slanders.  — Rage 
against  the  Jesuits.  — Their  Boldness  and  Persistency. — Noc- 
turnal Council.  — Danger  of  the  Priests.  — Brcbeuf ’s  Letter. — 
Narrow  Escapes.  — Woes  and  Consolations 110 


CHAPTER  XL 
1638-1640. 

PRIEST  AND  PAGAN. 

Du  Peron’s  Journey.  — Daily  Life  of  the  Jesuits.  — Their  Mis- 
sionary Excursions.  — Converts  at  Ossossane.  — Machinery  of 
Conversion.  — Conditions  of  Baptism.  — Backsliders.  — The 
Converts  and  their  Countrymen.  — The  Cannibals  at  St.  Joseph  127 


CONTENTS. 


xii 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

1639,  1640. 

THE  TOBACCO  NATION. — THE  NEUTRALS. 

Paob 

A Change  of  Plan.  — Sainte  Mane.  — Mission  of  the  Tobacco  Na- 
tion,— Winter  Journeying. — Reception  of  the  Missionaries. — 
Superstitious  Terrors.  — Peril  of  Gamier  and  Jogues.  — Mission 
of  the  Neutrals. — Huron  Intrigues.  — Miracles. — Eury  of  the 
Indians.  — intervention  of  Saint  Michael.  — Return  to  Sainte 
Marie.  — Intrepidity  of  the  Priests.  — Their  Mental  Exaltation  . 188 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

1636-1646. 

QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 

The  New  Governor.  — Edifying  Examples.  — Le  Jeune’s  Corre- 
spondents. — Rank  and  Devotion.  — Nuns.  — Priestly  Authority. 

— Condition  of  Quebec, — The  Hundred  Associates.  — Church 
Discipline.  — Plays.  — Fireworks.  — Processions.  — Catechizing. 

— Terrorism.  — Pictures.  — The  Converts.  — The  Society  of 

Jesus.  — The  Foresters 149 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

1636-1652. 

DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 

The  Huron  Seminary.  — Madame  de  la  Peltrie.  — Her  Pious 
Schemes.  — Her  Sham  Marriage.  — She  visits  the  Ursulines  of 
Tours. — -Marie  de  Saint  Bernard.  — Marie  de  ITncarnation. — 

Her  Enthusiasm.  — Her  Mystical  Marriage.  — Her  Dejection.  — 

Her  Mental  Conflicts.  — Her  Vision.  — Made  Superior  of  the 
Ursulines.  — The  Hotel-Dieu.  — The  Voyage  to  Canada.  — Sil- 
lery.  — Labors  and  Sufferings  of  the  Nuns.  — Character  of  Marie 
de  ITncarnation.  — Of  Madame  de  la  Peltrie  .......  167 


CHAPTER  XV. 

1636-1642. 

\ILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 

DauversRre  and  the  Voice  from  Heaven. — Abbd  Olier.  — Their 
Schemes.  — The  Society  of  Notre-Dame  de  Montreal.  — Maison- 


CONTENTS. 


xm 


Pagk 

neuve.  — Devout  Ladies.  — Mademoiselle  Mance.  — Marguerite 
Bourgeoys.  — The  Montrealists  at  Quebec.  — Jealousy.  — Quar- 
rels. — Romance  and  Devotion.  — Embarkation.  — Foundation 
of  Montreal 188 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

1641-1644. 

ISAAC  JOGUES. 

The  Iroquois  War.  — Jogues.  — His  Capture.  — His  Journey  to  the 
Mohawks.  — Lake  George.  — Tlie  Mohawk  Towns.  — The  Mis- 
sionary tortured. — Death  of  Goupil. — Misery  of  Jogues.  — The 
Mohawk  “Babylon.”  — Fort  Orange.  — Escape  of  Jogues. — 
Manhattan.  — The  Voyage  to  France. — Jogues  among  his 
Brethren.  — He  returns  to  Canada 211 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

1641- 1646. 

THE  IROQUOIS.  — BRESSANI.  — DE  NOUE. 

War. — Distress  and  Terror.  — Richelieu.  — Battle. — -Ruin  of  In- 
dian Tribes. — Mutual  Destruction.  — Iroquois  and  Algonquin. 

— Atrocities.  — Frightful  Position  of  the  French.  — -Joseph  Bres- 
sani.  — His  Capture.  — His  Treatment.  — His  Escape. — Anne 

de  None.  — His  Nocturnal  Journey.  — His  Death  .....  240 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1642- 1644. 

VILLEMARIE. 

Infancy  of  Montreal.  — The  Flood.  — Vow  of  Maisonneuve.  — Pil- 
grimage. — D’Ailleboust.  — The  Hotel-Dieu.  — Piety.  — Propa- 
gandism.  — War.  — Hurons  and  Iroquois.  — Dogs.  — Sally  of 
the  French.  — Battle.  — Exploit  of  Maisonneuve 261 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

1644,  1645. 

PEACE. 

Iroquois  Prisoners. — Piskaret.  — His  Exploits.  — More  Prisoners. 

— Iroquois  Embassy.  — The  Orator.  — The  Great  Council.  — 


Speeches  of  Kiotsaton.  — Muster  of  Savages.  — Peace  con- 

fii-med 276 

b 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

1645,  1646. 

THE  PEACE  BROKEN. 

Pagb 

Uncertainties.  --  The  Mission  of  Jogues.  — He  reaches  the  Mo- 
hawks.— His  Reception.  — His  Return.  — His  Second  Mission. 

— Warnings  of  Danger.  — Rage  of  the  Mohawks.  — Murder  of 
Jogues 296 


CHAPTER  XXL 
1646,  1647. 

ANOTHER  WAR. 

Mohawk  Inroads. — The  Hunters  of  Men.  — The  Captive  Converts. 

— The  Escape  of  Marie.  — Her  Story.  — The  Algonquin  Pris- 
oner’s Revenge.  — Her  Eliglit.  — Terror  of  the  Colonists.  — 
Jesuit  Intrepidity 306 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

1645-1651. 

PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 

Miscou.  — Tadoussac.  ■ — Journeys  of  De  Quen.  — Druilletes.  — His 
Winter  with  the  Montagnais.  — Influence  of  the  Missions.  — The 
Abenaquis.  — Druilletes  on  the  Kennebec.  — His  Embassy  to 
Boston.  — Gibbons.  — Dudley.  — Bradford.  — Eliot.  — Endicott. 

— French  and  Puritan  Colonization.  — Failure  of  Druilletes’s 
Embassy.  — New  Regulations.  — New-Year’s  Day  at  Quebec  . 317 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

1645-1648. 

A DOOMED  NATION. 

Indian  Infatuation.  — Iroquois  and  Huron.  — Huron  Triumphs. — 

The  Captive  Iroquois.  — His  Ferocity  and  Fortitude.  — Partisan 
Exploits.  — Diplomacy. — The  Andastes. — The  Huron  Em- 
bassy. — New  Negotiations.  - - The  Iroquois  Ambassador.  — His 
Suicide.  — Iroquois  Honor  336 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 
1645-1648. 


THE  HURON  CHURCH. 

Hopes  of  the  Mission.  — Christian  and  Heathen.  — Body  and  Soul. 
— Position  of  Proselytes.  — The  Huron  Girl’s  Visit  to  Heaven. 
— A Crisis.  — Huron  Justice.  — Murder  and  Atonement.  — 
Hop  s and  Pears 


Pagb 


349 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

1648,  1649. 

SAINTE  MARIE. 

The  Centre  of  the  Missions. — Fort.  — Convent.  — Hospital.  — Car- 
avansary. — ■ Church.  — The  Inmates  of  Sainte  Marie.  — Domes- 
tic Economy.  — Missions.  — A Meeting  of  Jesuits.  — The  Dead 
Missionary 361 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

1648. 

ANTOINE  DANIEL. 

Huron  Traders.  — Battle  at  Three  Rivers. — St.  Joseph.  — Onset  ol 

the  Iroquois. -“Death  of  Daniel.  — The  Town  destroyed  . . . 373 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

1649. 

RUIN  OF  THE  IIURONS. 

St.  Louis  on  Fire.  — Invasion.  — St.  Ignace  captured.  — Brebeuf  and 
Lalemant.  — Battle  at  St.  Louis.  — Sainte  Marie  threatened. — 
Renewed  Fighting.  — Desperate  Conflict.  — A Night  of  Sus- 
pense.— Panic  among  the  Victors.  — Burning  of  St.  Ignace. — 
Retreat  of  the  Iroquois 378 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

1649. 

THE  MARTYRS. 

The  Ruins  of  St.  Ignace.  — The  Relics  found.  — BrcTeuf  at  the 
Stake.  — His  Unconquerable  Fortitude. — Lalemant.  — Renegade 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


Paob 

Hurons.  — Iroquois  Atrocities.  — Death  of  Br(H3euf.  — His  Char- 
acter. — Death  of  Lalemant 887 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

1649,  1650. 

THE  SANCTUARY. 

Dispersion  of  the  Hurons.  — Sainte  Marie  abandoned.  — Isle  St. 
Joseph.  — Removal  of  the  Mission.  — The  New  Fort.  — Misery 
of  the  Hurons.  — Famine.  — Epidemic.  — Employments  of  the 
Jesuits 893 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

1649. 

GARNIER. — CIIABANEL. 

The  Tobacco  Missions.  — St.  Jean  attacked.  — Death  of  Gamier.  — 

The  Journey  of  Chabanel.  — His  Death.  — Garreau  and  Grelon  403 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

1650-1652. 

THE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED. 

Famine  and  the  Tomahawk.  — A New  Asylum.  — Voyage  of  the 
Refugees  to  Quebec.  — Meeting  with  Bressani.  — Desperate 
Courage  of  the  Iroquois.  — Inroads  and  Battles.  — Death  of 
Buteux 411 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

1650-1866. 

THE  LAST  OF  THE  HURONS. 

Fate  of  the  Vanquished.  — The  Refugees  of  St.  Jean  Baptiste  and 
St.  Michel. — The  Tobacco  Nation  and  its  Wanderings.  — The 
Modern  Wyandots.  — The  Biter  Bit.  — The  Hurons  at  Quebec. 

— Notre-Dame  de  Lorette 428 


CONTENTS. 


XVll 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 
1650-1670. 


THE  DESTROYERS. 


Paob 

Iroquois  Ambition.  — Its  Victims.  — The  Fate  of  tlie  Neutrals.  — 

The  Fate  of  the  Fries.  — The  War  with  the  Andastes.  — Su- 
premacy of  the  Iroquois 434 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

THE  END. 

Failure  of  the  Jesuits.  — What  their  Success  would  have  involved. 

— Future  of  the  Mission 446 


INDEX 


461 


INTKODUCTION. 


NATIVE  TRIBES. 

Divisions.  — The  Algonquins.  — The  Hurons.  — Their  IIocses. 
— Fortifications.  — Habits.  — Arts.  — Women.  — Trade.  — 
Festivities.  — Medicine.  — The  Tobacco  Nation. — The  Nec* 
trals.  — The  Fries.  — The  Andastes.  — The  Iroquois.  — So- 
cial AND  Political  Organization.  — Iroquois  Institutions, 
Customs,  and  Character.  — Indian  Heligion  and  Supersti- 
tions.— The  Indian  Mind. 

America,  when  it  became  known  to  Europeans,  was, 
as  it  had  long  been,  a scene  of  wide-spread  revolution. 
North  and  South,  tribe  was  giving  place  to  tribe,  lan- 
guage to  language ; for  the  Indian,  hopelessly  unchang- 
ing in  respect  to  individual  and  social  development,  was, 
as  regarded  tribal  relations  and  local  haunts,  mutable  as 
the  wind.  In  Canada  and  the  northern  section  of  the 
United  States,  the  elements  of  change  were  especially 
active.  The  Indian  population  which,  in  1535,  Cartier 
found  at  Montreal  and  Quebec,  had  disappeared  at  the 
opening  of  the  next  century,  and  another  race  had  suc- 
ceeded, in  language  and  customs  widely  different ; while, 
in  the  region  now  forming  the  State  of  New  York,  a 
power  was  rising  to  a ferocious  vitality,  which,  but  for 
the  presence  of  Europeans,  would  probably  have  sub- 
jected, absorbed,  or  exterminated  every  other  Indian 

\xix] 


XX 


INTRODUCTION. 


community  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  noith  of  the 
Ohio. 

The  vast  tract  of  wilderness  from  the  Mississippi  to 
the  iitlantic,  and  from  the  Carolinas  to  Hudson’s  Bay, 
was  divided  between  two  great  families  of  tribes,  distin- 
guished by  a radical  difference  of  language.  A part  of 
Virginia  and  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Southeastern 
New  York,  New  England,  New  Brunswick,  Nova  Scotia, 
and  Lower  Canada  were  occupied,  so  far  as  occupied 
at  all,  by  tribes  speaking  various  Algonquin  languages 
and  dialects.  They  extended,  moreover,  along  the  shores 
of  the  Upper  Lakes,  and  into  the  dreary  Northern  wastes 
beyond.  Tliey  held  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  Illinois,  and 
Indiana,  and  detached  bands  ranged  the  lonely  hunting- 
ground  of  Kentucky.^ 

Like  a great  island  in  the  midst  of  the  Algonquins  lay 
the  country  of  tribes  speaking  the  generic  tongue  of  the 
Iroquois.  The  true  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  extended 
through  Central  New  York,  from  the  Hudson  to  the 
Genesee.  Southward  lay  the  Andastes,  on  and  near  the 
Susquehanna;  westward,  the  Eries,  along  the  southern 
shore  of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  Neutral  Nation,  along  its 
northern  shore  from  Niagara  towards  the  Detroit ; while 
the  towns  of  the  Huron  s lay  near  the  lake  to  which  they 
have  left  their  name.^ 

1 The  word  Algonquin  is  here  used  in  its  broadest  signification.  It 
was  originally  applied  to  a group  of  tribes  north  of  the  River  St.  Law- 
rence. The  difference  of  language  between  the  original  Algonquins  and 
the  Abenaquis  of  New  England,  the  Ojibwas  of  the  Great  Lakes,  or  the 
Illinois  of  the  West,  corresponded  to  the  difference  between  French  and 
Italian,  or  Italian  and  Spanish.  Each  of  these  languages,  again,  had  its 
dialects,  like  those  of  different  provinces  of  France. 

2 To  the  above  general  statements  there  was,  in  the  first  half  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  but  one  exception  worth  notice.  A detached 
branch  of  the  Dahcotah  stock,  the  Winnebago,  was  established  south  of 
Green  Bay,  on  Lake  Michigan,  in  the  midst  of  Algonquins ; and  small 


NEW-ENGLAND  TRIBES. 


XXI 


Of  the  Algonquin  populations,  the  densest,  despite  a 
recent  epidemic  which  had  swept  them  off  bj  thousands, 
was  in  New  England.  Here  were  Mohicans,  Pequots, 
Narragansetts,  Wampanoags,  Massachusetts,  Penacooks, 
thorns  in  the  side  of  the  Puritan.  On  the  whole,  these 
savages  were  favorable  specimens  of  the  Algonquin  stock, 
belonging  to  that  section  of  it  which  tilled  the  soil,  and 
was  thus  in  some  measure  spared  the  extremes  of  misery 
and  degradation  to  which  the  wandering  hunter  tribes 
were  often  reduced.  They  owed  much,  also,  to  the 
bounty  of  the  sea,  and  hence  they  tended  towards  the 
coast ; which,  before  the  epidemic,  Champlain  and  Smith 
had  seen  at  many  points  studded  with  wigwams  and 
waving  with  harvests  of  maize.  Fear,  too,  drove  them 
eastward ; for  the  Iroquois  pursued  them  with  an  invet- 
erate enmity.  Some  paid  yearly  tribute  to  their  tyrants, 
while  others  were  still  subject  to  their  inroads,  flying  in 
terror  at  the  sound  of  the  Mohawk  war-cry.  Westward, 
the  population  thinned  rapidly ; northward,  it  soon  dis- 
appeared. Northern  New  Hampsliire,  the  whole  of 
Vermont,  and  Western  Massachusetts  had  no  human 
tenants  but  the  roving  hunter  or  prowling  warrior. 

We  have  said  that  this  group  of  tribes  was  relatively 
very  populous ; yet  it  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  all 
of  them  united,  had  union  been  possible,  could  have 
mustered  eight  thousand  fighting  men.  To  speak  fur- 
ther of  them  is  needless,  for  they  were  not  within  the 
scope  of  the  Jesuit  labors.  The  heresy  of  heresies  had 
planted  itself  among  them ; and  it  was  for  the  apostle 
Eliot,  not  the  Jesuit,  to  essay  their  conversion. ^ 

Dahcotah  bands  bad  also  planted  themselves  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Mississippi,  nearly  in  the  same  latitude. 

There  was  another  branch  of  the  Iroquois  in  the  Carolinas,  consisting 
of  the  Tuscaroras  and  kindred  bands.  In  1715  they  were  joined  to  the 
Five  Nations. 

1 These  Indians,  the  Arniouchiquois  of  the  old  French  writers,  were 


xxii 


INTRODUCTION. 


Landing  at  Boston,  three  years  before  a solitude,  let 
the  traveller  push  northward,  pass  the  River  Piscataqua 
and  tlie  Penacooks,  and  cross  the  River  Saco.  Here,  a 
change  of  dialect  would  indicate  a different  tribe,  or 
group  of  tribes.  These  were  the  Abenaquis,  found 
chiefly  along  the  course  of  the  Kennebec  and  other  riv- 
ers, on  whose  banks  they  raised  their  rude  harvests, 
and  whose  streams  they  ascended  to  hunt  the  moose  and 
bear  in  the  forest  desert  of  Northern  Maine,  or  descended 
to  fish  in  the  neighboring  sea.^ 

Crossing  the  Penobscot,  one  found  a visible  descent  in 
the  scale  of  humanity.  Eastern  Maine  and  the  whole 
of  New  Brunswick  were  occupied  by  a race  called 
Etchemins,  to  whom  agriculture  was  unknown,  though 
the  sea,  prolific  of  fish,  lobsters,  and  seals,  greatly 
lightened  their  miseries.  The  Souriquois,  or  Micmacs, 
of  Nova  Scotia,  closely  resembled  them  in  habits  and 
condition.  From  Nova  Scotia  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  there 
was  no  population  worthy  of  the  name.  From  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence  to  Lake  Ontario,  the  southern  border 
of  the  great  river  had  no  tenants  but  hunters.  North 
ward,  between  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Hudson’s  Bay, 
roamed  the  scattered  hordes  of  the  Papinachois,  Bersi- 

in  a state  of  chronic  war  with  the  tribes  of  New  Brunswick  and  Nova 
Scotia.  Champlain,  on  his  voyage  of  1603,  heard  strange  accounts  of 
them.  The  following  is  literally  rendered  from  the  first  narrative  of  that 
heroic,  but  credulous  explorer. 

“ They  are  savages  of  shape  altogether  monstrous : for  their  heads  are 
small,  their  bodies  short,  and  their  arms  thin  as  a skeleton,  as  are  also 
their  thighs  ; but  their  legs  are  stout  and  long,  and  all  of  one  size,  and, 
when  they  are  seated  on  their  heels,  their  knees  rise  more  than  half  a 
foot  above  their  heads,  which  seems  a thing  strange  and  against  Nature. 
Nevertheless,  they  are  active  and  bold,  and  they  have  the  best  country  on 
all  the  coast  towards  Acadia.”  — Des  Sauvages,  f.  34. 

This  story  may  match  that  of  the  great  city  of  Norembega,  on  the 
Penobscot,  with  its  population  of  dwarfs,  as  related  by  Jean  Alphonse. 

1 The  Tarratines  of  New-England  writers  were  the  Abenaquis,  or  a 
portion  of  them 


ALGONQUINS. 


XXlll 


amites,  and  others,  included  by  the  French  under  the 
general  name  of  Montagnais.  When,  in  spring,  the 
French  trading-ships  arrived  and  anchored  in  the  port 
of  Tadoussac,  they  gathered  from  far  and  near,  toiling 
painfully  through  the  desolation  of  forests,  mustering  by 
hundreds  at  the  point  of  traffic,  and  setting  up  their 
bark  wigwams  along  the  strand  of  that  wild  harbor. 
They  were  of  the  lowest  Algonquin  type.  Their  ordi- 
nary sustenance  was  derived  from  the  chase ; though 
often,  goaded  by  deadly  famine,  they  would  subsist  on 
roots,  the  bark  and  buds  of  trees,  or  the  foulest  offal ; 
and  in  extremity,  even  cannibalism  was  not  rare  among 
them. 

Ascending  the  St.  Lawrence,  it  was  seldom  that  the 
sight  of  a human  form  gave  relief  to  the  loneliness, 
until,  at  Quebec,  the  roar  of  Champlain’s  cannon  from 
the  verge  of  the  cliff  announced  that  the  savage  prologue 
of  the  American  drama  was  drawing  to  a close,  and  that 
the  civilization  of  Europe  was  advancing  on  the  scene. 
Ascending  farther,  all  was  solitude,  except  at  Three 
Rivers,  a noted  place  of  trade,  where  a few  Algonquins 
of  the  tribe  called  Atticamegues  might  possibly  be  seen. 
Tlie  fear  of  the  Iroquois  was  everywhere ; and  as  the 
voyager  passed  some  wooded  point,  or  thicket-covered 
island,  the  whistling  of  a stone-headed  arrow  proclaimed, 
perhaps,  the  presence  of  these  fierce  marauders.  At 
Montreal  there  was  no  human  life,  save  during  a brief 
space  in  early  summer,  when  the  shore  swarmed  with 
savages,  who  had  come  to  the  yearly  trade  from  the 
great  communities  of  the  interior.  To-day  there  were 
dances,  songs,  and  feastings ; to-morrow  all  again  was 
solitude,  and  the  Ottawa  was  covered  with  the  canoes  of 
the  returning  warriors. 

Along  this  stream,  a main  route  of  traffic,  the  silence 


XXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


of  the  wilderness  was  broken  only  by  the  splash  of  the 
passing  paddle.  To  the  north  of  the  river  there  was 
indeed  a small  Algonquin  band,  called  La  Petite  Nation, 
together  with  one  or  two  other  feeble  communities ; but 
they  dwelt  far  from  the  banks,  through  fear  of  the 
ubiquitous  Iroquois.  It  was  nearly  three  hundred  miles, 
by  the  windings  of  the  stream,  before  one  reached  that 
Algonquin  tribe.  La  Nation  de  VLsle^  who  occupied  the 
great  island  of  the  Allumettes.  Then,  after  many  a day 
of  lonely  travel,  the  voyager  found  a savage  welcome 
among  the  Nipissings,  on  the  lake  which  bears  their 
name  ; and  then  circling  west  and  south  for  a hundred 
and  fifty  miles  of  solitude,  he  reached  for  the  first  time  a 
people  speaking  a dialect  of  the  Iroquois  tongue.  Here 
all  was  changed.  Populous  towns,  rude  fortifications, 
and  an  extensive,  though  barbarous  tillage,  indicated  a 
people  far  in  advance  of  the  famished  wanderers  of  the 
Saguenay,  or  their  less  abject  kindred  of  New  England. 
These  were  the  Hurons,  of  whom  the  modern  Wyandots 
are  a remnant.  Both  in  themselves  and  as  a type  of 
their  generic  stock  they  demand  more  than  a passing 
notice.^ 

THE  HURONS. 

More  than  two  centuries  have  elapsed  since  the  Hu- 
rons vanished  from  their  ancient  seats,  and  the  settlers 
of  this  rude  solitude  stand  perplexed  and  wondering  over 
the  relics  of  a lost  people.  In  the  damp  shadow  of  what 

1 The  usual  confusion  of  Indian  tribal  names  prevails  in  the  case  of 
the  Hurons.  The  following  are  their  synonymes  : — 

Hurons  (of  French  origin) ; Ochateguins  (Champlain)  ; Attigouantans 
(the  name  of  one  of  their  tribes,  used  by  Champlain  for  the  whole 
nation);  Ouendat  (their  true  name,  according  to  Lalemant) ; Yendat, 
Wyandot,  Guyandot  (corruptions  of  the  preceding) ; Ouaouakecinatouek 
(Potier) ; Quatogies  (Colden). 


COUNTRY  OF  THE  HURONS. 


XXV 


seems  a virgin  forest,  the  axe  and  plough  bring  strange 
secrets  to  light : huge  pits,  close  packed  with  skeletons 
and  disjointed  bones,  mixed  with  weapons,  copper  kettles, 
beads,  and  trinkets.  Not  even  the  straggling  Algon- 
quins,  who  linger  about  the  scene  of  Huron  prosperity, 
can  tell  their  origin.  Yet,  on  ancient  worm-eaten  pages, 
between  covers  of  begrimed  parchment,  the  daily  life  of 
this  ruined  community,  its  firesides,  its  festivals,  its  fu- 
neral rites,  are  painted  with  a minute  and  vivid  fidelity. 

The  ancient  country  of  the  Hiirons  is  now  the  north- 
ern and  eastern  portion  of  Siincoe  County,  Canada  West, 
and  is  embraced  within  the  peninsula  formed  by  the 
Nottawassaga  and  Matchedash  Bays  of  Lake  Huron,  the 
Biver  Severn,  and  Lake  Simcoe.  Its  area  was  small,— 
its  population  comparatively  large.  In  the  year  1639 
the  Jesuits  made  an  enumeration  of  all  its  villages,  dwell- 
i]igs,  and  families.  The  result  showed  thirty-two  vil- 
lages and  hamlets,  with  seven  hundred  dwellings,  about 
four  thousand  families,  and  twelve  thousand  adult  per- 
sons, or  a total  population  of  at  least  twenty  thousand.^ 

The  region  whose  boundaries  we  have  given  was  an 
alternation  of  meadows  and  deep  forests,  interlaced  with 


1 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1640,  38  (Cramoisy).  His  words 
are,  “de  feux  enuiron  deux  mille,  et  eniiiron  douze  mille  personnes.” 
There  were  two  families  to  every  fire.  That  by  “personnes”  adults 
only  are  meant  cannot  be  doubted,  as  the  Relations  abound  in  incidental 
evidence  of  a total  population  far  exceeding  twelve  thousand.  A Huron 
family  usually  numbered  from  five  to  eight  persons.  The  number  of  the 
Huron  towns  changed  from  year  to  year.  Champlain  and  Le  Caron,  in 
1615,  reckoned  them  at  seventeen  or  eighteen,  with  a population  of  about 
ten  thousand,  meaning,  no  doubt,  adults.  Brebeuf,  in  1635,  found  twenty 
villages,  and,  as  he  thinks,  thirty  thousand  souls.  Both  Le  Mercier  and 
De  Quen,  as  well  as  Dollier  de  Casson  and  the  anonymous  author  of  the 
ReJation  of  1660,  state  the  population  at  from  thirty  to  thirty-five  thousand. 
Since  the  time  of  Champlain’s  visit,  various  kindred  tribes  or  fragments 
of  tribes  had  been  incorporated  with  the  Hurons,  thus  more  than  balan- 
cing the  ravages  of  a pestilence  which  had  decimated  them. 


^XVl 


INTRODUCTION. 


footpaths  leading  from  town  to  town.  Of  these  towns, 
some  were  fortifiod,  but  the  greater  number  were  open 
and  defenceless.  They  were  of  a construction  common 
to  all  tribes  of  Iroquois  lineage,  and  peculiar  to  them. 
Nothing  similar  exists  at  the  present  day.^  They  covered 
a space  of  from  one  to  ten  acres,  the  dwellings  clustering 
together  with  little  or  no  pretension  to  order.  In  gen- 
eral, these  singular  structures  were  about  thirty  or  thirty- 
five  feet  in  length,  breadth,  and  height ; but  many  were 
much  larger,  and  a few  were  of  prodigious  length.  In 
some  of  the  villages  there  were  dwellings  two  hundred 
and  forty  feet  long,  though  in  breadth  and  height  they 
did  not  much  exceed  the  others.^  In  shape  they  were 
much  like  an  arbor  overarching  a garden-walk.  Their 
frame  was  of  tall  and  strong  saplings,  planted  in  a double 
row  to  form  the  two  sides  of  the  house,  bent  till  they  met, 
and  lashed  together  at  the  top.  To  these  other  poles 
were  bound  transversely,  and  the  whole  was  covered 
with  large  sheets  of  the  bark  of  the  oak,  elm,  spruce,  or 
white  cedar,  overlapping  like  the  shingles  of  a roof,  upon 
which,  for  their  better  security,  split  poles  were  made  fast 
with  cords  of  linden  bark.  At  the  crown  of  the  arch, 
along  the  entire  length  of  the  house,  an  opening  a foot 
wide  was  left  for  the  admission  of  light  and  the  escape 
of  smoke.  At  each  end  was  a close  porch  of  similar 

1 The  permanent  bark  villages  of  the  Dahcotah  of  the  St.  Peter’s  are 
the  nearest  modarn  approach  to  the  Huron  towns.  The  whole  Huron 
country  abounds  with  evidences  of  having  been  occupied  by  a numerous 
population.  “ On  a close  inspection  of  the  forest,”  Dr.  Tache  writes  to 
me,  “ the  greatest  part  of  it  seems  to  have  been  cleared  at  former  periods, 
and  almost  the  only  places  bearing  the  character  of  the  primitive  forest 
are  the  low  grounds.” 

2 Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Hnrons,  1635,  31.  Champlain  says  that  he  saw 
them,  in  1615,  more  than  thirty  fathoms  long;  while  Vanderdonck  re- 
ports the  length,  from  actual  measurement,  of  an  Iroquois  house,  at  a 
hundred  and  eighty  yards,  or  five  hundred  and  forty  feet ! 


HURON  DWELLINGS. 


XXVll 


construction ; and  here  were  stowed  casks  of  bark,  filled 
with  smoked  fish,  Indian  corn,  and  other  stores  not  liable 
to  injury  from  frost.  Witliin,  on  both  sides,  were  wide 
scaffolds,  four  feet  from  tlie  floor,  and  extending  the 
entire  length  of  the  house,  like  the  seats  of  a colossal 
omnibus.^  These  were  formed  of  thick  sheets  of  bark, 
supported  by  posts  and  transverse  poles,  and  covered 
with  mats  and  skins.  Here,  in  summer,  was  the  sleep- 
ing-place of  the  inmates,  and  the  space  beneath  served 
for  storage  of  their  firewood.  The  fires  were  on  the 
ground,  in  a line  down  the  middle  of  the  house.  Each 
sufficed  for  two  families,  who,  in  winter,  slept  closely 
packed  around  them.  Above,  just  under  the  vaulted 
roof,  were  a great  number  of  poles,  like  the  perches  of  a 
hen-roost,  and  here  were  suspended  weapons,  clothing, 
skins,  and  ornaments.  Here,  too,  in  harvest  time,  the 
squaws  hung  the  ears  of  unshelled  corn,  till  the  rude 
abode,  through  all  its  length,  seemed  decked  with  a 
golden  tapestry.  In  general,  however,  its  only  lining 
was  a thick  coating  of  soot  from  the  smoke  of  fires  with 
neither  draught,  chimney,  nor  window.  So  pungent  was 
the  smoke,  that  it  produced  inflammation  of  the  eyes, 
attended  in  old  age  with  frequent  blindness.  Another 
annoyance  was  the  fleas ; and  a third,  the  unbridled  and 
unruly  children.  Privacy  there  was  none.  The  house 
was  one  chamber,  sometimes  lodging  more  than  twenty 
families.^ 

1 Often,  especially  among  the  Iroquois,  the  internal  arrangement  was 
different.  The  scaffolds  or  platforms  were  raised  only  a foot  from  the 
earthen  floor,  and  were  only  twelve  or  thirteen  feet  long,  with  interven- 
ing spaces,  where  the  occupants  stored  their  family  provisions  and  other 
articles.  Five  or  six  feet  above  was  another  platform,  often  occupied  by 
children.  One  pair  of  platforms  sufficed  for  a family,  and  here  during 
summer  they  slept  pellmell,  in  the  clothes  they  wore  by  day,  and  witliout 
pillows. 

One  of  the  best  descriptions  of  the  Huron  and  Iroquois  houses  is 


I 


XXviii  INTRODUCTION. 

He  who  entered  on  a winter  night  beheld  a strange 
spectacle  : the  vista  of  fires  lighting  the  smoky  concave  ; 
the  bronzed  groups  encircling  each,  — cooking,  eating, 
gambling,  or  amusing  themselves  with  idle  badinage ; 
shrivelled  squaws,  hideous  with  threescore  years  of 
hardship ; grisly  old  warriors,  scarred  with  Iroquois 
war-clubs  ; young  aspirants,  whose  honors  were  yet  to 
be  won  ; damsels  gay  with  ochre  and  wampum ; restless 
children  pellmell  with  restless  dogs.  Now  a tongue  of 
resinous  flame  painted  each  wild  feature  in  vivid  light ; 
now  the  fitful  gleam  expired,  and  the  group  vanished 
from  sight,  as  their  nation  has  vanished  from  history. 

The  fortified  towns  of  the  Hurons  were  all  on  the  side 

that  of  Sagard,  Voyage  des  Hurons,  118.  See  also  Champlain  (1627),  78; 
Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1635,  31 ; Vanderdonck,  New  Netherlands, 
in  N.  Y.  Hist.  Coll.,  Second  Ser.,  1. 196  ; Lafitau,  Moeurs  des  Sauvages,  II.  10. 
The  account  given  by  Cartier  of  the  houses  he  saw  at  Montreal  corre 
spends  with  the  above.  He  describes  them  as  about  fifty  yards  long 
In  this  case,  there  were  partial  partitions  for  the  several  families,  and  a 
sort  of  loft  above.  Many  of  the  Iroquois  and  Huron  houses  were  of 
similar  construction,  the  partitions  being  at  the  sides  only,  leaving  a wide 
passage  down  the  middle  of  the  house.  Bartram,  Observations  on  a Journey 
from.  Pennsylvania  to  Canada,  gives  a description  and  plan  of  the  Iroquois 
Council-House  in  1751,  which  was  of  this  construction.  Indeed,  the  Iro- 
quois preserved  this  mode  of  building,  in  all  essential  points,  down  to  a 
recent  period.  They  usually  framed  the  sides  of  their  houses  on  rows  of 
upright  posts,  arched  with  separate  poles  for  the  roof.  The  Hurons,  no 
doubt,  did  the  same  in  their  larger  structures.  For  a door,  there  was  a 
sheet  of  bark  hung  on  wooden  hinges,  or  suspended  by  cords  from  above. 

On  the  site  of  Huron  towns  which  were  destroyed  by  fire,  the  size, 
shape,  and  arrangement  of  the  houses  can  still,  in  some  instances,  be 
traced  by  remains  in  the  form  of  charcoal,  as  well  as  by  the  charred 
bones  and  fragments  of  pottery  found  among  the  ashes. 

Dr.  Tache,  after  a zealous  and  minute  examination  of  the  Huron 
country,  extended  through  five  years,  writes  to  me  as  follows.  “From 
the  remains  I have  found,  I can  vouch  for  the  scrupulous  correctness  of 
our  ancient  writers.  With  the  aid  of  their  indications  and  descriptions, 

I have  been  able  to  detect  the  sites  of  villages  in  the  midst  of  the  forest, 
and  by  the  study,  in  situ,  of  archasological  monuments,  small  as  they  are, 
to  understand  and  confirm  their  many  interesting  details  of  the  habits, 
and  especially  the  funeral  rites,  of  these  extraordinary  tribes.^^ 


HURON  FORTIFICATIONS. 


XXIX 


exposed  to  Iroquois  incursions.  The  fortifications  of  all 
this  family  of  tribes  were,  like  their  dwellings,  in  essen 
tial  points  alike.  A situation  was  chosen  favorable  to 
defence, the  bank  of  a lake,  the  crown  of  a difficult 
hill,  or  a high  point  of  land  in  the  fork  of  confluent 
rivers.  A ditch,  several  feet  deep,  was  dug  around  the 
village,  and  the  earth  thrown  up  on  the  inside.  Trees 
were  then  felled  by  an  alternate  process  of  burning  and 
hacking  the  burnt  part  with  stone  hatchets,  and  by 
similar  means  were  cut  into  lengths  to  form  palisades. 
These  were  planted  on  the  embankment,  in  one,  two, 
three,  or  four  concentric  rows,  — those  of  each  row  in- 
clining towards  those  of  the  other  rows  until  they  inter- 
sected. The  whole  was  lined  within,  to  the  height  of  a 
man,  with  heavy  sheets  of  bark ; and  at  the  top,  where 
the  palisades  crossed,  was  a gallery  of  timber  for  the 
defenders,  together  with  wooden  gutters,  by  which 
streams  of  water  could  be  poured  down  on  fires  kindled 
by  the  enemy.  Magazines  of  stones,  and  rude  ladders 
for  mounting  the  rampart,  completed  the  provision  for 
defence.  The  forts  of  the  Iroquois  were  stronger  and 
more  elaborate  than  those  of  the  Hurons  ; and  to  this  day 
large  districts  in  New  York  are  marked  with  frequent 
remains  of  their  ditches  and  embankments.^ 

Among  these  tribes  there  was  no  individual  ownership 
of  land,  but  each  family  had  for  the  time  exclusive  right 

1 There  is  no  mathematical  regularity  in  these  works.  In  their  form^ 
the  builders  were  guided  merely  by  the  nature  of  the  ground.  Frequently 
a precipice  or  river  sufficed  for  partial  defence,  and  the  line  of  embank- 
ment occurs  only  on  one  or  two  sides.  In  one  instance,  distinct  traces  of 
a double  line  of  palisades  are  visible  along  the  embankment.  (See  Squier, 
Aboriginal  Monuments  of  New  York,  38.)  It  is  probable  that  the  palisade 
■was  planted  first,  and  the  earth  heaped  around  it.  Indeed,  this  is  stated 
by  the  Tuscarora  Indian,  Cusick,  in  his  curious  History  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions (Iroquois).  Brebeuf  says,  that  as  early  as  1636  the  Jesuits  taught 
the  Iliurons  to  build  rectangular  palisaded  works,  with  bastions.  The  Iro- 


XXX 


INTRODUCTION. 


to  as  much  as  it  saw  fit  to  cultivate.  The  clearing  pro- 
cess— a most  toilsome  one  — consisted  in  hacking  off 
branches,  piling  them  together  with  brushwood  around 
the  foot  of  the  standing  trunks,  and  setting  fire  to  the 
whole.  The  squaws,  working  with  their  hoes  of  wood 
and  bone  among  the  charred  stumps,  sowed  their  corn, 
beans,  pumpkins,  tobacco,  sunflowers,  and  Huron  hemp. 
No  manure  was  used  ; but,  at  intervals  of  from  ten  to 
thirty  years,  when  the  soil  was  exhausted,  and  firewood 
distant,  the  village  was  abandoned  and  a new  one  built. 

Tliere  was  little  game  in  the  Huron  country ; and 
here,  as  among  the  Iroquois,  the  staple  of  food  was 
Indian  corn,  cooked  without  salt  in  a variety  of  forms, 
each  more  odious  than  the  last.  Venison  was  a luxury 
found  only  at  feasts  ; dog-flesh  was  in  high  esteem ; and, 
in  some  of  the  towns  captive  bears  were  fattened  for 
festive  occasions.  These  tribes  were  far  less  improvident 
than  the  roving  Algonquins,  and  stores  of  provision  were 
laid  up  against  a season  of  want.  Their  main  stock  of 
corn  was  buried  in  caches^  or  deep  holes  in  the  earth, 
either  within  or  without  the  houses. 

Iji  respect  to  the  arts  of  life,  all  these  stationary  tribes 
were  in  advance  of  the  wandering  hunters  of  the  North. 
The  women  made  a species  of  earthen  pot  for  cooking, 
but  these  were  supplanted  by  the  copper  kettles  of  the 
French  traders.  They  wove  rush  mats  with  no  little 

quois  adopted  the  same  practice  at  an  early  period,  omitting  the  ditch  and 
embankment;  and  it  is  probable,  that,  even  in  their  primitive  defences, 
the  palisades,  where  the  ground  was  of  a nature  to  yield  easily  to  their 
rude  implements,  were  planted  simply  in  holes  dug  for  the  purpose.  Such 
seems  to  have  been  the  Iroquois  fortress  attacked  by  Champlain  in  1615. 

The  Muscogees,  with  other  Southern  tribes,  and  occasionally  the 
Algonquins,  had  palisaded  towns  ; but  the  palisades  were  usually  but  a 
single  row,  planted  upright.  The  tribes  of  Virginia  occasionally  sur- 
rounded their  dwellings  with  a triple  palisade.  — Beverly,  History  of 
Virginia,  149. 


WAMPUM. 


XXXI 


skill.  They  spun  twine  from  hemp,  by  the  primitive 
process  of  rolling  it  on  their  thighs ; and  of  this  twine 
they  made  nets.  They  extracted  oil  from  fish  and  from 
the  seeds  of  the  sunflower,  — the  latter,  apparently,  only 
for  the  purposes  of  the  toilet.  They  pounded  their  maize 
in  huge  mortars  of  wood,  hollowed  by  alternate  burnings 
and  scrapings.  Their  stone  axes,  spear  and  arrow  heads, 
and  bone  fish-hooks,  were  fast  giving  place  to  the  iron  of 
the  French ; but  they  had  not  laid  aside  their  shields 
of  raw  bison-hide,  or  of  wood  overlaid  with  plaited  and 
twisted  thongs  of  skin.  They  still  used,  too,  their  primi- 
tive breastplates  and  greaves  of  twigs  interwoven  with 
cordage.^  The  masterpiece  of  Huron  handiwork,  how- 
ever, was  the  birch  canoe,  in  the  construction  of  which 
the  Algonquins  were  no  less  skilful.  The  Iroquois,  in 
the  absence  of  the  birch,  were  forced  to  use  the  bark  of 
the  elm,  which  was  greatly  inferior  both  in  lightness  and 
strength.  Of  pipes,  than  which  nothing  was  more  im- 
portant in  their  eyes,  the  Huron s made  a great  variety, 
some  of  baked  clay,  others  of  various  kinds  of  stone, 
carved  by  the  men,  during  their  long  periods  of  monoto- 
nous leisure,  often  with  great  skill  and  ingenuity.  But 
their  most  mysterious  fabric  was  wampum.  This  was 
at  once  their  currency,  their  ornament,  their  pen,  ink, 
and  parchment ; and  its  use  was  by  no  means  confined 
to  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  stock.  It  consisted  of  elongated 
beads,  white  and  purple,  made  from  the  inner  part  of 
certain  shells.  It  is  not  easy  to  conceive  how,  vvith  their 
rude  implements,  the  Indians  contrived  to  shape  and 
perforate  this  intractable  material.  The  art  soon  fell 
into  disuse,  however ; for  wampum  better  than  their  own 


1 Some  of  the  northern  tribes  of  California,  at  the  present  day,  wear 
a sort  of  breastplate  “ composed  of  thin  parallel  battens  of  very  tough 
wood,  woven  together  with  a small  cord.” 


XXXll 


INTEODUCTION. 


was  brought  them  by  the  traders,  besides  abundant  imi- 
tations in  glass  and  porcelain.  Strung  into  necklaces,  or 
wrought  into  collars,  belts,  and  bracelets,  it  was  the 
favorite  decoration  of  the  Indian  girls  at  festivals  and 
dances.  It  served  also  a graver  purpose.  No  compact, 
no  speech,  or  clause  of  a speech,  to  the  representative  of 
another  nation,  had  any  force,  unless  confirmed  by  the 
delivery  of  a string  or  belt  of  wampum.^  The  belts,  on 
occasions  of  importance,  were  wrought  into  significant 
devices,  suggestive  of  the  substance  of  the  compact  or 
speech,  and  designed  as  aids  to  memory.  To  one  or 
more  old  men  of  the  nation  was  assigned  the  honorable, 
but  very  onerous,  charge  of  keepers  of  the  wampum,  — in 
other  words,  of  the  national  records ; and  it  was  for  them 
to  remember  and  interpret  the  meaning  of  the  belts. 
The  figures  on  wampum-belts  were,  for  the  most  part, 
simply  mnemonic.  So  also  were  those  carved  on  wooden 
tablets,  or  painted  on  bark  and  skin,  to  preserve  in  mem- 
ory the  songs  of  war,  hunting,  or  magic.^  The  Hurons 
had,  however,  in  common  with  other  tribes,  a system  of 
rude  pictures  and  arbitrary  signs,  by  which  they  could 
convey  to  each  other,  with  tolerable  precision,  informa- 
tion touching  the  ordinary  subjects  of  Indian  interest. 

Their  dress  was  chiefly  of  skins,  cured  with  smoke 
after  the  well-known  Indian  mode.  That  of  the  women, 
according  to  the  Jesuits,  was  more  modest  than  that  “ of 
our  most  pious  ladies  of  France.”  The  young  girls  on 
festal  occasions  must  be  excepted  from  this  commenda- 
tion, as  they  wore  merely  a kilt  from  the  waist  to  the 

1 Beaver-skins  and  other  valuable  furs  were  sometimes,  on  such  occa- 
sions, used  as  a substitute. 

2 Engravings  of  many  specimens  of  these  figured  songs  are  given  in 
the  voluminous  reports  on  the  condition  of  the  Indians,  published  by  Gov- 
ernment, under  the  editorship  of  Mr.  Schoolcraft.  The  specimens  are 
chiefly  Algonquin. 


HURON  WOMEN. 


XXXIH 


knee,  besides  tlie  wampum  decorations  of  tlie  breast  and 
arms.  Their  long  black  hair,  gathered  behind  the  neck, 
was  decorated  with  disks  of  native  copper,  or  gay  pen^ 
dants  made  in  France,  and  now  occasionally  unearthed 
in  numbers  from  their  graves.  The  men,  in  summer, 
were  nearly  naked,  — those  of  a kindred  tribe  wholly  so, 
with  the  sole  exception  of  their  moccasins.  In  winter 
they  were  clad  in  tunics  and  leggins  of  skin,  and  at 
all  seasons,  on  occasions  of  ceremony,  were  wrapped 
from  head  to  foot  in  robes  of  beaver  or  otter  furs,  some- 
times of  the  greatest  value.  On  the  inner  side,  these 
robes  were  decorated  with  painted  figures  and  devices,  or 
embroidered  with  the  dyed  quills  of  the  Canada  hedge- 
hog. In  this  art  of  embroidery,  however,  the  Hurons 
were  equalled  or  surpassed  by  some  of  the  Algonquin 
tribes.  They  wore  their  hair  after  a variety  of  grotesque 
and  startling  fashions.  With  some,  it  was  loose  on  one 
side,  and  tight  braided  on  the  other ; with  others,  close 
shaved,  leaving  one  or  more  long  and  cherished  locks ; 
while,  with  others  again,  it  bristled  in  a ridge  across  the 
crown,  like  the  back  of  a hyena.^  When  in  full  dress, 
they  were  painted  with  ochre,  white  clay,  soot,  and  the 
red  juice  of  certain  berries.  They  practised  tattooing, 
sometimes  covering  the  whole  body  with  indelible  de- 
vices.*^ When  of  such  extent,  the  process  was  very 
severe ; and  though  no  murmur  escaped  the  sufferer,  he 
sometimes  died  from  its  effects. 

Female  life  among  the  Hurons  had  no  bright  side.  It 
was  a youth  of  license,  an  age  of  drudgery.  Despite  an 
organization  which,  while  it  perhaps  made  them  less  sen- 

1 See  Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1683,  35.  — “ Quelles  hures ! ” exclaimed 
some  astonished  Erenchman.  Hence  the  name,  Hurons. 

2 Bressani,  Relation  Ahr€g€e,  72.  — Champlain  has  a picture  of  a war- 
rior thus  tattooed. 


XXXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


sible  of  pain,  certainly  made  them  less  susceptible  of 
passion,  than  the  higber  races  of  men,  the  Hurons  were 
notoriously  dissolute,  far  exceeding  in  this  respect  the 
wandering  and  starving  Algonquins.^  Marriage  existed 
among  them,  and  polygamy  was  exceptional ; but  divorce 
took  place  at  the  will  or  caprice  of  either  party.  A 
practice  also  prevailed  of  temporary  or  experimental 
marriage,  lasting  a day,  a week,  or  more.  The  seal  of 
the  compact  was  merely  the  acceptance  of  a gift  of  wam- 
pum made  by  the  suitor  to  the  object  of  his  desire  or  his 
whim.  These  gifts  were  never  returned  on  the  dissolution 
of  the  connection ; and  as  an  attractive  and  enterprising 
damsel  might,  and  often  did,  make  twenty  such  marriages 
before  her  final  establishment,  she  thus  collected  a wealth 


1 Among  the  Iroquois  there  were  more  favorable  features  in  the  con- 
dition of  women.  The  matrons  had  often  a considerable  influence  on  the 
decisions  of  the  councils.  Lafitau,  whose  book  appeared  in  1724,  says 
that  the  nation  was  corrupt  in  his  time,  but  that  this  was  a degeneracy 
from  their  ancient  manners.  La  Potherie  and  Charlevoix  make  a similar 
statement.  Megapolensis,  however,  in  1644,  says  that  they  were  then 
exceedingly  debauched  ; and  Greenhalgh,  in  1677,  gives  ample  evidence 
of  a shameless  license.  One  of  their  most  earnest  advocates  of  the 
present  day  admits  that  the  passion  of  love  among  them  had  no  other 
than  an  animal  existence.  (Morgan,  League  of  the  Iroquois,  322.)  There  is 
clear  proof  that  the  tribes  of  the  South  were  equally  corrupt.  (See 
Lawson,  Carolina,  34,  and  other  early  writers.)  On  the  other  hand, 
chastity  in  women  was  recognized  as  a virtue  by  many  tribes.  This  was 
peculiarly  the  case  among  the  Algonquins  of  Gaspe,  where  a lapse  in 
this  regard  was  counted  a disgrace.  (See  Le  Clerc,  Nouvelle  Relation  de 
la  Gaspesie,  417,  where  a contrast  is  drawn  between  the  modesty  of 
the  girls  of  this  region  and  the  open  prostitution  practised  among  those 
of  other  tribes.)  Among  the  Sioux,  adultery  on  the  part  of  a woman  ks 
punished  by  mutilation. 

The  remarkable  forbearance  observed  by  Eastern  and  Northern  tribes 
towards  female  captives  was  probably  the  result  of  a superstition.  Not- 
withstanding the  prevailing  license,  the  Iroquois  and  other  tribes  had 
among  themselves  certain  conventional  rules  which  excited  the  admira- 
tion of  the  Jesuit  celibates.  Some  of  these  had  a superstitious  origin; 
others  were  in  accordance  with  the  iron  requirements  of  their  savage 
etiquette.  To  make  the  Indian  a hero  of  romance  is  mere  nonsense. 


HURON  WOMEN. 


XXXV 


of  wampum  with  which  to  adorn  herself  for  the  village 
daiicesd  This  provisional  matrimony  was  no  bar  to  a 
license  boundless  and  apparently  universal,  unattended 
with  loss  of  reputation  on  either  side.  Every  instinct 
of  native  delicacy  quickly  vanished  under  the  influence 
of  Huron  domestic  life  ; eight  or  ten  families,  and  often 
more,  crowded  into  one  undivided  house,  where  privacy 
was  impossible,  and  where  strangers  were  free  to  enter 
at  all  hours  of  the  day  or  night. 

Once  a mother,  and  married  with  a reasonable  per- 
manency, the  Huron  woman  from  a wanton  became  a 
drudge.  In  March  and  April  she  gathered  the  year’s 
supply  of  firewood.  Then  came  sowing,  tilling,  and 
harvesting,  smoking  fish,  dressing  skins,  making  cordage 
and  clothing,  preparing  food.  On  the  march  it  was  she 
who  bore  the  burden ; for,  in  the  words  of  Champlain, 
‘‘  their  women  were  their  mules.”  Tlie  natural  eflect 
followed.  In  every  Huron  town  were  shrivelled  hags, 
hideous  and  despised,  wdio,  in  vindictiveness,  ferocity, 
and  cruelty,  far  exceeded  the  men. 

To  the  men  fell  the  task  of  building  the  houses,  and 
making  weapons,  pipes,  and  canoes.  For  the  rest,  their 
home-life  was  a life  of  leisure  and  amusement.  The 
summer  and  autumn  were  their  seasons  of  serious  cm- 

1 “ II  s’en  trouue  telle  qui  passe  ainsi  sa  ieunesse,  qui  aura  eu  plus  de 
ringt  marls,  lesquels  vingt  marls  ne  sent  pas  seuls  en  la  jouyssance  de  la 
beste,  quelques  mariez  qu’lls  solent : car  la  nulct  venue,  les  leunes  femmes 
couront  d’une  cabane  en  une  autre,  come  font  les  leunes  hommes  de  leur 
coste,  qui  en  prennent  par  ou  bon  leur  semble,  toutesfols  sans  violence 
aucune,  et  n’en  re9oluent  aucune  Infamle,  ny  Injure,  la  coustume  du  pays 
estant  telle.”  — Champlain  (1627),  90.  Compare  Sagard,  Voyage  des 
Hurons,  176.  Both  were  personal  observers. 

The  ceremony,  even  of  the  most  serious  marriage,  consisted  merely 
in  the  bride’s  bringing  a dish  of  boiled  maize  to  the  bridegroom,  together 
with  an  armful  of  fuel.  There  was  often  a feast  of  the  relatives,  or  of 
the  whole  village. 


XXX  VI 


INTRODUCTION. 


ployment,  — of  war,  hunting,  fishing,  and  trade.  There 
was  an  established  system  of  traffic  between  the  Hurons 
and  the  Algonquin  s of  the  Ottawa  and  Lake  Nipissing : 
the  Hurons  exchanging  wampum,  fishing-nets,  and  corn 
for  fish  and  furs.^  From  various  relics  found  in  their 
graves,  it  may  be  inferred  that  they  also  traded  with 
tribes  of  the  Upper  Lakes,  as  well  as  with  tribes  far 
southward,  towards  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Each  branch  of 
traffic  was  the  monopoly  of  the  family  or  clan  by  whom 
it  was  opened.  They  might,  if  they  could,  punish  inters 
lopers,  by  stripping  them  of  all  they  possessed,  unless  the 
latter  had  succeeded  in  reaching  home  with  the  fruits 
of  their  trade,  — in  which  case  the  outraged  monopolists 
had  no  further  right  of  redress,  and  could  not  attempt 
it  without  a breaking  of  the  public  peace,  and  exposure 
to  the  authorized  vengeance  of  the  other  party Their 
fisheries,  too,  were  regulated  by  customs  having  the 
force  of  laws.  These  pursuits,  with  their  hunting,  — in 
which  they  were  aided  by  a wolfish  breed  of  dogs  unable 
to  bark,  — consumed  the  autumn  and  early  winter;  but 
before  the  new  year  the  greater  part  of  the  men  were 
gathered  in  their  villages. 

Now  followed  their  festal  season  ; for  it  was  the  season 
of  idleness  for  the  men,  and  of  leisure  for  the  women. 
Feasts,  gambling,  smoking,  and  dancing  filled  the  vacant 
hours.  Like  other  Indians,  the  Hurons  were  desperate 
gamblers,  staking  their  all, — ornaments,  clothing,  canoes, 
pipes,  weapons,  and  wives.  One  of  their  principal  games 
was  played  with  plum-stones,  or  wooden  lozenges,  black 
on  one  side  and  white  on  the  other.  These  were  tossed 
up  in  a wooden  bowl,  by  striking  it  sharply  upon  the 
ground,  and  the  players  betted  on  the  black  or  white. 

1 Champlain  (1627),  84. 

2 Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1636,  156  (Cramoisy). 


HUIION  FESTIVITIES. 


XXXVU 


Sometimes  a village  challenged  a neighboring  village. 
The  game  was  played  in  one  of  the  houses.  Strong 
poles  were  extended  from  side  to  side,  and  on  these  sat 
or  perched  the  company,  party  facing  party,  while  two 
players  struck  the  bowl  on  the  ground  between.  Bets 
ran  high ; and  Brebeuf  relates,  that  once,  in  midwinter, 
with  the  snow  nearly  three  feet  deep,  the  men  of  his  vil- 
lage returned  from  a gambling  visit,  bereft  of  their  leg- 
gins,  and  barefoot,  yet  in  excellent  humor. ^ Ludicrous 
as  it  may  appear,  these  games  were  often  medical  pre- 
scriptions, and  designed  as  a cure  of  the  sick. 

Their  feasts  and  dances  were  of  various  character, 
social,  medical,  and  mystical  or  religious.  Some  of 
their  feasts  were  on  a scale  of  extravagant  profusion. 
A vain  or  ambitious  host  threw  all  his  substance  into  one 
entertainment,  inviting  the  whole  village,  and  perhaps 
several  neighboring  villages  also.  In  the  winter  of  1635 
there  was  a feast  at  the  village  of  Contarrea,  where 
thirty  kettles  were  on  the  tires,  and  twenty  deer  and 
four  bears  were  served  up.^  The  invitation  was  simple. 
The  messenger  addressed  the  desired  guest  with  the  con- 
cise summons,  Come  and  eat  ” ; and  to  refuse  was  a 
grave  offence.  He  took  his  dish  and  spoon,  and  repaired 
to  the  scene  of  festivity.  Each,  as  he  entered,  greeted 
his  host  with  the  guttural  ejaculation,  Ho ! and  ranged 
himself  with  the  rest,  squatted  on  the  earthen  floor  or  on 
the  platform  along  the  sides  of  the  house.  The  kettles 
were  slung  over  the  fires  in  the  midst.  First,  there  was 
a long  prelude  of  lugubrious  singing.  Then  the  host,  who 

i BreTeuf,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1636,  113.- — This  game  is  still  a favor- 
ite among  the  Iroquois,  some  of  whom  hold  to  the  belief  that  they  will 
play  it  after  death  in  the  realms  of  bliss.  In  all  their  important  games 
of  chance,  they  employed  charms,  incantations,  and  all  the  resources  of 
their  magical  art,  to  gain  good  luck. 

Brebouf,  Relation  des  Uurons,  1636,  111. 

d 


XXXVlll 


INTRODUCTION. 


took  no  share  in  the  feast,  proclaimed  in  a loud  voice  the 
contents  of  each  kettle  in  turn,  and  at  each  announce- 
ment the  company  responded  in  unison,  Ho!  The  at- 
tendant squaws  filled  with  their  ladles  the  bowls  of  all 
the  guests.  There  was  talking,  laughing,  jesting,  sing- 
ing, and  smoking ; and  at  times  the  entertainment  was 
protracted  through  the  day. 

When  the  feast  had  a medical  or  mystic  character,  it 
was  indispensable  that  each  guest  should  devour  the 
whole  of  the  portion  given  him,  however  enormous. 
Should  he  fail,  the  host  would  be  outraged,  the  com- 
munity shocked,  and  the  spirits  roused  to  vengeance. 
Disaster  would  befall  the  nation,  — death,  perhaps,  the 
individual.  In  some  cases,  the  imagined  efficacy  of  the 
feast  was  proportioned  to  the  rapidity  with  which  the 
viands  were  despatched.  Prizes  of  tobacco  were  offered 
to  the  most  rapid  feeder ; and  the  spectacle  then  became 
truly  porcine.^  These  festins  d manger  tout  were  much 
dreaded  by  many  of  the  Hurons,  who,  however,  were 
never  known  to  decline  them. 

Invitation  to  a dance  was  no  less  concise  than  to  a 
feast.  Sometimes  a crier  proclaimed  the  approaching 
festivity  through  the  village.  The  house  was  crowded. 
Old  men,  old  women,  and  children  thronged  the  plat- 
forms, or  clung  to  the  poles  which  supported  the  sides 
and  roof.  Fires  were  raked  out,  and  the  earthen  floor 
cleared.  Two  chiefs  sang  at  the  top  of  their  voices, 
keeping  time  to  their  song  with  tortoise-shell  rattles. ^ 

1 This  superstition  was  not  confined  to  the  Hurons,  but  extended  to 
many  otlier  tribes,  including,  probably,  all  the  Algonquins,  with  some  of 
which  it  holds  in  full  force  to  this  day.  A feaster,  unable  to  do  his  full 
part,  might,  if  he  could,  hire  another  to  aid  him  ; otherwise,  he  must 
remain  in  his  place  till  the  w'ork  was  done. 

2 Sagard  gives  specimens  of  their  songs.  In  both  dances  and  feasts 
there  was  no  little  variety.  These  were  sometimes  combined.  It  is  im- 


HUKON  CANNIBALISM. 


XXXIX 


The  men  danced  with  great  violence  and  gesticulation ; 
the  women,  with  a much  more  measured  action.  The 
former  were  nearly  divested  of  clothing,  — in  mystical 
dances,  sometimes  wholly  so  ; and,  from  a superstitious 
motive,  this  was  now  and  then  the  case  with  the  women. 
Both,  however,  were  abundantly  decorated  with  paint, 
oil,  beads,  wampum,  trinkets,  and  feathers. 

Religious  festivals,  councils,  the  entertainment  of  an 
envoy,  the  inauguration  of  a chief,  were  all  occasions  of 
festivity,  in  which  social  pleasure  was  joined  with  mat- 
ter  of  grave  import,  and  whicli  at  times  gathered  nearly 
all  the  nation  into  one  great  and  harmonious  concourse. 
Warlike  expeditions,  too,  were  always  preceded  by  feast- 
ing, at  which  the  warriors  vaunted  the  fame  of  their  an- 
cestors, and  their  own  past  and  prospective  exploits.  A 
hideous  scene  of  feasting  followed  the  torture  of  a pris- 
oner. Like  the  torture  itself,  it  was,  among  the  Hurons, 
partly  an  act  of  vengeance,  and  partly  a religious  rite. 
If  the  victim  had  shown  courage,  the  heart  was  first 
roasted,  cut  into  small  pieces,  and  given  to  the  young 
men  and  boys,  who  devoured  it  to  increase  their  own 
courage.  The  body  was  then  divided,  thrown  into  the 
kettles,  and  eaten  by  the  assembly,  the  head  being  the 
portion  of  the  chief.  Many  of  the  Hurons  joined  in 
the  feast  with  reluctance  and  horror,  while  others  took 
pleasure  in  it.^  This  was  the  only  form  of  cannibal- 

possible,  in  brief  space,  to  indicate  more  than  their  general  features.  In 
tlie  famous  “ war-dance,”  — which  was  frequently  danced,  as  it  still  is, 
for  amusement, — speeches,  exhortations,  jests,  personal  satire,  and  rep- 
artee were  commonly  introduced  as  a part  of  the  performance,  some- 
times by  way  of  patriotic  stimulus,  sometimes  for  amusement.  The 
music  in  this  case  was  the  drum  and  the  war-song.  Some  of  the  other 
dances  were  also  interspersed  with  speeches  and  sharp  witticisms,  always 
taken  in  good  part,  though  Lafitau  says  that  he  has  seen  the  victim  so 
pitilessly  bantered  that  he  was  forced  to  hide  his  head  in  his  blanket. 

1 “II  y en  a qui  en  mangent  auec  plaisir.”  — Brebeuf,  Relation  dea 


xl 


INTRODUCTIOK 


ism  among  them,  since,  unlike  the  wandering  Algon- 
quins,  they  were  rarely  under  the  desperation  of  extreme 
famine. 

A great  knowledge  of  simples  for  the  cure  of  disease 
is  popularly  ascribed  to  the  Indian.  Here,  however,  as 
elsewhere,  his  knowledge  is  in  fact  scanty.  He  rarely 
reasons  from  cause  to  effect,  or  from  effect  to  cause 
Disease,  in  his  belief,  is  the  result  of  sorcery,  the  agency 
of  spirits  or  supernatural  influences,  undefined  and  inde- 
finable. The  Indian  doctor  was  a conjurer,  and  his  reme- 
dies were  to  the  last  degree  preposterous,  ridiculous,  or 
revolting.  The  well-known  Indian  sweating-bath  is  the 
most  prominent  of  the  few  means  of  cure  based  on  agen- 
cies simply  physical ; and  this,  with  all  the  other  natural 
remedies,  was  applied,  not  by  the  professed  doctor,  but 
by  the  sufferer  himself,  or  his  friends.^ 

Tlie  Indian  doctor  beat,  shook,  and  pinched  his  patient, 
howled,  whooped,  rattled  a tortoise-shell  at  his  ear  to  ex- 
pel the  evil  spirit,  bit  him  till  blood  flowed,  and  then 
displayed  in  triumph  a small  piece  of  wood,  bone,  or  iron, 
which  he  had  hidden  in  his  mouth,  and  which  he  affirmed 

Hiirons,  1636, 121.  — Le  Mercier  gives  a description  of  one  of  these  scenes, 
at  which  he  was  present.  {Ibid.,  1637,  118.)  The  same  horrible  practice 
prevailed  to  a greater  extent  among  the  Iroquois.  One  of  the  most  re- 
markable instances  of  Indian  cannibalism  is  that  furnished  by  a Western 
tribe,  the  Miamis,  among  whom  there  was  a clan,  or  family,  whose  heredi- 
tary duty  and  privilege  it  was  to  devour  the  bodies  of  prisoners  burned 
to  death.  The  act  had  somewhat  of  a religious  character,  was  attended 
with  ceremonial  observances,  and  was  restricted  to  the  family  in  question. 
— See  Hon.  Lewis  Cass,  in  the  appendix  to  Colonel  Whiting’s  poem, 
“ Ontwa.’^ 

1 The  Indians  had  many  simple  applications  for  wounds,  said  to  have 
been  very  efficacious  ; but  the  purity  of  their  blood,  owing  to  tlie  absence 
from  their  diet  of  condiments  and  stimulants,  as  well  as  to  their  active 
habits,  aided  the  remedy.  In  general,  they  were  remarkably  exempt 
from  disease  or  deformity,  though  often  seriously  injured  by  alternations 
of  hunger  and  excess.  The  Ilurons  sometimes  died  from  the  effects  of 
their  festins  a manger  tout. 


HURON  MEDICINE. 


xli 


was  the  source  of  the  disease,  now  happily  removed.  ^ 
Sometimes  he  prescribed  a dance,  feast,  or  game  ; and  the 
whole  village  bestirred  themselves  to  fulfil  the  injunction 
to  the  letter.  They  gambled  away  their  all ; they  gorged 
themselves  like  vultures ; they  danced  or  played  ball 
naked  among  the  snow-drifts  from  morning  till  night. 
At  a medical  feast,  some  strange  or  unusual  act  was  com- 
monly enjoined  as  vital  to  the  patient’s  cure : as,  for 
example,  the  departing  guest,  in  place  of  the  customary 
monosyllable  of  thanks,  was  required  to  greet  his  host 
with  an  ugly  grimace.  Sometimes,  by  prescription,  half 
the  village  would  throng  into  the  house  where  the  pa- 
tient lay,  led  by  old  women  disguised  with  the  heads  and 
skins  of  bears,  and  beating  with  sticks  on  sheets  of  dry 
bark.  Here  the  assembly  danced  and  whooped  for  hours 
together,  with  a din  to  which  a civilized  patient  would 
promptly  have  succumbed.  Sometimes  the  doctor  wrought 
himself  into  a prophetic  fury,  raving  through  the  length 
and  breadth  of  the  dwelling,  snatching  firebrands  and 
flinging  them  about  him,  to  the  terror  of  the  squaws, 
with  whom,  in  their  combustible  tenements,  fire  was  a 
constant  bugbear. 

Among  the  Hurons  and  kindred  tribes,  disease  was 
frequently  ascribed  to  some  hidden  wish  ungratified. 
Hence  the  patient  was  overwhelmed  with  gifts,  in  the 
hope,  that,  in  their  multiplicity,  the  desideratum  might 
be  supplied.  Kettles,  skins,  awls,  pipes,  wampum,  fish- 
hooks, weapons,  objects  of  every  conceivable  variety,  were 

1 The  Hurons  believed  that  the  chief  cause  of  disease  and  death  was 
a monstrous  serpent,  that  lived  under  the  earth.  By  touching  a tuft  of 
hair,  a feather,  or  a fragment  of  bone,  with  a portion  of  his  flesh  or  fat, 
the  sorcerer  imparted  power  to  it  of  entering  the  body  of  his  victim,  and 
gradually  killing  him.  It  was  an  important  part  of  the  doctor’s  function 
to  extract  these  charms  from  the  vitals  of  his  patient.  — Ragueneau,  Rda- 
tion  des  Hurons,  1648,  75. 


xlii 


INTRODUCTION. 


piled  before  liim  by  a host  of  charitable  contributors ; 
and  if,  as  often  happened,  a dream,  the  Indian  oracle, 
had  revealed  to  the  sick  man  the  secret  of  his  cure,  his 
demands  were  never  refused,  however  extravagant,  idle, 
nauseous,  or  abominable.  ^ Hence  it  is  no  matter  of 
wonder  that  sudden  illness  and  sudden  cures  were  fre- 
quent among  the  Hurons.  The  patient  reaped  profit,  and 
the  doctor  both  profit  and  honor. 

THE  HURON-IROQUOIS  FAMILY. 

And  now,  before  entering  upon  the  very  curious  sub- 
ject of  Indian  social  and  tribal  organization,  it  may  be 
well  briefly  to  observe  the  position  and  prominent  distinc- 
tive features  of  the  various  communities  speaking  dialects 
of  the  generic  tongue  of  the  Iroquois.  In  this  remarka- 

I “ Dans  le  pays  de  nos  Hurons,  il  se  faict  aussi  des  assemblees  de 
toutes  les  filles  d’vn  bourg  aupres  d’vne  malade,  tant  k sa  priere,  suyuant 
la  resuerie  ou  le  songe  qu’elle  en  aura  eue,  que  par  rordonnance  de  Loki 
{the  doctor),  pour  sa  sante  et  guerison.  Les  filles  ainsi  assemblees,  on  leur 
demande  a toutes,  les  vnes  apres  les  autres,  celuy  qu’elles  veulent  des 
ieunes  hommes  du  bourg  pour  dormir  auec  elles  la  nuict  prochaine  : elles 
en  nomment  chacune  vn,  qui  sont  aussi-tost  aduertis  par  les  Maistres  de  la 
ceremonie,  lesquels  viennent  tons  au  soir  en  la  presence  de  la  malade 
dormir  cliacun  auec  celle  qui  I’a  choysi,  d’vn  bout  a I’autre  de  la  Cabane, 
et  passent  ainsi  toute  la  nuict,  pendant  que  deux  Capitaines  aux  deux 
bouts  du  logis  chantent  et  sonnent  de  leur  Tortue  du  soir  au  lendemain 
matin,  que  la  ceremonie  cesse.  Dieu  vueille  abolir  vne  si  damnable  et 
malheureuse  ceremonie/’  — Sagard,  Voyage  des  Iluroyis,  158.  — This  unique 
mode  of  cure,  which  was  called  Andacwandet,  is  also  described  by  Lale- 
mant,  who  saw  it.  {Relation  des  Hurons,  1639,  84.)  It  was  one  of  the 
recognized  remedies. 

For  the  medical  practices  of  the  Hurons,  see  also  Champlain,  Brebeuf, 
Lafitau,  Charlevoix,  and  other  early  writers.  Those  of  the  Algonquins 
were  in  some  points  difierent.  The  doctor  often  consulted  the  spirits,  to 
learn  the  cause  and  cure  of  the  disease,  by  a method  peculiar  to  that 
family  of  tribes.  He  shut  himself  in  a small  conical  lodge,  and  the  spirits 
here  visited  him,  manifesting  their  presence  by  a violent  shaking  of  the 
whole  structure.  This  supei'stition  will  be  described  in  another  connec- 
tion 


THE  TOBACCO  NATION. 


xliii 


ble  family  of  tribes  occur  the  fullest  devcloi)meiits  of 
Indian  character,  and  the  most  conspicuous  examples 
of  Indian  intelligence.  If  the  higher  traits  popularly 
ascribed  to  the  race  are  not  to  be  found  here,  they 
are  to  be  found  nowhere.  A palpable  proof  of  the 
superiority  of  this  stock  is  afforded  in  the  size  of  the 
Iroquois  and  Huron  brains.  In  average  internal  car 
pacity  of  the  cranium,  they  surpass,  with  few  and  doubt- 
ful exceptions,  all  other  aborigines  of  North  and  South 
America,  not  excepting  the  civilized  races  of  Mexico  and 
Peru.^ 

In  the  woody  valleys  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  south  ol 
the  Nottawassaga  Bay  of  Lake  Huron,  and  two  days’ 
journey  west  of  the  frontier  Huron  towns,  lay  the  nine 
villages  of  the  Tobacco  Nation,  or  Tionnontates.  ^ In 
manners,  as  in  language,  they  closely  resembled  the 
Hurons.  Of  old  they  were  their  enemies,  but  were  now 
at  peace  with  them,  and  about  the  year  1640  became  their 
close  confederates.  Indeed,  in  the  ruin  which  befell  that 
hapless  people,  the  Tionnontates  alone  retained  a tribal 
organization  ; and  their  descendants,  with  a trifling  ex^ 
ception,  are  to  this  day  the  sole  inheritors  of  the  Huron 
or  Wyandot  name.  Expatriated  and  wandering,  they 
held  for  generations  a paramount  influence  among  the 


1 “ On  comparing  five  Iroquois  heads,  I find  that  they  give  an  aver- 
age internal  capacity  of  eighty-eight  cubic  inches,  which  is  within  two 
inches  of  the  Caucasian  mean.”  — Morton,  Crania  Americana,  195.  — It  is 
remarkable  that  the  internal  capacity  of  the  skulls  of  the  barbarous  Amer* 
ican  tribes  is  greater  than  that  of  either  the  Mexicans  or  the  Peruvians. 
“ The  diSerence  in  volume  is  chiefly  confined  to  the  occipital  and  basal 
portions,”  — in  other  words,  to  the  region  of  the  animal  propensities;  and 
hence,  it  is  argued,  the  ferocious,  brutal,  and  uncivilizable  character  of  the 
wild  tribes.  — See  J.  S.  Phillips,  Admeasurements  of  Crania  of  the  Principal 
Groups  of  Indians  in  the  United  States, 

2 Synonpmes:  Tionnontates,  Etionontates,  Tuinontatek,  Dionondadies, 
Khionontaterrhonons,  Petuneux  or  Nation  du  Petun  (Tobacco). 


xliv 


INTRODUCTION. 


Western  tribes.^  In  their  original  seats  among  the  Blue 
Mountains,  thej  offered  an  example  extremely  rare 
among  Indians,  of  a tribe  raising  a crop  for  the  market ; 
for  they  traded  in  tobacco  largely  with  other  tribes. 
Their  Huron  confederates,  keen  traders,  would  not  suf- 
fer them  to  pass  through  their  country  to  traffic  with 
the  French,  preferring  to  secure  for  themselves  the  ad- 
vantage of  bartering  with  them  in  French  goods  at  an 
enormous  profit.^ 

Journeying  southward  five  days  from  the  Tionnontate 
towns,  the  forest  traveller  reached  the  border  villages 
of  the  Attiwaiidarons,  or  Neutral  Nation.^  As  early  as 
1626,  they  w'ere  visited  by  the  Franciscan  friar.  La  Roche 
Dallion,  who  reports  a numerous  population  in  twenty- 
eight  towns,  besides  many  small  hamlets.  Their  country, 
about  forty  leagues  in  extent,  embraced  wide  and  fertile 
districts  on  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  and  their  fron- 
tier extended  eastward  across  the  Niagara,  where  they 
had  three  or  four  outlying  towns.^  Their  name  of  Neu- 
trals was  due  to  their  neutrality  in  the  war  between  the 
Huroiis  and  the  Iroquois  proper.  The  hostile  warriors, 
meeting  in  a Neutral  cabin,  were  forced  to  keep  the  peace, 
though,  once  in  the  open  air,  the  truce  was  at  an  end. 
Yet  this  people  were  abundantly  ferocious,  and,  while 


1 “ L’ame  de  tous  les  Conseils.”  — Charlevoix,  Voyage,  199.  — In  1763 
they  were  Pontiac’s  best  warriors. 

2 On  the  Tionnontates,  see  Le  Mercier,  Relation,  1637, 163  ; Lalemant, 
Relation,  1641,  69  ; Ragueneau,  Relation,  1648,  61.  An  excellent  summary 
of  their  character  and  history,  by  Mr.  Shea,  will  be  found  in  Hist.  Mag., 
V.  262. 

3 Attiwandarons,  Attiwendaronk,  Atirhagenrenrets,  Rhagenratka 
[.Jesuit  Relations),  Attionidarons  [Sagard).  They,  and  not  the  Eries,  were 
the  Kahkwas  of  Seneca  tradition. 

4 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1641,  71.  — The  Niagara  was  then 
called  the  River  of  the  Neutrals,  or  the  Onguiaahra.  Lalemant  estimates 
the  Neutral  population,  in  1640,  at  twelve  thousand,  in  forty  villages. 


THE  NEUTRAL  NATION. 


xlv 


holding  a pacific  attitude  betwixt  their  warring  kindred, 
waged  deadly  strife  with  the  Mascoutins,  an  Algonquin 
horde  beyond  Lake  Michigan.  Indeed,  it  was  but  recently 
that  they  had  been  at  blows  with  seventeen  Algonquin 
tribes.^  They  burned  female  prisoners,  a practice  un- 
known to  the  Hurons.^  Their  country  was  full  of  game, 
and  they  were  bold  and  active  hunters.  In  form  and 
stature  they  surpassed  even  the  Huroiis,  whom  they  re- 
sembled in  their  mode  of  life,  and  from  whose  language 
their  own,  though  radically  similar,  was  dialectically  dis- 
tinct. Their  licentiousness  was  even  more  open  and 
shameless ; and  they  stood  alone  in  the  extravagance  of 
some  of  their  usages.  They  kept  their  dead  in  their 
houses  till  they  became  insupportable ; then  scraped  the 
flesh  from  the  bones,  and  displayed  them  in  rows  along 
the  walls,  there  to  remain  till  the  periodical  Feast  of  the 
Dead,  or  general  burial.  In  summer,  the  men  wore  no 
clothing  whatever,  but  were  usually  tattooed  from  head  to 
foot  with  powdered  charcoal. 

The  sagacious  Hurons  refused  them  a passage  through 
their  country  to  the  French  ; and  the  Neutrals  apparently 
had  not  sense  or  reflection  enough  to  take  the  easy  and 
direct  route  of  Lake  Ontario,  which  was  probably  open 
to  them,  though  closed  against  the  Hurons  by  Iroquois 
enmity.  Thus  the  former  made  excellent  profit  by  ex- 
changing French  goods  at  high  rates  for  the  valuable  furs 
of  the  Neutrals.^ 

1 Lettre  du  Pere  La  Roche  Dallion,  8 Juillet,  1627,  in  Le  Clerc, 
Etahlissement  de  la  Foy,  I.  346. 

2 Women  were  often  burned  by  the  Iroquois : witness  the  case  of 
Catherine  Mercier  in  1651,  and  many  cases  of  Indian  women  mentioned 
by  the  early  writers. 

3 The  Hurons  became  very  jealous,  when  La  Roche  Dallion  visited 
the  Neutrals,  lest  a direct  trade  should  be  opened  between  the  latter  and 
the  French,  against  whom  they  at  once  put  in  circulation  a variety  of 


xlvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


Southward  and  eastward  of  Lake  Erie  dwelt  a kindred 
people,  the  Eries,  or  Nation  of  the  Cat.  Little  besides 
their  existence  is  known  of  them.  They  seem  to  have 
occupied  Southwestern  New  York,  as  far  east  as  the 
Genesee,  the  frontier  of  the  Senecas,  and  in  habits  and 
language  to  have  resembled  the  Hurons.^  They  were 
noted  warriors,  fought  with  poisoned  arrows,  and  were 
long  a terror  to  the  neighboring  Iroquois.^ 

On  the  Lower  Susquehanna  dwelt  the  formidable  tribe 
called  by  the  French  Andastes.  Little  is  known  of  them, 
beyond  tlieir  general  resemblance  to  their  kindred,  in  lan- 
guage, habits,  and  character.  Fierce  and  resolute  war- 
riors, they  long  made  head  against  the  Iroquois  of  New 
York,  and  were  vanquished  at  last  more  by  disease  than 
by  the  tomahawk.^ 

In  Central  New  York,  stretching  east  and  west  from 
the  Hudson  to  the  Genesee,  lay  that  redoubted  people 


slanders  : that  they  were  a people  who  lived  on  snakes  and  venom ; that 
they  were  furnished  with  tails;  and  that  Freneh  women,  though  having 
but  one  breast,  bore  six  cliildren  at  a birth.  The  missionary  nearly  lost 
his  life  in  consequenee,  the  Neutrals  conceiving  the  idea  that  he  would 
infect  their  country  with  a pestilence.  — La  Roche  Dallion,  in  Le  Clerc, 
1.  346. 

t Ragneneau,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  4648,  46. 

2 Le  Mercier,  Relation,  1654,  10.  — “ Nous  les  appellons  la  Nation  Chat, 
k cause  qu’il  y a dans  leur  pais  vne  quantite  prodigieuse  de  Chats  sau- 
uages.”  — Ibid.  — The  Iroquois  are  said  to  have  given  the  same  name, 
Jegosasa,  Cat  Nation,  to  the  Neutrals.  — Morgan,  League  of  the  Iroquois,  41. 

Sgnoni/mes:  Erie's,  Erigns,  Eriehronon,  Riguehronon.  The  Jesuits 
never  had  a mission  among  them,  though  they  seem  to  have  been  visited 
by  Champlain’s  adventurous  interpreter,  Iltienne  Brule,  in  the  summer 
of  1615.  — They  are  probably  the  Carantoiians  of  Champlain. 

3 Gallatin  erroneously  places  the  Andastes  on  the  Alleghany,  Bancroft 
and  others  adopting  the  error.  The  research  of  Mr.  Shea  has  shown 
their  identity  with  the  Susguehannocks  of  the  English,  and  the  Minquas  of 
the  Dutch.  — See  Hist.  Mag.,  II.  294. 

Sg7ionifines : Andastes,  Andastracronnons,  Andastaeronnons,  Andasta- 
guez,  Antastoui  (French),  Susquehannocks  (English),  Mengwe,  Minquaa 
(Dutch),  Conestogas,  Conessetagoes  (English). 


THE  IROQUOIS. 


xlvii 


who  have  lent  their  name  to  the  tribal  family  of  the  Iro- 
quois, and  stamped  it  indelibly  on  the  early  pages  of 
American  history.  Among  all  the  barbarous  nations 
of  the  continent,  the  Iroquois  of  New  York  stand  para- 
mount. Elements  which  among  other  tribes  were  crude, 
confused,  and  embryotic,  were  among  them  systematized 
and  concreted  into  an  established  polity.  The  Iroquois 
was  the  Indian  of  Indians.  A thorough  savage,  yet  a 
finished  and  developed  savage,  he  is  perhaps  an  example 
of  the  highest  elevation  which  man  can  reach  without 
emerging  from  his  primitive  condition  of  the  hunter.  A 
geographical  position,  commanding  on  one  hand  the  port- 
al of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  on  the  other  the  sources  of 
the  streams  flowing  both  to  the  Atlantic  and  the  Missis- 
sippi, gave  the  ambitious  and  aggressive  confederates  ad- 
vantages which  they  perfectly  understood,  and  by  which 
they  profited  to  the  utmost.  Patient  and  politic  as  they 
were  ferocious,  they  were  not  only  conquerors  of  their 
own  race,  but  the  powerful  allies  and  the  dreaded  foes  of 
the  French  and  English  colonics,  flattered  and  caressed 
by  both,  yet  too  sagacious  to  give  themselves  without 
reserve  to  either.  Their  organization  and  tlieir  history 
evince  their  intrinsic  superiority.  Even  their  traditionary 
lore,  amid  its  wild  puerilities,  shows  at  times  the  stamp 
of  an  energy  and  force  in  striking  contrast  with  the  flimsy 
creations  of  Algonquin  fancy.  That  the  Iroquois,  left 
under  their  institutions  to  work  out  their  destiny  undis- 
turbed, would  ever  have  developed  a civilization  of  their 
own,  I do  not  believe.  These  institutions,  however,  aro 
sufficiently  characteristic  and  curious,  and  we  shall  soon 
have  occasion  to  observe  tlieui.^ 

1 The  name  Iroquois  is  French.  Charlevoix  says  : “II  a ete  forme  du 
terme  Jlho,  ou  Hero,  qiii  signifie  J’ai  dit,  et  par  lequel  ces  sauvages 
finissent  tons  leur  discours,  comme  les  Latins  faisoient  autrefois  par  leur 


xlviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION. 

In  Indian  social  organization,  a problem  at  once  suggests 
itself.  In  these  communities,  comparatively  populous, 
how  could  spirits  so  fierce,  and  in  many  respects  so  un- 
governed, live  together  in  peace,  without  law  and  without 
enforced  authority  ? Yet  there  were  towns  where  sav 
ages  lived  together  in  thousands  with  a harmony  wliich 
civilization  might  envy.  This  was  in  good  measure  due 
to  peculiarities  of  Indian  character  and  habits.  This 
intractable  race  were,  in  certain  external  respects,  the 
most  pliant  and  complaisant  of  mankind.  The  early  mis- 
sionaries were  charmed  by  the  docile  acquiescence  with 
which  their  dogmas  were  received ; but  they  soon  discov- 
ered that  their  facile  auditors  neither  believed  nor  under- 
stood that  to  which  they  had  so  promptly  assented  They 
assented  from  a kind  of  courtesy,  which,  while  it  vexed 
the  priests,  tended  greatly  to  keep  the  Indians  in  mutual 


Dixi;  et  de  Koiuf,  qui  est  un  cri  tan  tot  de  tristesse,  lorsqu’on  le  prononce 
en  trainant,  et  tantot  de  joye,  quand  on  le  prononce  plus  court.”  — Hist, 
de  la  N.  F.,  I.  271.  — Their  true  name  is  Ilodenosaunee^  or  People  of  the 
Long  House,  because  their  confederacy  of  five  distinct  nations,  ranged  in 
a line  along  Central  New  York,  was  likened  to  one  of  the  long  bark 
houses  already  described,  with  five  fires  and  five  families.  The  name  Ag- 
onnonsionni,  or  Aquanuscioni,  ascribed  to  them  by  Lafitau  and  Charlevoix, 
who  translated  it  “ House-Makers,”  Faiseurs  de  Cabannes,  may  be  a conver- 
sion of  the  true  name  with  an  erroneous  rendering.  The  following  are  the 
true  names  of  the  five  nations  severally,  with  their  Prench  and  English 
synonymes.  For  other  synonymes,  see  “ History  of  the  Conspiracy  of 
Pontiac,”  8,  note. 

English.  French. 


Ganeagaono, 

Onayotekaono, 

Onundagaono, 

Gweugwehono, 

Nundawaono, 


Mohawk, 

Oneida, 

Onondaga, 

Cayuga, 

Seneca, 


Agnier. 

Onneyut. 

Onnontague. 

Goyogouin. 

Tsonnontouans. 


The  Iroquois  termination  in  ono  — or  mon,  as  the  French  write  it  — 
simply  means  people. 


INDIAN  GENEROSITY. 


xlix 


accord.  That  well-known  self-control,  which,  originating 
in  a form  of  pride,  covered  the  savage  nature  of  the  man 
with  a veil,  opaque,  though  thin,  contributed  not  a little  to 
the  same  end.  Though  vain,  arrogant,  boastful,  and  vin- 
dictive, the  Indian  bore  abuse  and  sarcasm  with  an  aston- 
ishing patience.  Though  greedy  and  grasping,  he  was 
lavish  without  stint,  and  would  give  away  his  all  to  soothe 
the  manes  of  a departed  relative,  gain  influence  and  ap- 
plause, or  ingratiate  himself  with  his  neighbors.  In  his 
dread  of  public  opinion,  he  rivalled  some  of  his  civilized 
successors. 

All  Indians,  and  especially  these  populous  and  sta- 
tionary tribes,  had  their  code  of  courtesy,  whose  require- 
ments were  rigid  and  exact ; nor  might  any  infringe  it 
without  the  ban  of  public  censure.  Indian  nature,  in- 
flexible and  unmalleable,  was  peculiarly  under  the  con- 
trol of  custom.  Established  usage  took  the  place  of  law, 

— was,  in  fact,  a sort  of  common  law,  with  no  tribunal 
to  expound  or  enforce  it.  In  these  wild  democracies, 

— democracies  in  spirit,  though  not  in  form,  — a respect 
for  native  superiority,  and  a willingness  to  yield  to  it, 
were  always  conspicuous.  All  were  prompt  to  aid  each 
other  in  distress,  and  a neighborly  spirit  was  often 
exhibited  among  them.  When  a young  woman  was  per- 
manently married,  the  other  women  of  the  village  sup- 
plied her  with  firewood  for  the  year,  each  contributing  an 
armful.  When  one  or  more  families  were  without  shel- 
ter, the  men  of  the  village  joined  in  building  them  a 
house.  In  return,  the  recipients  of  the  favor  gave  a feast, 
if  they  could  ; if  not,  their  thanks  were  sufficient.^ 

1 The  following  testimony  concerning  Indian  charity  and  hospitality 
is  from  Ragueneau : ‘‘  As  often  as  we  have  seen  tribes  broken  up,  towns 
destroyed,  and  their  people  driven  to  flight,  we  have  seen  them,  to  the 
number  of  seven  or  eight  hundred  persons,  received  with  open  arms  by 


1 


INTRODUCTION. 


Among  the  Iroquois  and  Hurons  — and  doubtless  among 
the  kindred  tribes  — there  were  marked  distinctions  of 
noble  and  base,  prosperous  and  poor ; yet,  while  there 
was  food  in  the  village,  the  meanest  and  the  poorest  need 
not  suffer  want.  He  had  but  to  enter  the  nearest  house, 
and  seat  himself  by  the  fire,  when,  without  a word  on 
either  side,  food  was  placed  before  him  by  the  women.^ 

Contrary  to  the  received  opinion,  these  Indians,  like 
others  of  their  race,  when  living  in  communities,  were  of 
a very  social  disposition.  Besides  their  incessant  dances 
and  feasts,  great  and  small,  they  were  continually  visit- 
ing, spending  most  of  their  time  in  their  neighbors’ 
houses,  chatting,  joking,  bantering  one  another  with  wit- 
ticisms, sharp,  broad,  and  in  no  sense  delicate,  yet 
always  taken  in  good  part.  Every  village  liad  its  adepts 
in  these  wordy  tournaments,  while  the  shrill  laugh  of 
young  squaws,  untaught  to  blush,  echoed  each  hardy  jest 
or  rough  sarcasm. 

In  the  organization  of  the  savage  communities  of  the 
continent,  one  feature,  more  or  less  conspicuous,  con- 
tinually appears.  Each  nation  or  tribe  — to  adopt  the 
names  by  which  these  communities  are  usually  known  — 
is  subdivided  into  several  clans.  These  clans  are  not 

charitable  hosts,  who  gladly  gave  them  aid,  and  even  distributed  among 
them  a part  of  the  lands  already  planted,  that  they  might  have  the  means 
of  living.”  — Relation,  1650,  28. 

1 The  Jesuit  Brebeuf,  than  whom  no  one  knew  the  Hurons  better,  is 
very  emphatic  in  praise  of  their  harmony  and  social  spirit.  Speaking  of 
one  of  the  four  nations  of  which  the  Hurons  were  composed,  he  says : 
“ Ils  ont  vne  douceur  et  vne  affabilite  quasi  incroyable  pour  des  Sau- 
uages ; ils  ne  se  picquent  pas  aisement.  ...  Ils  se  maintiennent  dans 
cette  si  parfaite  intelligence  par  les  frequentes  visites,  les  secours  qu’ils 
se  donnent  mutuellement  dans  leurs  maladies,  par  les  festins  et  les 
alliances.  ...  Ils  sont  moins  en  leurs  Cabanes  que  chez  leurs  amis 
. . . S’ils  ont  vn  bon  morceau,  ils  en  font  festin  a leurs  amis,  et  ne  le  man 
gent  quasi  iamais  en  leur  particulier,”  qIq.  — Relation  des  Hurons,  1636, 
118. 


INDIAN  RULE  OF  DESCENT. 


li 


locally  separate,  but  are  mingled  tlirougliout  the  nation. 
All  the  members  of  each  clan  are,  or  are  assumed  to  be, 
intimately  joined  in  consanguinity.  Hence  it  is  held  an 
abomination  for  two  persons  of  the  same  clan  to  inter- 
marry; and  hence,  again,  it  follows  that  every  family 
must  contain  members  of  at  least  two  clans.  Each  clan 
has  its  name,  as  the  clan  of  the  Hawk,  of  the  Wolf,  or  of 
the  Tortoise ; and  each  has  for  its  emblem  the  figure 
of  the  beast,  bird,  reptile,  plant,  or  other  object,  from 
which  its  name  is  derived.  This  emblem,  called  totem  by 
the  Algonquins,  is  often  tattooed  on  the  clansman’s  body, 
or  rudely  painted  over  the  entrance  of  his  lodge.  The  child 
belongs,  in  most  cases,  to  the  clan,  not  of  the  father,  but  of 
the  mother.  In  other  words,  descent,  not  of  the  totem 
alone,  but  of  all  rank,  titles,  and  possessions,  is  through  the 
female.  The  son  of  a chief  can  never  be  a chief  by  hered- 
itary title,  though  he  may  become  so  by  force  of  personal 
influence  or  achievement.  Neither  can  he  inherit  from 
his  father  so  much  as  a tobacco-pipe.  All  possessions 
alike  pass  of  right  to  the  brothers  of  the  chief,  or  to  the 
sons  of  his  sisters,  since  these  are  all  sprung  from  a 
common  mother.  This  rule  of  descent  was  noticed  by 
Champlain  among  the  Hurons  in  1615.  That  excellent 
observer  refers  it  to  an  origin  which  is  doubtless  its  true 
one.  The  child  may  not  be  the  son  of  his  reputed  father, 
but  must  be  the  son  of  his  mother,  — a consideration  of 
more  than  ordinary  force  in  an  Indian  community.^ 


1 “Les  enfans  ne  succedent  iamais  aux  biens  et  dignitez  de  leurs 
peres,  doubtant  comine  i’ay  dit  de  leur  geniteur,  mais  bien  font-ils  leurs 
successeurs  et  heritiers,  les  enfans  de  leurs  sceurs,  et  desquels  ils  sent 
asseurez  d’estre  yssus  et  sortis.”  — Champlain  (1627),  91- 

Captain  John  Smith  had  observed  the  same,  several  years  before, 
among  the  tribes  of  Virginia:  “For  the  Crowne,  their  heyres  inherito 
not.  but  the  first  heyres  of  the  Sisters.”  — True  Relation,  43  (ed.  Deane). 


lu 


INTRODUCTION. 


This  system  of  clanship,  with  the  rule  of  descent  usu- 
ally belonging  to  it,  was  of  very  wide  prevalence.  Indeed, 
it  is  more  than  probable  that  close  observation  would 
have  detected  it  in  every  tribe  east  of  the  Mississippi ; 
while  there  is  positive  evidence  of  its  existence  in  by  far 
the  greater  number.  It  is  found  also  among  the  Dah- 
cotah  and  other  tribes  west  of  the  Mississippi;  and  tliere 
is  reason  to  believe  it  universally  prevalent  as  far  as  the 
Kocky  Mountains,  and  even  beyond  them.  The  fact  that 
with  most  of  these  hordes  there  is  little  property  worth 
transmission,  and  that  the  most  influential  becomes  chief, 
with  little  regard  to  inheritance,  has  blinded  casual  ob- 
servers to  the  existence  of  this  curious  system. 

It  was  found  in  full  development  among  the  Creeks, 
Choctaws,  Cherokees,  and  other  Southern  tribes,  includ- 
ing that  remarkable  people,  the  Natchez,  who,  judged  by 
their  religious  and  political  institutions,  seem  a detached 
oflshoot  of  the  Toltec  family.  It  is  no  less  conspicuous 
among  the  roving  Algonquins  of  the  extreme  North, 
where  the  number  of  totems  is  almost  countless.  Every- 
where  it  formed  the  foundation  of  the  polity  of  all  the 
tribes,  where  a polity  could  be  said  to  exist. 

The  Franciscans  and  Jesuits,  close  students  of  the 
languages  and  superstitions  of  the  Indians,  were  by  no 
means  so  zealous  to  analyze  their  organization  and  gov- 
ernment. In  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
Hurons  as  a nation  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  their  politi- 
cal portraiture,  as  handed  down  to  us,  is  careless  and  un- 
finished. Yet  some  decisive  features  are  plainly  shown. 
The  Huron  nation  was  a confederacy  of  four  distinct  con- 
tiguous nations,  afterwards  increased  to  five  by  the  addi- 
tion of  the  Tionnontates  ; — it  was  divided  into  clans  ; — 
it  was  governed  by  chiefs,  whose  office  was  hereditary 
through  the  female  ; ■ — the  power  of  these  chiefs,  tliough 


THE  IROQUOIS.  — THEIR  ORIGIN 


liii 


great,  was  wholly  of  a persuasive  or  advisory  character ; 
— there  were  two  principal  chiefs,  one  for  peace,  the 
other  for  war ; — there  were  chiefs  assigned  to  special 
national  functions,  as  the  charge  of  tlie  great  Feast  of 
the  Dead,  the  direction  of  trading  voyages  to  other  na- 
tions, etc.;  — there  were  numerous  other  chiefs,  equal 
in  rank,  but  very  unequal  in  influence,  since  the  meas- 
ure of  their  influence  depended  on  the  measure  of  their 
personal  ability ; — each  nation  of  the  confederacy  had 
a separate  organization,  but  at  certain  periods  grand 
councils  of  the  united  nations  were  held,  at  which  were 
present,  not  chiefs  only,  but  also  a great  concourse  of 
the  people ; and  at  these  and  other  councils  the  chiefs 
and  principal  men  voted  on  proposed  measures  by  means 
of  small  sticks  or  reeds,  the  opinion  of  the  plurality 
ruling.^ 


THE  IROQUOIS. 

The  Iroquois  were  a people  far  more  conspicuous  m 
history,  and  their  institutions  are  not  yet  extinct.  In 
early  and  recent  times,  they  have  been  closely  studied, 
and  no  little  liglit  has  been  cast  upon  a subject  as  diffi- 
cult and  obscure  as  it  is  curious.  By  comparing  the 

1 These  facts  are  gathered  here  and  there  from  Champlain,  Sagard, 
Bressani,  and  the  Jesuit  Relations  prior  to  1650.  Of  the  Jesuits.  Brebeuf 
is  the  most  full  and  satisfactory.  Lafitau  and  Charlevoix  knew  the  Huron 
institutions  only  through  others. 

Tlie  names  of  the  four  confederate  Huron  nations  were  the  Ata* 
ronchronons,  Attignenonghac,  Attignaouentans,  and  Ahrendarrhonons. 
There  was  also  a subordinate  “nation”  called  Tohotaenrat,  which  had 
but  one  town.  (See  the  map  of  the  Huron  Country.)  They  all  bore  the 
name  of  some  animal  or  other  object:  thus  the  Attignaouentans  were  the 
Nation  of  the  Bear.  As  the  clans  are  usually  named  after  animals,  this 
makes  confusion,  and  may  easily  lead  to  error.  The  Bear  Nation  was  the 
principal  member  of  the  league. 

e* 


liv 


INTRODUCTION. 


statements  of  observers,  old  and  new,  the  character  of 
their  singular  organization  becomes  sufficiently  clear.^ 
Both  reason  and  tradition  point  to  the  conclusion,  that 
the  Iroquois  formed  originally  one  undivided  people. 
Sundered,  like  countless  other  tribes,  by  dissension, 
caprice,  or  the  necessities  of  the  hunter  life,  they  sepa- 
rated into  five  distinct  nations,  cantoned  from  east  to 
west  along  the  centre  of  New  York,  in  the  following 
order : Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  Senecas. 
There  was  discord  among  them  ; wars  followed,  and  they 
lived  ill  mutual  fear,  eacli  ensconced  in  its  palisaded 
villages.  At  length,  says  tradition,  a celestial  being,  in- 
carnate on  earth,  counselled  them  to  compose  their  strife 
and  unite  in  a league  of  defence  and  aggression.  An- 
other personage,  wholly  mortal,  yet  wonderfully  endowed, 
a renowned  warrior  and  a mighty  magician,  stands,  with 
his  hair  of  writhing  snakes,  grotesquely  conspicuous 
through  the  dim  light  of  tradition  at  this  birth  of  Iro- 
quois nationality.  This  was  Atotarho,  a chief  of  the 
Onondagas ; and  from  this  honored  source  has  sprung  a 


1 Among  modern  students  of  Iroquois  institutions,  a place  far  in  ad- 
vance of  all  others  is  due  to  Lewis  H.  Morgan,  himself  an  Iroquois  by 
adoption,  and  intimate  with  the  race  from  boyhood.  His  work.  The 
League  of  the  Iroquois,  is  a production  of  most  thorough  and  able  research, 
conducted  under  peculiar  advantages,  and  with  the  aid  of  an  efficient  co- 
laborer, Hasanoanda  (Ely  S.  Parker),  an  educated  and  highly  intelligent 
Iroquois  of  the  Seneca  nation.  Though  often  differing  widely  from  Mr. 
Morgan’s  conclusions,  I cannot  bear  a too  emphatic  testimony  to  the 
value  of  his  researches.  The  Notes  on  the  Iroquois  of  Mr.  H.  R.  School- 
craft also  contain  some  interesting  facts ; but  here,  as  in  all  Mr.  School- 
craft’s productions,  the  reader  must  scrupulously  reserve  his  right  of 
private  judgment.  None  of  the  old  writers  are  so  satisfactory  as  Lafitau. 
His  work,  Moeurs  des  Sauvages  Ameriquains  comparees  aux  Moeurs  des  Pre- 
miers Temps,  relates  chiefly  to  the  Iroquois  and  Hurons : the  basis  for  his 
account  of  the  former  being  his  own  observations  and  those  of  Eather 
Julien  Gamier,  who  was  a missionary  among  them  more  than  sixty 
years,  from  his  novitiate  to  his  death. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 


Iv 


long  line  of  chieftains,  heirs  not  to  the  blood  alone,  but  to 
the  name  of  their  great  predecessor.  A few  years  since, 
there  lived  in  Onondaga  Hollow  a handsome  Indian  boy 
on  wliom  the  dwindled  remnant  of  the  nation  looked 
with  pride  as  their  destined  Atotarho.  With  earthly 
and  celestial  aid  the  league  was  consummated,  and 
through  all  the  land  the  forests  trembled  at  the  name  of 
tlie  Iroquois.  * 

The  Iroquois  people  was  divided  into  eiglit  clans. 
When  tlie  original  stock  was  sundered  into  five  parts, 
each  of  these  clans  was  also  sundered  into  five  parts ; 
and  as,  by  the  principle  already  indicated,  the  clans 
were  intimately  mingled  in  every  village,  hamlet,  and 
cabin,  each  one  of  the  five  nations  had  its  portion  of 
each  of  the  eight  clans. ^ When  the  league  was  formed, 
these  separate  portions  readily  resumed  their  ancient 
tie  of  fraternity.  Thus,  of  the  Turtle  clan,  all  the 
members  became  brothers  again,  nominal  members  of 
one  family,  whether  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cay- 
iigas,  or  Senecas  ; and  so,  too,  of  the  remaining  clans. 
All  the  Iroquois,  irrespective  of  nationality,  were  there- 
fore divided  into  eight  families,  each  tracing  its  descent 
to  a common  mother,  and  each  designated  by  its  distinc- 

1 With  a view  to  clearness,  the  above  statement  is  made  categorical. 
It  requires,  however,  to  be  qualified.  It  is  not  quite  certain,  that,  at  the 
formation  of  the  confederacy,  there  were  eight  clans,  though  there  is 
positive  proof  of  the  existence  of  seven.  Neither  is  it  certain,  that,  at 
the  separation,  every  clan  was  represented  in  every  nation.  Among  the 
Mohawks  and  Oneidas  there  is  no  positive  proof  of  the  existence  of  more 
than  three  clans,  — the  Wolf,  Bear,  and  Tortoise;  though  there  is  pre- 
sumptive evidence  of  the  existence  of  several  others.  — See  Morgan, 
81,  note. 

The  eight  clans  of  the  Iroquois  were  as  follows  : Wolf,  Bear,  Beaver, 
Tortoise,  Deer,  Snipe,  Heron,  Hawk.  (Morgan,  79.)  The  clans  of  the 
Snipe  and  the  Heron  are  the  same  designated  in  an  early  French  docu- 
ment as  L<l  famille  du  Petit  Pluvier  and  La  famille  da  Grand  Plavier, 
{Neio  York  Coonial  Documents,  IX.  47.)  The  anonymous  author  of  this 
document  adds  a ninth  clan,  that  of  the  Potato,  meaning  the  wild  Indian 


INTRODUCTION. 


hi 

tive  emblem  or  totem.  This  connection  of  clan  or  family 
was  exceedingly  strong,  and  by  it  the  five  nations  of  the 
league  were  linked  together  as  by  an  eightfold  chain. 

The  clans  were  by  no  means  equal  in  numbers,  influ- 
ence, or  honor.  So  marked  were  the  distinctions  among 
them,  that  some  of  the  early  writers  recognize  only  the 
three  most  conspicuous,  — those  of  the  Tortoise,  the  Bear, 
and  the  Wolf.  To  some  of  the  clans,  in  each  nation, 
belonged  the  right  of  giving  a chief  to  the  nation  and 
to  the  league.  Others  had  the  right  of  giving  three,  or, 
in  one  case,  four  chiefs ; while  others  could  give  none. 
As  Indian  clanship  was  but  an  extension  of  the  family 
relation,  these  chiefs  were,  in  a certain  sense,  hereditary ; 
but  the  law  of  inheritance,  though  binding,  was  extremely 
elastic,  and  capable  of  stretching  to  the  farthest  limits  of 
the  clan.  The  chief  was  almost  invariably  succeeded  by 
a near  relative,  always  through  the  female,  as  a brother 
by  the  same  mother,  or  a nephew  by  the  sister’s  side. 
But  if  these  were  manifestly  unfit,  they  were  passed  over, 
and  a chief  was  chosen  at  a council  of  the  clan  from 
among  remoter  kindred.  In  these  cases,  the  successor  is 
said  to  have  been  nominated  by  the  matron  of  the  late 
chief’s  household.^  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  choice  was 

potato,  Ghjcine  apios.  This  clan,  if  it  existed,  was  very  inconspicuous, 
and  of  little  importance. 

Remarkable  analogies  exist  between  Iroquois  clanship  and  that  of 
other  tribes.  The  eight  clans  of  the  Iroquois  were  separated  into  two 
divisions,  four  in  each.  Originally,  marriage  was  interdicted  between  all 
the  members  of  the  same  division,  but  in  time  the  interdict  was  limited 
to  the  members  of  the  individual  clans.  Another  tribe,  the  Choctaws,  re- 
mote from  the  Iroquois,  and  radically  different  in  language,  had  also  eight 
clans,  similarly  divided,  with  a similar  interdict  of  marriage.  — Gallatin, 
Synopsis,  109. 

The  Creeks,  according  to  the  account  given  by  their  old  chief,  Seko 
pechi,  to  Mr.  1).  W.  Eakins,  were  divided  into  nine  clans,  named  in  most 
cases  from  animals:  clanship  being  transmitted,  as  usual,  through  the 
female. 

1 Lafitau,  I.  471 


COUNCILS.  — SACHEMS. 


Ivii 


never  adverse  to  the  popular  inclination.  The  new  chief 
was  “ raised  up,”  or  installed,  by  a formal  council  of  the 
sachems  of  the  league ; and  on  entering  upon  his  office, 
he  dropped  his  own  name,  and  assumed  that  which,  since 
the  formation  of  the  league,  had  belonged  to  this  especial 
chieftainship. 

The  number  of  these  principal  chiefs,  or,  as  they  have 
been  called  by  way  of  distinction,  sachems,  varied  in  the 
several  nations  from  eight  to  fourteen.  The  sachems 
of  the  live  nations,  fifty  in  all,  assembled  in  council, 
formed  the  government  of  the  confederacy.  All  met  as 
equals,  but  a peculiar  dignity  was  ever  attached  to  the 
Atotarho  of  the  Onondagas. 

There  was  a class  of  subordinate  chiefs,  in  no  sense 
hereditary,  but  rising  to  office  by  address,  ability,  or 
valor.  Yet  the  rank  was  clearly  defined,  and  the  new 
chief  installed  at  a formal  council.  This  class  embodied, 
as  might  be  supposed,  the  best  talent  of  the  nation,  and 
the  most  prominent  warriors  and  orators  of  the  Iroquois 
have  belonged  to  it.  In  its  character  and  functions,  how- 
ever, it  was  purely  civil.  Like  the  sacliems,  these  chiefs 
held  their  councils,  and  exercised  an  influence  propor- 
tionate to  their  number  and  abilities. 

There  was  another  council,  between  which  and  that  of 
the  subordinate  chiefs  the  line  of  demarcation  seems  not 
to  have  been  very  definite.  The  Jesuit  Lafitau  calls  it 
“ the  senate.”  Familiar  with  the  Iroquois  at  the  height 
of  their  prosperity,  he  describes  it  as  the  central  and  con- 
trolling power,  so  far,  at  least,  as  the  separate  nations 
were  concerned.  In  its  character  it  was  essentially  popu- 
lar, but  popular  in  the  best  sense,  and  one  which  can 
find  its  application  only  in  a small  community.  Any  man 
took  part  in  it  whose  age  and  experience  qualified  him  to 
do  so.  It  was  merely  the  gathered  wisdom  of  the  nation. 


Iviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


Lafitau  compares  it  to  the  Eoman  Senate,  in  the  early 
and  rude  age  of  the  Republic,  and  affirms  that  it  loses 
nothing  by  the  comparison.  He  thus  describes  it : “ It 
is  a greasy  assemblage,  sitting  sur  leur  derriere^  crouched 
like  apes,  their  knees  as  high  as  their  ears,  or  lying,  some 
on  their  bellies,  some  on  their  backs,  each  with  a pipe  in 
his  mouth,  discussing  affairs  of  state  with  as  much  cool- 
ness and  gravity  as  the  Spanish  Junta  or  the  Grand 
Council  of  Venice.”  ^ 

The  young  warriors  had  also  their  councils  ; so,  too, 
had  the  women  ; and  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  each 
were  represented  by  means  of  deputies  before  the  “ sen- 
ate,” or  council  of  the  old  men,  as  well  as  before  the 
grand  confederate  council  of  the  sachems. 

The  government  of  this  unique  republic  resided  wholly 
in  councils.  By  councils  all  questions  were  settled,  all 
regulations  established,  — social,  political,  military,  and 
religious.  The  war-path,  the  chase,  the  council-fire,  — in 
these  was  the  life  of  the  Iroquois ; and  it  is  hard  to  say 
to  which  of  the  three  he  was  most  devoted. 

The  great  council  of  the  fifty  sachems  formed,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  government  of  the  league.  Whenever  a 
subject  arose  before  any  of  the  nations,  of  importance 
enough  to  demand  its  assembling,  the  sachems  of  that 
nation  might  summon  their  colleagues  by  means  of  run- 
ners, bearing  messages  and  belts  of  wampum.  The 
usual  place  of  meeting  was  the  valley  of  Onondaga,  the 
political  as  well  as  geographical  centre  of  the  confeder- 
acy. Thither,  if  the  matter  were  one  of  deep  and 
general  interest,  not  the  sachems  alone,  but  the  greater 
part  of  the  population,  gathered  from  east  and  west, 
swarming  in  the  hospitable  lodges  of  the  town,  or  bivou- 
acked by  thousands  in  the  surrounding  fields  and  forests 
1 Lafitau,  I.  478. 


THE  GREAT  COUNCIL. 


lix 


While  the  sachems  deliberated  in  the  council-house,  the 
chiefs  and  old  men,  the  warriors,  and  often  the  women, 
were  holding  their  respective  councils  apart ; and  their 
opinions,  laid  by  their  deputies  before  the  council  of  sa- 
chems, were  never  without  influence  on  its  decisions. 

The  utmost  order  and  deliberation  reigned  in  the 
council,  with  rigorous  adherence  to  the  Indian  notions 
of  parliamentary  propriety.  The  conference  opened  with 
an  address  to  the  spirits,  or  the  cliief  of  all  the  spirits. 
There  was  no  heat  in  debate.  No  speaker  interrupted 
another.  Each  gave  his  opinion  in  turn,  supporting  it 
with  what  reason  or  rhetoric  he  could  command,  — but 
not  until  he  had  stated  the  subject  of  discussion  in  full, 
to  prove  that  he  understood  it,  repeating  also  the  argu- 
ments, pro  and  con^  of  previous  speakers.  Thus  their 
debates  were  excessively  prolix ; and  the  consumption  of 
tobacco  was  immoderate.  The  result,  however,  was  a 
thorough  sifting  of  the  matter  in  hand ; while  the  prac- 
tised astuteness  of  these  savage  politicians  was  a marvel 
to  their  civilized  contemporaries.  It  is  by  a most 
subtle  policy,”  says  Lafitau,  “ that  they  have  taken  the 
ascendant  over  the  other  nations,  divided  and  overcome 
the  most  warlike,  made  themselves  a terror  to  the  most 
remote,  and  now  hold  a peaceful  neutrality  between  the 
French  and  English,  courted  and  feared  by  both.”  ^ 

Unlike  the  Hurons,  they  required  an  entire  unanimity 

1 Lafitau,  I.  480.  — Many  otlier  French  writers  speak  to  tlie  same 
effect.  The  following  are  the  words  of  the  soldier  historian,  La  Potherie 
after  describing  the  organization  of  the  league : “ C’est  done  la  cette 
politique  qui  les  unit  si  bien,  a peu  pres  comme  tous  les  ressorts  d’une 
horloge,  qui  par  une  liaison  admirable  de  toutes  les  parties  qui  les  com- 
posent,  contribuent  toutes  unanimement  au  merveilleux  effet  qui  en 
resulte.”  — Hist,  de  I’Amerique  Septentrional e,  III.  32.  — He  adds:  “Les 
Francois  ont  avoiie  eux-memes  qu’ils  etoient  nez  pour  la  guerre,  & quel- 
ques  maux  qu’ils  nous  ayent  faits  nous  les  avons  toujours  estimez.”  — 
Ibid.,  2.—  La  Potherie’s  book  was  published  in  1722. 


lx 


INTEODUCTION. 


in  their  decisions.  The  ease  and  frequency  with  which 
a requisition  seemingly  so  difficult  was  fulfilled  afford 
a striking  illustration  of  Indian  nature, — on  one  side, 
so  stubborn,  tenacious,  and  impracticable ; on  the  other, 
so  pliant  and  acquiescent.  An  explanation  of  this  har- 
mony is  to  be  found  also  in  an  intense  spirit  of  nation- 
ality ; for  never  since  the  days  of  Sparta  were  individual 
life  and  national  life  more  completely  fused  into  one. 

The  sachems  of  the  league  were  likewise,  as  we  have 
seen,  sachems  of  their  respective  nations  ; yet  they  rarely 
spoke  in  the  councils  of  the  subordinate  chiefs  and  old 
men,  except  to  present  subjects  of  discussion. ^ Their 
influence  in  these  councils  was,  however,  great,  and  even 
paramount ; for  they  commonly  succeeded  in  securing  to 
their  interest  some  of  the  most  dexterous  and  influential 
of  the  conclave,  through  whom,  while  they  themselves  re- 
mained in  the  background,  they  managed  the  debates.^ 

There  was  a class  of  men  among  the  Iroquois  always 
put  forward  on  public  occasions  to  speak  the  mind  of  tlie 
nation  or  defend  its  interests.  Nearly  all  of  them  were  of 
the  number  of  the  subordinate  chiefs.  Nature  and  train- 

1 Lafitau,  I.  479. 

2 The  following  from  Lafitau  is  very  characteristic  : “ Ce  que  je  dis  de 
leur  zele  pour  le  bien  public  n’est  cependant  pas  si  universel,  que  plusi- 
eurs  ne  pensent  a leur  interets  particuliers,  & que  les  Chefs  [sachems)  prin- 
cipalement  ne  fassent  joiier  piusieurs  ressorts  secrets  pour  venir  a bout 
de  leurs  intrigues.  II  y en  a tel,  dont  Tadresse  joue  si  bien  a coup  sur, 
qu’il  fait  deliberer  le  Conseil  piusieurs  jours  de  suite,  sur  une  matiere 
dont  la  determination  est  arretee  entre  lui  & les  principales  tctes  avant 
d’avoir  ete  mise  sur  le  tapis.  Cependant  comnie  les  Chefs  s’entre-regard- 
ent,  & qu’aucun  ne  veut  paroitre  se  dormer  une  superiorite  qui  puisse 
piquer  la  jalousie,  ils  se  menagent  dans  les  Conseils  plus  que  les  autres ; 
& quoiqu’ils  en  soient  Tame,  leur  politique  les  oblige  a y parler  peu,  & a 
ecouter  plhtot  le  sentiment  d’autrui,  qu’a  y dire  le  leur ; mais  chacun  a 
un  homme  a sa  main,  qui  est  comme  une  espece  de  Brulot,  & qui  etant 
sans  consequence  pour  sa  personne  hazarde  en  pleine  liberte  tout  ce  qu’il 
juge  a propos,  selon  qu’il  I’a  concerte  avec  le  Chef  meme  pour  qui  il 
agit.”  — 1/ceurs  des  Sauvages,  I.  481. 


PUNISHMENT  OF  CRIME. 


Ixi 


ing  had  fitted  them  for  public  speaking,  and  they  were 
deeply  versed  in  the  history  and  traditions  of  the  league. 
They  were  in  fact  professed  orators,  high  in  honor  and 
influence  among  the  people.  To  a huge  stock  of  con- 
ventional metaphors,  the  use  of  which  required  nothing 
but  practice,  they  often  added  an  astute  intellect,  an 
astonishing  memory,  and  an  eloquence  which  deserved 
the  name. 

In  one  particular,  the  training  of  these  savage  politi- 
cians was  never  surpassed.  Tliey  had  no  art  of  writing 
to  record  events,  or  preserve  the  stipulations  of  treaties. 
Memory,  therefore,  was  tasked  to  the  utmost,  and  de- 
veloped to  an  extraordinary  degree.  They  had  various 
devices  for  aiding  it,  such  as  bundles  of  sticks,  and  that 
system  of  signs,  emblems,  and  rude  pictures,  which  they 
shared  with  other  tribes.  Their  famous  wampum-belts 
were  so  many  mnemonic  signs,  each  standing  for  some 
act,  speech,  treaty,  or  clause  of  a treaty.  These  repre- 
sented the  public  archives,  and  were  divided  among 
various  custodians,  each  charged  with  the  memory  and 
interpretation  of  those  assigned  to  him.  The  meaning 
of  the  belts  was  from  time  to  time  expounded  in  their 
councils.  In  conferences  with  them,  nothing  more  as- 
tonished the  French,  Dutch,  and  English  officials  than 
the  precision  with  which,  before  replying  to  their  ad- 
dresses, the  Indian  orators  repeated  them  point  by 
point. 

It  was  only  in  rare  cases  that  crime  among  the  Iro- 
quois or  Hurons  was  punished  by  public  autliority. 
Murder,  the  most  heinous  offence,  except  witchcraft, 
recognized  among  them,  was  rare.  If  the  slayer  and  the 
slain  were  of  the  same  household  or  clan,  the  affair  was 
regarded  as  a family  quarrel,  to  be  settled  by  the  imme- 
diate kin  on  both  sides.  This,  under  the  pressure  of 

/ 


Ixii 


INTRODUCTION. 


public  opinion,  was  commonly  effected  without  blood- 
shed, by  presents  given  in  atonement.  But  if  the  mur- 
derer and  his  victim  were  of  different  clans  or  different 
nations,  still  more,  if  the  slain  was  a foreigner,  the 
whole  community  became  interested  to  prevent  the  dis- 
cord or  the  war  which  might  arise.  All  directed  their 
efforts,  not  to  bring  the  murderer  to  punishment,  but  to 
satisfy  the  injured  parties  by  a vicarious  atonement.^ 
To  this  end,  contributions  were  made  and  presents  col- 
lected. Their  number  and  value  were  determined  by 
established  usage.  Among  tlie  Hurons,  thirty  presents 
of  very  considerable  value  were  the  price  of  a man’s  life. 
That  of  a woman’s  was  fixed  at  forty,  by  reason  of  her 
weakness,  and  because  on  her  depended  the  continuance 
and  increase  of  the  population.  This  was  when  the  slain 
belonged  to  the  nation.  If  of  a foreign  tribe,  his  death 
demanded  a higher  compensation,  since  it  involved  the 
danger  of  war.^  These  presents  were  offered  in  solemn 
council,  with  prescribed  formalities.  The  relatives  of 
the  slain  might  refuse  them,  if  they  chose,  and  in  this 
case  the  murderer  was  given  them  as  a slave ; but 
they  might  by  no  means  kill  him,  since,  in  so  doing,  they 
would  incur  public  censure,  and  be  compelled  in  their 
turn  to  make  atonement.  Besides  the  principal  gifts, 
there  was  a great  number  of  less  value,  all  symbolical, 
and  each  delivered  with  a set  form  of  wmrds : as,  “ By 
this  we  wash  out  the  blood  of  the  slain : By  this  we 
cleanse  his  wound : By  this  we  clothe  his  corpse  with  a 
new  shirt:  By  this  we  place  food  on  his  grave”:  and 

1 Lalemant,  while  inveighing  against  a practice  wliich  made  the 
public,  and  not  the  criminal,  answerable  for  an  offence,  admits  that 
heinous  crimes  were  more  rare  than  in  France,  where  the  guilty  party 
himself  was  punished,  — Lettre  au  P.  Provincial,  15  May,  1645. 

2 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1648,  80. 


MILITARY  ORGANIZATION. 


Ixiii 


SO,  in  endless  prolixity,  through  particulars  without  num- 
ber.^ 

The  Hurons  were  notorious  thieves ; and  perhaps  tlie 
Iroquois  were  not  much  better,  though  the  contrary  has 
been  asserted.  Among  both,  the  robbed  was  permitted 
not  only  to  retake  his  property  by  force,  if  he  could,  but 
to  strip  the  robber  of  all  he  had.  This  apparently  acted 
as  a restraint  in  favor  only  of  the  strong,  leaving  the 
weak  a prey  to  the  plunderer ; but  here  the  tie  of  family 
and  clan  intervened  to  aid  him.  Relatives  and  clansmen 
espoused  the  quarrel  of  him  who  could  not  right  him- 
self.^ 

Witches,  with  whom  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois  were 
grievously  infested,  were  objects  of  utter  abomination  to 
both,  and  any  one  might  kill  them  at  any  time.  If  any 
person  was  guilty  of  treason,  or  by  his  character  and 
conduct  made  liimself  dangerous  or  obnoxious  to  the 
public,  the  council  of  chiefs  and  old  men  held  a secret 
session  on  his  case,  condemned  him  to  death,  and  ap 
pointed  some  young  man  to  kill  him.  The  executioner, 
watching  his  opportunity,  brained  or  stabbed  him  una- 
wares, usually  in  the  dark  porch  of  one  of  the  houses. 
Acting  by  authority,  he  could  not  be  held  answerable ; 
and  the  relatives  of  the  slain  had  no  redress,  even  if  they 
desired  it.  The  council,  however,  commonly  obviated  all 
difficulty  in  advance,  by  charging  the  culprit  with  witch- 
craft, thus  alienating  his  best  friends. 

The  military  organization  of  the  Iroquois  was  exceed- 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1648,  gives  a description  of  one  of 
these  ceremonies  at  length.  Those  of  the  Iroquois  on  such  occasions 
'were  similar.  Many  other  tribes  had  the  same  custom,  but  attended  with 
much  less  form  and  ceremony.  Compare  Perrot,  73-76. 

2 The  proceedings  for  detecting  thieves  were  regular  and  methodical, 
after  established  customs.  According  to  Bressani,  no  thief  ever  incul 
pated  the  innocent. 


Ixiv 


INTRODUCTION. 


ingly  imperfect  and  derived  all  its  efficiency  from  their 
civil  union  and  their  personal  prowess.  There  were  two 
hereditary  war-chiefs,  both  belonging  to  the  Senecas ; 
but,  except  on  occasions  of  unusual  importance,  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  took  a very  active  part  in  the  con- 
duct of  wars.  The  Iroquois  lived  in  a state  of  chronic 
warfare  with  nearly  all  the  surrounding  tribes,  except  a 
few  from  whom  they  exacted  tribute.  Any  man  of  suffi- 
cient personal  credit  might  raise  a war-party  when  he 
chose.  He  proclaimed  his  purpose  througli  the  village, 
sang  his  war-songs,  struck  his  hatchet  into  the  war-post, 
and  danced  the  war-dance.  Any  who  chose  joined  him  ; 
and  the  party  usually  took  up  their  march  at  once,  with 
a little  parched-corn-meal  and  maple-sugar  as  their  sole 
provision.  On  great  occasions,  there  was  concert  of  ac- 
tion,— the  various  parties  meeting  at  a rendezvous,  and 
pursuing  the  march  together.  The  leaders  of  war-par- 
ties, like  the  orators,  belonged,  in  nearly  all  cases,  to  the 
class  of  subordinate  chiefs.  The  Iroquois  had  a disci- 
pline suited  to  the  dark  and  tangled  forests  where  they 
fought.  Here  they  were  a terrible  foe : in  an  open  coun- 
try, against  a trained  European  force,  they  were,  despite 
their  ferocious  valor,  far  less  formidable. 

In  observing  this  singular  organization,  one  is  struck 
by  the  incongruity  of  its  spirit  and  its  form.  A body  of 
liereditary  oligarchs  was  the  head  of  the  nation,  yet  the 
nation  was  essentially  democratic.  Not  that  the  Iroquois 
were  levellers.  None  were  more  prompt  to  acknowledge 
superiority  and  defer  to  it,  whether  established  by  usage 
and  prescription,  or  the  result  of  personal  endowment. 
Yet  each  man,  whether  of  high  or  low  degree,  had 
a voice  in  the  conduct  of  affairs,  and  was  never  for  a 
moment  divorced  from  his  wild  spirit  of  independence. 
Where  there  was  no  property  worthy  the  name,  authority 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  CONFEDERACY. 


Ixv 


had  no  fulcrum  and  no  hold.  The  constant  aim  of 
sachems  and  chiefs  was  to  exercise  it  without  seeming  to 
do  so.  They  had  no  insignia  of  office.  They  were  no 
richer  than  others  ; indeed,  they  were  often  poorer,  spend- 
ing their  substance  in  largesses  and  bribes  to  strengthen 
their  influence.  They  hunted  and  fished  for  subsistence ; 
they  were  as  foul,  greasy,  and  unsavory  as  the  rest ; yet 
in  them,  withal,  was  often  seen  a native  dignity  of  bear- 
ing, which  ochre  and  bear’s  grease  could  not  hide,  and 
which  comported  well  with  their  strong,  symmetrical, 
and  sometimes  majestic  proportions. 

To  the  institutions,  traditions,  rites,  usages,  and  festi- 
vals of  the  league  the  Iroquois  was  inseparably  wedded. 
He  clung  to  them  with  Indian  tenacity ; and  he  clings  to 
them  still.  His  political  fabric  was  one  of  ancient  ideas 
and  practices,  crystallized  into  regular  and  enduring 
forms.  In  its  component  parts  it  has  nothing  peculiar 
to  itself.  All  its  elements  are  found  in  other  tribes : 
most  of  them  belong  to  the  whole  Indian  race.  Un- 
doubtedly there  was  a distinct  and  definite  effort  of 
legislation ; but  Iroquois  legislation  invented  nothing. 
Like  all  sound  legislation,  it  built  of  materials  already 
prepared.  It  organized  the  chaotic  past,  and  gave  con- 
crete forms  to  Indian  nature  itself.  The  people  have 
dwindled  and  decayed ; but,  banded  by  its  ties  of  clan 
and  kin,  the  league,  in  feeble  miniature,  still  subsists, 
and  the  degenerate  Iroquois  looks  back  with  a mournful 
pride  to  the  glory  of  the  past. 

Would  the  Iroquois,  left  undisturbed  to  work  out 
their  own  destiny,  ever  have  emerged  from  the  savage 
state  ? Advanced  as  they  were  beyond  most  other  Amer- 
ican tribes,  there  is  no  indication  whatever  of  a tendency 
to  overpass  the  confines  of  a wild  hunter  and  warrior 
life.  They  were  inveterately  attached  to  it,  impracticable 


Ixvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


conservatists  of  barbarism,  and  in  ferocity  and  cruelty 
they  matched  the  worst  of  their  race.  Nor  did  the  power 
of  expansion  apparently  belonging  to  their  system  ever 
produce  much  result.  Between  the  years  1712  and  1715, 
the  Tuscaroras,  a kindred  people,  were  admitted  into  the 
league  as  a sixth  nation ; but  they  were  never  admitted 
on  equal  terms.  Long  after,  in  the  period  of  their  decline, 
several  other  tribes  were  announced  as  new  members  of 
the  league;  but  these  admissions  never  took  effect.  The 
Iroquois  were  always  reluctant  to  receive  other  tribes,  or 
parts  of  tribes,  collectively,  into  the  precincts  of  the 
Long  House.”  Yet  they  constantly  practised  a system 
of  adoptions,  from  which,  though  cruel  and  savage,  they 
drew  great  advantages.  Their  prisoners  of  war,  when 
they  had  burned  and  butchered  as  many  of  them  as  would 
serve  to  sate  their  own  ire  and  that  of  their  women,  were 
divided,  man  by  man,  woman  by  woman,  and  child  by 
child,  adopted  into  different  families  and  clans,  and  thus 
incorporated  into  the  nation.  It  was  by  this  means,  and 
this  alone,  that  they  could  offset  the  losses  of  their  inces- 
sant wars.  Early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  even 
long  before,  a vast  proportion  of  their  population  con- 
sisted of  adopted  prisoners.^ 

1 Relation,  1660,  7 (anonymous).  The  Iroquois  were  at  the  height  of 
their  prosperity  about  the  year  1650.  Morgan  reckons  their  number  at 
this  time  at  25,000  souls  ; but  this  is  far  too  high  an  estimate.  The 
author  of  the  Relation  of  1660  makes  their  whole  number  of  warriors  2,200. 
Le  Mercier,  in  the  Relation  of  1665,  says  2,350.  In  the  Journal  of  Green- 
halgh,  an  Englishman  who  visited  them  in  1677,  their  warriors  are  set 
down  at  2,150.  Du  Chesneau,  in  1681,  estimates  them  at  2,000;  De  la 
Barre,  in  1684,  at  2,600,  they  having  been  strengthened  by  adoptions. 
A memoir  addressed  to  the  Marquis  de  Seignelay,  in  1687,  again  makes 
them  2,000.  (See  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  IX.  162,  196,  321.)  These  estimates 
imply  a total  population  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand. 

The  anonymous  writer  of  the  Relation  of  1660  may  well  remark : 
It  is  marvellous  that  so  few  should  make  so  great  a havoc,  and  strike 
such  terror  into  so  many  tribes.” 


INDIAN  PANTHEISM. 


Ixvii 


It  remains  to  speak  of  the  religious  and  superstitious 
ideas  which  so  deeply  influenced  Indian  life. 

RELIGION  AND  SUPERSTITIONS. 

The  religious  belief  of  the  North-American  Indians 
seems,  on  a first  view,  anomalous  and  contradictory. 
It  certainly  is  so,  if  we  adopt  the  popular  impression. 
Romance,  Poetry,  and  Rhetoric  point,  on  the  one  hand, 
to  the  august  conception  of  a one  all-ruling  Deity,  a 
Great  Spirit,  omniscient  and  omnipresent;  and  we  are 
called  to  admire  the  untutored  intellect  which  could 
conceive  a thought  too  vast  for  Socrates  and  Plato.  On 
the  other  hand,  we  find  a chaos  of  degrading,  ridicu- 
lous, and  incoherent  superstitions.  A closer  examination 
will  show  that  the  contradiction  is  more  apparent  than 
real.  We  will  begin  with  the  lowest  forms  of  Indian 
belief,  and  thence  trace  it  upward  to  the  highest  con- 
ceptions to  which  the  unassisted  mind  of  the  savage 
attained. 

To  the  Indian,  the  material  world  is  sentient  and  intel- 
ligent. Birds,  beasts,  and  reptiles  have  ears  for  human 
prayers,  and  are  endowed  with  an  influence  on  human 
destiny.  A mysterious  and  inexplicable  power  resides  in 
inanimate  things.  They,  too,  can  listen  to  the  voice  of 
man,  and  influence  his  life  for  evil  or  for  good.  Lakes, 
rivers,  and  waterfalls  are  sometimes  the  dwelling-place  of 
spirits;  but  more  frequently  they  are  themselves  living 
beings,  to  be  propitiated  by  prayers  and  offerings.  The 
lake  has  a soul;  and  so  has  the  river,  and  the  cata- 
ract. Each  can  hear  the  words  of  men,  and  each  can 
be  pleased  or  offended.  In  the  silence  of  a forest,  the 
gloom  of  a deep  ravine,  resides  a living  mystery,  in- 
definite, but  redoubtable.  Through  all  the  works  of 


Ixviii 


INTRODUCTION 


Nature  or  of  man,  nothing  exists,  however  seemingly 
trivial,  that  may  not  be  endowed  with  a secret  power 
for  blessing  or  for  bane. 

Men  and  animals  are  closely  akin.  Each  species  of 
animal  has  its  great  archetype,  its  progenitor  or  king, 
who  is  supposed  to  exist  somewhere,  prodigious  in  size, 
though  in  shape  and  nature  like  his  subjects.  A belief 
prevails,  vague,  but  perfectly  apparent,  that  men  them- 
selves owe  their  first  parentage  to  beasts,  birds,  or  rep- 
tiles, as  bears,  wolves,  tortoises,  or  cranes ; and  the 
names  of  the  totemic  clans,  borrowed  in  nearly  every  case 
from  animals,  are  the  reflection  of  this  idea.^ 

An  Indian  hunter  was  always  anxious  to  propitiate  the 
animals  he  sought  to  kill.  He  has  often  been  known  to 
address  a wounded  bear  in  a long  harangue  of  apology.^ 
The  bones  of  the  beaver  were  treated  with  especial  ten- 
derness, and  carefully  kept  from  the  dogs,  lest  the  spirit 
of  the  dead  beaver,  or  his  surviving  brethren,  should  take 
offence.^  This  solicitude  was  not  confined  to  animals, 

1 This  belief  occasionally  takes  a perfectly  definite  shape.  There 
was  a tradition  among  Northern  and  Western  tribes,  that  men  were  cre- 
ated from  the  carcasses  of  beasts,  birds,  and  fishes,  by  Manabozho,  a 
mythical  personage,  to  be  described  hereafter.  The  Amikouas,  or  People 
of  the  Beaver,  an  Algonquin  tribe  of  Lake  Huron,  claimed  descent  from 
the  carcass  of  the  great  original  beaver,  or  father  of  the  beavers.  They 
believed  that  the  rapids  and  cataracts  on  the  French  River  and  the  Upper 
Ottawa  were  caused  by  dams  made  by  their  amphibious  ancestor.  (See 
the  tradition  in  Perrot,  Memoire  sur  les  Moeurs,  Coustumes  et  Relligion  des 
Sauvages  de  VAm€rique  Septentrionale,  p.  20.)  Charlevoix  tells  the  same 
story.  Each  Indian  was  supposed  to  inherit  something  of  the  nature 
of  the  animal  whence  he  sprung. 

McKinney,  Tour  to  the  Lakes,  284,  mentions  the  discomposure  of  a 
party  of  Indians  when  shown  a stufied  moose.  Thinking  that  its  spirit 
would  be  offended  at  the  indignity  shown  to  its  remains,  they  surrounded 
it,  making  apologetic  speeches,  and  blowing  tobacco-smoke  at  it  as  a 
propitiatory  offering. 

3 This  superstition  was  very  prevalent,  and  numerous  examples  of  it 
occur  in  old  and  recent  writers,  from  Father  Le  Jeune  to  Captain  Carver. 


MANITOUS  AND  OKIES. 


Ixix 


but  extended  to  inanimate  things.  A remarkable  exam- 
ple occurred  among  the  Hurons,  a people  comparatively 
advanced,  who,  to  propitiate  their  fishing-nets,  and  per- 
suade them  to  do  their  office  with  effect,  married  them 
every  year  to  two  young  girls  of  the  tribe,  with  a cere- 
mony far  more  formal  than  that  observed  in  the  case  of 
mere  human  wedlock.^  The  fisli,  too,  no  less  than  the 
nets,  must  be  propitiated ; and  to  this  end  they  were  ad- 
dressed every  evening  from  the  fishing-camp  by  one  of 
the  party  chosen  for  that  function,  who  exhorted  them 
to  take  courage  and  be  caught,  assuring  them  that  the 
utmost  respect  should  be  shown  to  their  bones.  The 
harangue,  which  took  place  after  the  evening  meal,  was 
made  in  solemn  form  ; and  while  it  lasted,  the  whole 
party,  except  the  speaker,  were  required  to  lie  on  their 
backs,  silent  and  motionless,  around  the  fire.^ 

Besides  ascribing  life  and  intelligence  to  the  material 
world,  animate  and  inanimate,  the  Indian  believes  in 
supernatural  existences,  known  among  the  Algonquins  as 
Manitous^  and  among  the  Iroquois  and  Hurons  as  Okies 
or  Otkons.  These  words  comprehend  all  forms  of  super- 
natural being,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  with  the 
exception,  possibly,  of  certain  diminutive  fairies  or  hob- 
goblins, and  certain  giants  and  anomalous  monsters, 

1 There  are  frequent  allusions  to  this  ceremony  in  the  early  writers. 
The  Algonquins  of  the  Ottawa  practised  it,  as  well  as  the  Hurons.  Lale- 
mant,  in  his  chapter  “Du  Regne  de  Satan  en  ces  Contrees  ” [Relation  des 
Hurons,  1639),  says  that  it  took  place  yearly,  in  the  middle  of  March.  As 
it  was  indispensable  that  the  brides  should  be  virgins,  mere  children  were 
ciiosen.  The  net  was  held  between  tliem ; and  its  spirit,  or  oki,  was 
harangued  by  one  of  the  chiefs,  who  exhorted  him  to  do  his  part  in  fur- 
nishing the  tribe  with  food.  Lalemant  was  told  that  the  spirit  of  the  net 
had  once  appeared  in  human  form  to  the  Algonquins,  complaining  that 
he  had  lost  his  wife,  and  warning  them,  that,  unless  they  could  find  him 
another  equally  immaculate,  they  would  catch  no  more  fish. 

2 Sagard,  Le  Grand  Voyage  da  Pays  des  Hurons,  257.  Other  old 
writers  make  a similar  statement. 


Ixx 


INTRODUCTION. 


which  appear  under  various  forms,  grotesque  and  horri- 
ble, in  the  Indian  fireside  legends.^  There  are  local 
manitous  of  streams,  rocks,  mountains,  cataracts,  and 
forests.  The  conception  of  these  beings  betrays,  for  the 
most  part,  a striking  poverty  of  imagination.  In  nearly 
every  case,  when  they  reveal  themselves  to  mortal  sight, 
they  bear  the  semblance  of  beasts,  reptiles,  or  birds,  in 
shapes  unusual  or  distorted.^  There  are  other  manitous 
without  local  habitation,  some  good,  some  evil,  countless 
in  number  and  indefinite  in  attributes.  They  fill  the 
world,  and  control  the  destinies  of  men,  — that  is  to  say, 
of  Indians : for  the  primitive  Indian  holds  that  the  white 
man  lives  under  a spiritual  rule  distinct  from  that  which 
governs  his  own  fate.  These  beings,  also,  appear  for 
the  most  part  in  the  shape  of  animals.  Sometimes, 
however,  they  assume  human  proportions ; but  more 
frequently  they  take  the  form  of  stones,  which,  being 
broken,  are  found  full  of  living  blood  and  flesh. 

Each  primitive  Indian  has  his  guardian  manitou,  to 
whom  he  looks  for  counsel,  guidance,  and  protection. 
These  spiritual  allies  are  gained  by  the  following  pro- 
cess. At  the  age  of  fourteen  or  fifteen,  the  Indian  boy 
blackens  his  face,  retires  to  some  solitary  place,  and 
remains  for  days  without  food.  Superstitious  expec- 
tancy and  the  exhaustion  of  abstinence  rarely  fail  of  their 
results.  His  sleep  is  haunted  by  visions,  and  the  form 
which  first  or  most  often  appears  is  that  of  his  guardian 

1 Many  tribes  have  tales  of  diminutive  beings,  which,  in  the  absence 
of  a better  word,  may  be  called  fairies.  In  the  Travels  of  Lewis  and 
Claike,  there  is  mention  of  a hill  on  the  Missouri,  supposed  to  be  haunted 
by  them.  These  Western  fairies  correspond  to  the  Pack  Wudj  Ininee 
of  Ojibwa  tradition.  As  an  example  of  the  monsters  alluded  to,  see  the 
Saginaw  story  of  the  W eendigoes,  in  Schoolcraft,  Algic  Researches,  II.  105. 

The  figure  of  a large  bird  is  perhaps  the  most  common,  — as,  for 
example,  the  good  spirit  of  Rock  Island : ‘‘  He  was  white,  with  wings 
like  a swan,  but  ten  times  larger.” — Autobiography  of  Blackhawk,  70. 


THE  GUARDIAN  MANITOU. 


Ixxi 


manitou,  — a beast,  a bird,  a fisb,  a serpent,  or  some 
other  object,  animate  or  inanimate.  An  eagle  or  a bear 
is  the  vision  of  a destined  warrior;  a wolf,  of  a suc- 
cessful hunter ; while  a serpent  foreshadows  the  future 
medicine-man,  or,  according  to  others,  portends  disaster.^ 
The  young  Indian  tlienceforth  wears  about  his  person  the 
object  revealed  in  his  dream,  or  some  portion  of  it,  — as  a 
bone,  a feather,  a snake-skin,  or  a tuft  of  hair.  This,  in 
the  modern  language  of  the  forest  and  prairie,  is  known 
as  his  ‘‘  medicine.”  The  Indian  yields  to  it  a sort  of 
worship,  propitiates  it  with  offerings  of  tobacco,  thanks  it 
in  prosperity,  and  upbraids  it  in  disaster.^  If  his  medi- 
cine fails  to  bring  the  desired  success,  he  will  sometimes 
discard  it  and  adopt  another.  The  superstition  now 
becomes  mere  fetich-worship,  since  the  Indian  regards 
the  mysterious  object  which  he  carries  about  him  rather  as 
an  embodiment  than  as  a representative  of  a supernatural 
power. 

Indian  belief  recognizes  also  another  and  very  differ- 

1 Compare  Cass,  in  North- American  Review,  Second  Series,  XIII.  100. 
A turkey-buzzard,  according  to  him,  is  the  vision  of  a medicine-man.  I 
once  knew  an  old  Dahcotah  chief,  who  was  greatly  respected,  but  had 
never  been  to  war,  though  belonging  to  a family  of  peculiarly  warlike 
propensities.  The  reason  was,  that,  in  his  initiatory  fast,  he  had  dreamed 
of  an  antelope, — the  peace-spirit  of  his  people. 

Women  fast,  as  well  as  men,  — always  at  the  time  of  transition  from 
childhood  to  maturity.  In  the  Narrative  of  John  Tanner,  there  is  an 
account  of  an  old  woman  who  had  fasted,  in  her  youth,  for  ten  days,  and 
throughout  her  life  placed  the  firmest  faith  in  the  visions  which  had 
appeared  to  her  at  that  time.  Among  the  Northern  Algonquins,  the 
practice,  down  to  a recent  day,  was  almost  universal. 

2 The  author  has  seen  a Dahcotah  warrior  open  his  medicine-bag, 
talk  with  an  air  of  affectionate  respect  to  the  bone,  feather,  or  horn 
within,  and  blow  tobacco-smoke  upon  it  as  an  offering.  “ Medicines  ” are 
acquired  not  only  by  fasting,  but  by  casual  dreams,  and  otherwise.  They 
are  sometimes  even  bought  and  sold.  For  a curious  account  of  medicine- 
bags  and  fetich-worship  among  the  Algonquins  of  Gaspe,  see  Le  Clerc, 
Nouvelle  Relation  de  la  Gaspesie,  Chap.  XIII. 


Ixxii 


IKTRODUCTION. 


ent  class  of  beings.  Besides  the  giants  and  monsters  of 
legendary  lore,  other  conceptions  may  bo  discerned,  more 
or  less  distinct,  and  of  a character  partly  mythical.  Of 
these  the  most  conspicuous  is  that  remarkable  personage 
of  Algonquin  tradition,  called  Manabozho,  Messou,  Micha- 
bou,  Nanabush,  or  the  Great  Hare.  As  each  species  of 
animal  has  its  archetype  or  king,  so,  among  the  Algon- 
quins,  Manabozho  is  king  of  all  these  animal  kings. 
Tradition  is  diverse  as  to  his  origin.  According  to  the 
most  current  belief,  his  father  was  the  West- Wind,  and 
his  mother  a great-granddaughter  of  the  Moon.  His 
character  is  worthy  of  such  a parentage.  Sometimes  he 
is  a wolf,  a bird,  or  a gigantic  hare,  surrounded  by  a 
court  of  quadrupeds ; sometimes  he  appears  in  human 
shape,  majestic  in  stature  and  wondrous  in  endowment, 
a mighty  magician,  a destroyer  of  serpents  and  evil 
manitous  ; sometimes  he  is  a vain  and  treacherous  imp, 
full  of  childish  whims  and  petty  trickery,  the  butt  and 
victim  of  men,  beasts,  and  spirits.  His  powers  of  trans- 
formation are  without  limit ; his  curiosity  and  malice 
are  insatiable ; and  of  the  numberless  legends  of  which 
he  is  the  hero,  the  greater  part  are  as  trivial  as  they  are 
incoherent.^  It  does  not  appear  that  Manabozho  was 
ever  an  object  of  worship ; yet,  despite  his  absurdity, 
tradition  declares  him  to  be  chief  among  the  manitous, 
in  short,  the  ‘‘Great  Spirit.” ^ It  was  he  who  restored 

1 Mr.  Schoolcraft  has  collected  many  of  these  tales.  See  his  Algic 
Researches,  Vol.  I.  Compare  the  stories  of  Messou,  given  by  Le  Jeune 
{Relations,  1683,  1634),  and  the  account  of  Nanabush,  by  Edwin  James, 
in  his  notes  to  Tanner’s  Narrative  of  Captivity  and  Adventures  during  a 
Thirty-Years'  Residence  among  the  Indians',  also  the  account  of  the  Great 
Ilarc,  in  the  Menioire  of  Nicolas  Perrot,  Chaps.  I.,  II. 

2 “ Presque  toutes  les  Nations  Algonquines  ont  donne  le  nom  de 
Grand  Li’eyre  au  Premier  Esprit,  quelques-uns  Tappellent  Miclnbou  (Mana- 
bozho).”— Charlevoix,  Journal  Historique,  344. 


THE  DELUGE. 


Ixxiii 


the  world,  submerged  by  a deluge.  He  was  hunting  in 
company  with  a certain  wolf,  who  was  his  brother,  or, 
by  other  accounts,  his  grandson,  when  his  quadruped 
relative  fell  through  the  ice  of  a frozen  lake,  and  was  at 
once  devoured  by  certain  serpents  lurking  in  the  depths 
of  the  waters.  Manabozho,  intent  on  revenge,  trans- 
formed himself  into  the  stump  of  a tree,  and  by  this 
artifice  surprised  and  slew  the  king  of  the  serpents,  as 
he  basked  with  his  followers  in  the  noontide  sun.  The 
serpents,  who  were  all  manitous,  caused,  in  their  rage, 
the  waters  of  the  lake  to  deluge  the  earth.  Manabozho 
climbed  a tree,  which,  in  answer  to  his  entreaties,  grew 
as  the  flood  rose  around  it,  and  thus  saved  him  from  the 
vengeance  of  the  evil  spirits.  Submerged  to  the  neck, 
he  looked  abroad  on  the  waste  of  waters,  and  at  length 
descried  the  bird  known  as  the  loon,  to  whom  he  appealed 
for  aid  in  the  task  of  restoring  the  world.  The  loon 
dived  in  search  of  a little  mud,  as  material  for  recon- 
struction, but  could  not  reach  the  bottom.  A musk-rat 
made  the  same  attempt,  but  soon  reappeared  floating  on 
his  back,  and  apparently  dead.  Manabozho,  however, 
on  searching  his  paws,  discovered  in  one  of  them  a par- 
ticle of  the  desired  mud,  and  of  this,  together  with  the 
body  of  the  loon,  created  the  world  anew.^ 

There  are  various  forms  of  this  tradition,  in  some  of 
which  Manabozho  appears,  not  as  the  restorer,  but  as 
the  creator  of  the  world,  forming  mankind  from  the  car- 
casses of  beasts,  birds,  and  fishes.^  Other  stories  repre- 

1 This  is  a form  of  the  story  still  current  among  the  remoter  Algon- 
quins.  Compare  the  story  of  Messou,  in  Le  Jeune,  Relation^  1633,  16. 
It  is  substantially  the  same. 

2 In  the  beginning  of  all  things,  Manabozho,  in  the  form  of  the  Great 
Hare,  was  on  a raft,  surrounded  by  animals  who  acknowledged  him  as 
their  chief.  No  land  could  be  seen.  Anxious  to  create  the  world,  the 
Great  Hare  persuaded  the  beaver  to  dive  for  mud  but  the  adventurous 

9 


Ixxiv 


INTRODUCTION. 


sent  him  as  marrying  a female  musk-rat,  by  whom  he 
became  the  progenitor  of  the  human  race.^ 

Searching  for  some  higher  conception  of  supernatural 
existence,  we  find,  among  a portion  of  the  primitive 
Algonquins,  traces  of  a vague  belief  in  a spirit  dimly 
shadowed  forth  under  the  name  of  Atahocan,  to  whom 
it  does  not  appear  that  any  attributes  were  ascribed  or 
any  worship  offered,  and  of  whom  the  Indians  professed 
to  know  nothing  whatever  but  there  is  no  evidence  that 
this  belief  extended  beyond  certain  tribes  of  the  Lower 
St.  Lawrence.  Others  saw  a supreme  manitou  in  the 
Sun.®  The  Algonquins  believed  also  in  a malignant 
manitou,  in  whom  the  early  missionaries  failed  not  to 
recognize  the  Devil,  but  who  was  far  less  dreaded  than 
his  wife.  She  wore  a robe  made  of  the  hair  of  her 
victims,  for  she  was  the  cause  of  death ; and  she  it  was 


diver  floated  to  the  surface  senseless.  The  otter  next  tried,  and  failed 
like  his  predecessor.  The  musk-rat  now  offered  himself  for  the  desperate 
task.  lie  plunged,  and,  after  remaining  a day  and  night  beneath  the 
surface,  reappeared,  floating  on  his  back  beside  the  raft,  apparently  dead, 
and  with  all  his  paws  fast  closed.  On  opening  them,  the  other  animals 
found  in  one  of  them  a grain  of  sand,  and  of  this  the  Great  Hare  created 
the  world.  — Perrot,  Memoire,  Chap.  I. 

1 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  16.  — The  musk-rat  is  always  a conspicuous 
figure  in  Algonquin  cosmogony. 

It  is  said  that  Messou,  or  Manabozho,  once  gave  to  an  Indian  the  gift 
of  immortality,  tied  in  a bundle,  enjoining  him  never  to  open  it.  The 
Indian’s  wife,  however,  impelled  by  curiosity,  one  day  cut  the  string, 
the  precious  gift  flew  out,  and  Indians  have  ever  since  been  subject  to 
death.  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1634,  13. 

2 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  16 ; Relation,  1634,  13. 

3 Biard,  Relation,  1611,  Chap.  VIII.  — This  belief  was  very  prevalent. 
The  Ottawas,  according  to  Ragueneau  [Relation  des  Hurons,  1648,  77),  were 
accustomed  to  invoke  the  “ Maker  of  Heaven  ” at  their  feasts ; but  they 
recognized  as  distinct  persons  the  Maker  of  the  Earth,  the  Maker  of  Win- 
ter, the  God  of  the  Waters,  and  the  Seven  Spirits  of  the  Wind.  He  says,  at 
the  same  time,  “ The  people  of  these  countries  have  received  from  their 
ancestors  no  knowledge  of  a God  ” ; and  he  adds,  that  thert  is  no  senti- 
ment of  religion  in  this  invocation. 


ATAENTSIC. 


Ixxv 


wlioni,  by  yelling,  drumming,  and  stamping,  they  sought 
to  drive  away  from  the  sick.  Sometimes,  at  night,  she 
was  seen  hy  some  terrified  squaw  in  the  forest,  in  shape 
like  a flame  of  fire  ; and  when  the  vision  wms  announced 
to  the  circle  crouched  around  the  lodge-fire,  they  burned 
a fragment  of  meat  to  appease  the  female  fiend. 

The  East,  the  West,  the  North,  and  the  South  wei*e 
vaguely  personified  as  spirits  or  manitous.  Some  of  the 
winds,  too,  were  personal  existences.  The  West-Wind, 
as  we  have  seen,  was  father  of  Manabozho.  There  was 
a Summer-Maker  and  a Winter-Maker ; and  the  Indians 
tried  to  keep  the  latter  at  bay  by  throwing  firebrands 
into  the  air. 

When  we  turn  from  the  Algonquin  family  of  tribes  to 
that  of  the  Iroquois,  we  find  another  cosmogony,  and 
other  conceptions  of  spiritual  existence.  While  the 
earth  was  as  yet  a waste  of  waters,  there  was,  according 
to  Iroquois  and  Huron  traditions,  a heaven  with  lakes, 
streams,  plains,  and  forests,  inhabited  by  animals,  by 
spirits,  and,  as  some  affirm,  by  human  beings.  Here  a 
certain  female  spirit,  named  Ataentsic,  was  once  chas- 
ing a bear,  which,  slipping  through  a hole,  fell  down  to 
the  earth.  Ataentsic’s  dog  followed,  when  she  herself, 
struck  with  despair,  jumped  after  them.  Others  declare 
that  she  was  kicked  out  of  heaven  by  the  spirit,  her 
husband,  for  an  amour  with  a man ; while  others,  again, 
hold  the  belief  that  she  fell  in  the  attempt  to  gather  for 
her  husband  the  medicinal  leaves  of  a certain  tree.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  the  animals  swimming  in  the  watery  waste 
below  saw  her  falling,  and  hastily  met  in  council  to  deter- 
mine what  should  be  done.  The  case  was  referred  to 
the  beaver.  The  beaver  commended  it  to  the  judgment 
of  the  tortoise,  who  thereupon  called  on  the  other  animals 
to  dive,  bring  up  mud,  and  place  it  on  his  back.  Thus 


Ixxvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


was  formed  a floating  island,  on  which  Ataentsic  fell ; 
and  here,  being  pregnant,  she  was  soon  delivered  of  a 
daughter,  who  in  turn  boro  two  boys,  whose  paternity 
is  unexplained.  They  were  called  Taouscaron  and 
Jouskeha,  and  presently  fell  to  blows,  Jouskeha  killing 
his  brother  with  the  horn  of  a stag.  The  back  of  the 
tortoise  grew  into  a world  full  of  verdure  and  life ; and 
Jouskeha,  with  his  grandmother,  Ataentsic,  ruled  over 
its  destinies.^ 

He  is  the  Sun ; she  is  the  Moon.  He  is  beneficent ; 
but  she  is  malignant,  like  the  female  demon  of  the  Algon- 
quins.  TJiey  have  a bark  house,  made  like  those  of  the 
Iroquois,  at  the  end  of  the  earth,  and  they  often  come 
to  feasts  and  dances  in  the  Indian  villages.  Jouskeha 
raises  corn  for  himself,  and  makes  plentiful  harvests  for 
mankind.  Sometimes  he  is  seen,  thin  as  a skeleton, 
with  a spike  of  shrivelled  corn  in  his  hand,  or  greedily 
gnawing  a human  limb  ; and  then  the  Indians  know  that 
a grievous  famine  awaits  them.  He  constantly  interposes 
between  mankind  and  the  malice  of  his  wicked  grand- 
mother, whom,  at  times,  he  soundly  cudgels.  It  was  he 

1 The  above  is  the  version  of  the  story  given  by  Br^euf,  Relation 
des  Hurons,  1G36,  86  (Cramoisy).  No  two  Indians  told  it  precisely 
alike,  though  nearly  all  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois  agreed  as  to  its  es- 
sential points.  Compare  Vanderdonck,  Cusick,  Sagard,  and  other  writ 
ers.  According  to  Vanderdonck,  Ataentsic  became  mother  of  a deer, 
a bear,  and  a wolf,  by  whom  she  afterwards  bore  all  the  other  animals, 
mankind  included.  Brebeuf  found  also  among  the  Hurons  a tradition 
inconsistent  with  that  of  Ataentsic,  and  bearing  a trace  of  Algonquin 
origin.  It  declares,  that,  in  the  beginning,  a man,  a fox,  and  a skunk 
found  themselves  together  on  an  island,  and  that  the  man  made  the 
world  out  of  mud  brought  him  by  the  skunk. 

The  Delawares,  an  Algonquin  tribe,  seem  to  have  borrowed  some- 
what of  the  Iroquois  cosmogony,  since  they  believed  that  the  earth  was 
formed  on  the  back  of  a tortoise. 

According  to  some,  Jouskeha  became  the  father  of  the  human  race  ; 
but,  in  the  third  generation,  a deluge  destroyed  his  posterity,  so  that  it 
was  necessary  to  transform  animals  into  men.  — Charlevoix,  I H.  345 


JOUSKEHA. 


Ixxvii 


who  made  lakes  and  streams : for  once  the  earth  was 
parched  and  barren,  all  the  water  being  gathered  under 
the  armpit  of  a colossal  frog ; but  Jouskeha  pierced  the 
armpit,  and  let  out  the  water.  No  prayers  were  offered  to 
him,  his  benevolent  nature  rendering  them  superfluous.^ 

The  early  writers  call  Jouskeha  the  creator  of  tho 
world,  and  speak  of  him  as  corresponding  to  the  vague 
Algonquin  deity,  Atahocan.  Another  deity  appears  in 
Iroquois  mythology,  with  equal  claims  to  be  regarded  as 
supreme.  He  is  called  Areskoui,  or  Agreskoui,  and  his 
most  prominent  attributes  are  those  of  a god  of  war. 
He  was  often  invoked,  and  the  flesh  of  animals  and  of 
captive  enemies  was  burned  in  liis  honor. ^ Like  Jous- 
keha, he  was  identified  with  the  sun ; and  he  is  perhaps 
to  be  regarded  as  the  same  being,  under  different  attri- 
butes. Among  the  Iroquois  proper,  or  Five  Nations, 
there  was  also  a divinity  called  Tarenyowagon,  or  Telia- 
ronhiawagon,^  whose  place  and  character  it  is  very  diffi- 
cult to  determine.  In  some  traditions  he  appears  as 
the  son  of  Jouskeha.  He  had  a prodigious  influence; 
for  it  was  he  who  spoke  to  men  in  dreams.  The  Five 
Nations  recognized  still  another  superhuman  personage, 
— plainly  a deified  chief  or  hero.  This  was  Taounya- 
watha,  or  Hiawatha,  said  to  be  a divinely  appointed 
messenger,  who  made  his  abode  on  earth  for  the  political 
and  social  instruction  of  the  chosen  race,  and  whose 

1 Compare  Br^euf,  as  before  cited,  and  Sagard,  Voyage  des  Hurom, 

p.  228. 

2 Father  Jogues  saw  a female  prisoner  burned  to  Areskoui,  and  two 
bears  offered  to  him  to  atone  for  the  sin  of  not  burning  more  captives.  — 
Juettre  de  Jogues,  5 Aug.,  1643. 

3 Le  Mercier,  Relation,  1670,  66 ; Dablon,  Relation,  1671,  17.  Com 
pare  Cusick,  Megapolensis,  and  Vanderdonck.  Some  writers  identify 
Tarenyowagon  and  Hiawatha.  Vanderdonck  assumes  that  Areskoui  is 
the  Devil,  and  Tarenyowagon  is  God.  Thus  Indian  notions  are  often 
interpreted  by  the  light  of  preconceived  ideas. 

9* 


Ixxviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


counterpart  is  to  be  found  in  tlie  traditions  of  the  Peru- 
vians, Mexicans,  and  other  primitive  nations.^ 

Close  examination  makes  it  evident  that  the  primitive 
Indian’s  idea  of  a Supreme  Being  was  a conception  no 
higher  tlian  might  have  been  expected.  The  moment  he 
began  to  contemplate  this  object  of  his  faith,  and  sought 
to  clothe  it  with  attributes,  it  became  finite,  and  com- 
monly ridiculous.  The  Creator  of  the  World  stood  on 
the  level  of  a barbarous  and  degraded  humanity,  while 
a natural  tendency  became  apparent  to  look  beyond  him 
to  other  powers  sharing  his  dominion.  The  Indian 
belief,  if  developed,  would  have  developed  into  a system 
of  poly  theism. 2 

In  the  primitive  Indian’s  conception  of  a God  the  idea 
of  moral  good  has  no  part.  His  deity  does  not  dispense 
justice  for  this  world  or  the  next,  but  leaves  mankind 
under  the  power  of  subordinate  spirits,  who  fill  and 
control  the  universe.  Nor  is  the  good  and  evil  of  these 
inferior  beings  a moral  good  and  evil.  The  good  spirit 
is  the  spirit  that  gives  good  luck,  and  ministers  to  the 
necessities  and  desires  of  mankind:  the  evil  spirit  is 

1 For  the  tradition  of  Hiawatha,  see  Clark,  History  of  Onondaga,  I.  21. 
It  will  also  be  found  in  Schoolcraft’s  Notes  on  the  Iroquois,  and  in  his  His- 
tory, Condition,  and  Prospects  of  Indian  Tribes, 

The  Iroquois  name  for  God  is  Hawenniio,  sometimes  written 
Owayneo;  but  this  use  of  the  word  is  wholly  due  to  the  missionaries. 
Hawenniio  is  an  Iroquois  verb,  and  means,  he  rules,  he  is  master.  There 
is  no  Iroquois  word  which,  in  its  primitive  meaning,  can  be  interpreted, 
the  Great  Spirit,  or  God.  On  this  subject,  see  Etudes  Philologiques  sur 
quelques  Langues  Sauvages  (Montreal,  1866),  where  will  also  be  found  a 
curious  exposure  of  a few  of  Schoolcraft’s  ridiculous  blunders  in  this 
connection, 

2 Some  of  the  early  writers  could  discover  no  trace  of  belief  in  a 
supreme  spirit  of  any  kind.  Perrot,  after  a life  spent  among  the  Indians, 
ignores  such  an  idea.  Allouez  emphatically  denies  that  it  existed  among 
the  tribes  of  Lake  Superior.  {Relation,  1667,  11.)  He  adds,  however, 
that  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  believed  in  a great  genie,  who  lived  not  far  from 
tlie  French  settlements.^ — Ibid.,  21. 


THE  GREAT  SPIRIT. 


Ixxix 


simply  a malicious  agent  of  disease,  death,  and  mis- 
chance. 

In  no  Indian  language  could  the  early  missionaries 
find  a word  to  express  the  idea  of  God.  Manitou  and 
Oki  meant  anything  endowed  with  supernatural  powers, 
from  a snake-skin,  or  a greasy  Indian  conjurer,  up  to 
Manabozho  and  Jouskeha.  The  priests  were  forced  to 
use  a circumlocution,  — “The  Great  Chief  of  Men,”  or 
“ He  who  lives  in  the  Sky.”  ^ Yet  it  should  seem  that 
the  idea  of  a supreme  controlling  spirit  might  naturally 
arise  from  the  peculiar  cliaracter  of  Indian  belief.  The 
idea  that  each  race  of  animals  has  its  archetype  or 
chief  would  easily  suggest  the  existence  of  a supremo 
chief  of  tlie  spirits  or  of  the  human  race,  — a conception 
imperfectly  shadowed  forth  in  Manabozho.  The  Jesuit 
missionaries  seized  this  advantage.  “ If  each  sort  of 
animal  has  its  king,”  they  urged,  “ so,  too,  have  men ; 
and  as  man  is  above  all  the  animals,  so  is  the  spirit 
that  rules  over  men  the  master  of  all  the  other  spirits.” 
The  Indian  mind  readily  accepted  the  idea,  and  tribes 
in  no  sense  Christian  quickly  rose  to  the  belief  in 
one  controlling  spirit.  The  Great  Spirit  became  a dis- 
tinct existence,  a pervading  power  in  the  universe,  and 
a dispenser  of  justice.  Many  tribes  now  pray  to  him, 
though  still  clinging  obstinately  to  their  ancient  super- 
stitions ; and  with  some,  as  the  heathen  portion  of  the 
modern  Iroquois,  he  is  clothed  with  attributes  of  moral 
good.2 

1 See  “ Divers  Sentimens,”  appended  to  the  Relation  of  1635,  § 27  ; and 
also  many  other  passages  of  early  missionaries. 

2 In  studying  the  writers  of  the  last  and  of  the  present  century,  it  ia 
to  be  remembered  that  their  observations  were  made  upon  savages  who 
had  been  for  generations  in  contact,  immediate  or  otherwise,  with  the 
doctrines  of  Christianity.  Many  observers  have  interpreted  the  religions 
ideas  of  the  Indians  after  preconceived  ideas  of  their  own ; and  it  may 


Ixxx 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  primitive  Indian  believed  in  the  immortality  of 
the  soul/  but  he  did  not  always  believe  in  a state  of 
future  reward  and  punishment.  Nor,  when  such  a belief 
existed,  was  the  good  to  be  rewarded  a moral  good,  or 
the  evil  to  be  punished  a moral  evil.  Skilful  hunters, 
brave  warriors,  men  of  influence  and  consideration,  wejit, 
after  death,  to  the  happy  hunting-ground  ; while  the  sloth- 
ful, the  cowardly,  and  the  weak  were  doomed  to  eat  ser- 
pents and  ashes  in  dreary  regions  of  mist  and  darkness. 
In  the  general  belief,  however,  there  was  but  one  land  of 
shades  for  all  alike.  The  spirits,  in  form  and  feature  as 
they  had  been  in  life,  wended  their  way  through  dark 
forests  to  the  villages  of  the  dead,  subsisting  on  bark  and 
rotten  wood.  On  arriving,  they  sat  all  day  in  the  crouch- 
ing posture  of  the  sick,  and,  when  night  came,  hunted 


safely  be  affirmed  that  an  Indian  will  respond  with  a grunt  of  acquies 
cence  to  any  question  whatever  touching  his  spiritual  state.  Loskiel  and 
the  simple-minded  Ileckewelder  write  from  a missionary  point  of  view ; 
Adair,  to  support  a theory  of  descent  from  the  Jews ; the  worthy  theo- 
logian, Jarvis,  to  maintain  his  dogma,  that  all  religious  ideas  of  the  heathen 
world  are  perversions  of  revelation ; and  so,  in  a greater  or  less  degree, 
of  many  others.  By  far  the  most  close  and  accurate  observers  of  Indian 
superstition  were  the  Trench  and  Italian  Jesuits  of  the  first  half  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  Their  opportunities  w’ere  unrivalled ; and  they 
used  them  in  a spirit  of  faithful  inquiry,  accumulating  facts,  and  leaving 
theory  to  their  successors.  Of  recent  American  writers,  no  one  has 
given  so  much  attention  to  the  subject  as  Mr.  Schoolcraft;  but,  in  view 
of  his  opportunities  and  his  zeal,  his  results  are  most  unsatisfactory. 
The  work  in  six  large  quarto  volumes,  History,  Condition,  and  Prospects 
of  Indian  Tribes,  published  by  Government  under  his  editorship,  includes 
the  substance  of  most  of  his  previous  writings.  It  is  a singularly  crude 
and  illiterate  production,  stuffed  with  blunders  and  contradictions,  giv- 
ing evidence  on  every  page  of  a striking  unfitness  either  for  historical  or 
philosophical  inquiry,  and  taxing  to  the  utmost  the  patience  of  those 
who  would  extract  what  is  valuable  in  it  from  its  oceans  of  pedantic 
verbiage. 

1 The  exceptions  are  exceedingly  rare.  Tather  Gravier  says  that  a 
Peoria  Indian  once  told  him  that  there  was  no  future  life.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  find  another  instance  of  the  kind. 


THE  JOURNEY  OF  THE  DEAD. 


Ixxxi 


the  shades  of  animals,  with  the  shades  of  bows  and 
arrows,  among  the  sliadcs  of  trees  and  rocks : for  all 
things,  animate  and  inanimate,  were  alike  immortal,  and 
all  passed  together  to  the  gloomy  country  of  the  dead. 

The  belief  respecting  the  land  of  souls  varied  greatly 
in  different  tribes  and  different  individuals.  Among  the 
Hurons  there  were  those  who  held  that  departed  spirits 
pursued  their  journey  through  the  sky,  along  the  Milky 
Way,  while  the  souls  of  dogs  took  another  route,  by  cer- 
tain constellations,  known  as  the  Way  of  the  Dogs.”^ 

At  intervals  of  ten  or  twelve  years,  the  Hurons,  the 
Neutrals,  and  other  kindred  tribes,  were  accustomed  to 
collect  the  bones  of  their  dead,  and  deposit  them,  with 
great  ceremony,  in  a common  place  of  burial.  The  whole 
nation  was  sometimes  assembled  at  this  solemnity ; and 
hundreds  of  corpses,  brought  from  their  temporary  rest- 
ing-places, were  inhumed  in  one  capacious  pit.  From 
this  hour  the  immortality  of  their  souls  began.  They 
took  wing,  as  some  affirmed,  in  the  shape  of  pigeons ; 
while  the  greater  number  declared  that  they  journeyed 
on  foot,  and  in  their  own  likeness,  to  the  land  of  shades, 
bearing  with  them  the  ghosts  of  the  wampum-belts,  bea- 
ver-skins, bows,  arrows,  pipes,  kettles,  beads,  and  rings 
buried  with  them  in  the  common  grave.^  But  as  the 
spirits  of  the  old  and  of  cliildren  are  too  feeble  for  the 
march,  they  are  forced  to  stay  behind,  lingering  near 
their  eartlily  villages,  where  the  living  often  hear  the 
shutting  of  their  invisible  cabin-doors,  and  the  weak 

^ Sagard,  Voyage  des  Hurons,  233. 

2 Tlie  practice  of  burying  treasures  with  the  dead  is  not  peculiar  to 
the  North  American  aborigines.  Thus,  the  London  Times  of  Oct.  28, 
1865,  describing  the  funeral  rites  of  Lord  Palmerston,  says : “ And  as 
the  words,  ‘Dust  to  dust,  ashes  to  ashes,’  were  pronounced,  the  chief 
mourner,  as  a last  precious  offering  to  the  dead,  threw  into  the  grave 
several  diamond  and  gold  rings.” 


Ixxxii 


INTRODUCTION 


voices  of  the  disembodied  children  driving  birds  from 
their  corn-fields.^  An  endless  variety  of  incoherent  fan- 
cies is  connected  with  the  Indian  idea  of  a future  life. 
They  commonly  owe  their  origin  to  dreams,  often  to  tho 
dreams  of  those  in  extreme  sickness,  who,  on  awaking, 
supposed  that  they  had  visited  the  other  world,  and  relat 
ed  to  the  wondering  bystanders  what  they  had  seen. 

The  Indian  land  of  souls  is  not  always  a region  of 
shadows  and  gloom.  The  Hurons  sometimes  represented 
the  souls  of  their  dead  — those  of  their  dogs  included  — 
as  dancing  joyously  in  the  presence  of  Ataentsic  and 
Jouskeha.  According  to  some  Algonquin  traditions, 
heaven  was  a scene  of  endless  festivity,  the  ghosts  dan- 
cing to  the  sound  of  the  rattle  and  the  drum,  and  greet- 
ing with  hospitable  welcome  the  occasional  visitor  from 
the  living  world : for  the  spirit-land  was  not  far  off, 
and  roving  hunters  sometimes  passed  its  confines  un- 
awares. 

Most  of  the  traditions  agree,  however,  that  the  spirits, 
on  their  journey  heavenward,  were  beset  with  difficulties 
and  perils.  There  was  a swift  river  which  must  bo 
crossed  on  a log  that  shook  beneath  their  feet,  while  a 
ferocious  dog  opposed  their  passage,  and  drove  many  into 
the  abyss.  This  river  was  full  of  sturgeon  and  other 
fish,  which  the  ghosts  speared  for  their  subsistence.  Be- 
yond was  a narrow  path  between  moving  rocks,  which 
each  instant  crashed  together,  grinding  to  atoms  the  less 
nimble  of  the  pilgrims  who  essayed  to  pass.  The  Ilurons 
believed  that  a personage  named  Oscotarach,  or  the  Ilead^ 
Piercer,  dwelt  in  a bark  house  beside  the  path,  and  tliat 
it  was  his  office  to  remove  the  brains  from  the  heads  of 
all  who  went  by,  as  a necessary  preparation  for  immor- 


1 Br^euf,  Relation  des  Ilurons^  163G,  99  (Cramoisjr). 


DREAMS. 


Ixxxiii 


tality.  This  singular  idea  is  found  also  in  some  Algon- 
quin traditions,  according  to  which,  however,  the  brain  is 
afterwards  restored  to  its  owner.^ 

Dreams  were  to  the  Indian  a universal  oracle.  They 
revealed  to  him  his  guardian  spirit,  taught  him  the  cure 
of  liis  diseases,  warned  him  of  the  devices  of  sorcerers, 
guided  him  to  the  lurking-places  of  liis  enemy  or  the 
haunts  of  game,  and  unfolded  the  secrets  of  good  and 
evil  destiny.  The  dream  was  a mysterious  and  inexora- 
ble power,  whose  least  behests  must  be  obeyed  to  the 
letter,  — a source,  in  every  Indian  town,  of  endless  mis- 
chief and  abomination.  There  were  professed  dreamers, 
and  professed  interpreters  of  dreams.  One  of  the  most 
noted  festivals  among  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois  was  the 
Dream  Feast,  a scene  of  frenzy,  where  the  actors  counter- 

1 On  Indian  ideas  of  anotlier  life,  compare  Sagard,  the  Jesuit  Rela- 
tions, Perrot,  Charlevoix,  and  Lafitau,  with  Tanner,  James,  Schoolcraft, 
and  the  Appendix  to  Morse’s  Indian  Report. 

Le  Clerc  recounts  a singular  story,  current  in  his  time  among  the 
Algonquins  of  Gaspe  and  Northern  New  Brunswick.  The  favorite  son 
of  an  old  Indian  died  ; whereupon  the  father,  with  a party  of  friends,  set 
out  for  the  land  of  souls  to  recover  him.  It  was  only  necessary  to  wade 
through  a shallow  lake,  several  days’  journe}''  in  extent.  This  they  did, 
sleeping  at  night  on  platforms  of  poles  which  supported  them  above  the 
water.  At  length  they  arrived,  and  were  met  by  Papkootparout,  the  In- 
dian Pluto,  who  rushed  on  them  in  a rage,  with  his  war-club  upraised; 
but,  presently  relenting,  changed  his  mind,  and  challenged  them  to  a 
game  of  ball.  They  proved  the  victors,  and  won  the  stakes,  consisting 
of  corn,  tobacco,  and  certain  fruits,  which  thus  became  known  to  man- 
kind. The  bereaved  father  now  begged  hard  for  his  son’s  soul,  and  Pap* 
kootparout  at  last  gave  it  to  him,  in  the  form  and  size  of  a nut,  which, 
by  pressing  it  hard  between  his  hands,  he  forced  into  a small  leather  bag. 
The  delighted  parent  carried  it  back  to  earth,  with  instructions  to  insert 
it  in  the  body  of  his  son,  who  would  thereupon  return  to  life.  When  the 
adventurers  reached  home,  and  reported  the  happy  issue  of  their  journey, 
there  was  a dance  of  rejoicing ; and  the  father,  wishing  to  take  part  in  it, 
gave  his  son’s  soul  to  the  keeping  of  a squaw  who  stood  by.  Being 
curious  to  see  it,  she  opened  the  bag ; on  which  it  escaped  at  once,  and 
took  flight  for  the  realms  of  Papkootparout,  preferring  them  to  the  abodes 
of  the  living.  — Le  Clerc,  Nouvelle  Relation  de  la  Gasp^sie,  310-328. 


Ixxxiv 


INTRODUCTION. 


feited  madness,  and  the  town  was  like  a bedlam  turned 
loose.  Each  pretended  to  have  dreamed  of  something 
necessary  to  his  welfare,  and  rushed  from  house  to  house, 
demanding  of  all  he  met  to  guess  his  secret  requirement 
and  satisfy  it. 

Believing  that  the  whole  material  world  was  instinct 
with  powers  to  influence  and  control  his  fate,  that  good 
and  evil  spirits,  and  existences  nameless  and  indefinable, 
filled  all  Nature,  that  a pervading  sorcery  was  above, 
below,  and  around  him,  and  that  issues  of  life  and  death 
might  be  controlled  by  instruments  the  most  unnoticeable 
and  seemingly  the  most  feeble,  the  Indian  lived  in  per- 
petual fear.  The  turning  of  a leaf,  the  crawling  of  an 
insect,  the  cry  of  a bird,  the  creaking  of  a bough,  might 
be  to  him  the  mystic  signal  of  weal  or  woe. 

An  Indian  community  swarmed  with  sorcerers,  med- 
icine-men, and  diviners,  whose  functions  were  often 
united  in  the  same  person.  The  sorcerer,  by  charms, 
magic  songs,  magic  feasts,  and  the  beating  of  his  drum, 
had  power  over  the  spirits  and  those  occult  influences 
inherent  in  animals  and  inanimate  things.  He  could  call 
to  him  the  souls  of  his  enemies.  They  appeared  before 
him  in  the  form  of  stones.  He  chopped  and  bruised 
them  witli  his  hatchet ; blood  and  flesh  issued  forth ; 
and  the  intended  victim,  however  distant,  languished  and 
died.  Like  the  sorcerer  of  the  Middle  Ages,  he  made 
images  of  those  he  wished  to  destroy,  and,  muttering  in- 
cantations, punctured  them  with  an  awl,  whereupon  tho 
persons  represented  sickened  and  pined  away. 

Tlie  Indian  doctor  relied  far  more  on  magic  than  on 
natural  remedies.  Dreams,  beating  of  the  drum,  songs, 
magic  feasts  and  dances,  and  howling  to  frighten  the  fe- 
male demon  from  his  patient,  were  his  ordinary  methods 
of  cure. 


SACRIFICES. 


Ixxxv 


The  prophet,  or  diviner,  had  various  means  of  read* 
ing  the  secrets  of  futurity,  such  as  the  flight  of  birds, 
and  the  movements  of  water  and  fire.  There  was  a 
peculiar  practice  of  divination  very  general  in  the  Algon- 
quin family  of  tribes,  among  some  of  whom  it  still  sub- 
sists. A small,  conical  lodge  was  made  by  planting 
poles  in  a circle,  lashing  the  tops  together  at  the  height 
of  about  seven  feet  from  the  ground,  and  closely  covering 
them  with  hides.  The  prophet  crawled  in,  and  closed 
the  aperture  after  him.  He  then  beat  his  drum  and 
sang  his  magic  songs  to  summon  the  spirits,  whose  weak, 
shrill  voices  were  soon  heard,  mingled  with  his  lugubri- 
ous chanting,  while  at  intervals  the  juggler  paused  to 
interpret  their  communications  to  the  attentive  crowd 
seated  on  the  ground  without.  During  the  whole  scene, 
the  lodge  swayed  to  and  fro  with  a violence  which  has 
astonished  many  a civilized  beholder,  and  which  some  of 
the  Jesuits  explain  by  the  ready  solution  of  a genuine 
diabolic  intervention.^ 

The  sorcerers,  medicine-men,  and  diviners  did  not 
usually  exercise  the  function  of  priests.  Each  man  sac^ 
rificed  for  himself  to  the  powers  he  wished  to  propitiate, 
whether  his  guardian  spirit,  the  spirits  of  animals,  or  the 
other  beings  of  his  belief.  The  most  common  oflering 
was  tobacco,  thrown  into  the  fire  or  water;  scraps  of 
meat  were  sometimes  burned  to  the  manitous ; and,  on  a 
few  rare  occasions  of  public  solemnity,  a white  dog,  the 
mystic  animal  of  many  tribes,  was  tied  to  the  end  of  an 
upright  pole,  as  a sacrifice  to  some  superior  spirit,  or  to 

1 This  practice  was  first  observed  by  Champlain.  (See  “Pioneers  of 
France  in  the  New  World.’’)  From  his  time  to  the  present,  numerous 
writers  have  remarked  upon  it.  Le  Jeune,  in  the  Relalion  of  1687,  treats 
it  at  some  length.  The  lodge  was  sometimes  of  a cylindrical,  instead  of  a 
conical  form. 

h 


XXXVl 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  sun,  with  which  the  superior  spirits  were  constantly 
confounded  by  the  primitive  Indian.  In  recent  times, 
when  Judaism  and  Christianity  have  modified  his  relig- 
ious ideas,  it  has  been,  and  still  is,  the  practice  to  sacri- 
fice dogs  to  the  Great  Spirit.  On  these  public  occasions, 
the  sacrificial  function  is  discharged  by  chiefs,  or  by  war- 
riors appointed  for  the  purpose.^ 

Among  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois,  and  indeed  all  the 
stationary  tribes,  there  was  an  incredible  number  of 
mystic  ceremonies,  extravagant,  puerile,  and  often  dis- 
gusting, designed  for  the  cure  of  the  sick  or  for  the 
general  weal  of  the  community.  Most  of  their  observ- 
ances seem  originally  to  have  been  dictated  by  dreams, 
and  transmitted  as  a sacred  heritage  from  generation  to 
generation.  They  consisted  in  an  endless  variety  of 
dances,  masqueradings,  and  nondescript  orgies ; and  a 
scrupulous  adherence  to  all  the  traditional  forms  was 
held  to  be  of  the  last  moment,  as  the  slightest  failure  in 
this  respect  might  entail  serious  calamities.  If  children 
were  seen  in  their  play  imitating  any  of  these  mysteries, 
they  were  grimly  rebuked  and  punished.  In  many  tribes 
secret  magical  societies  existed,  and  still  exist,  into  wliich 

1 Many  of  the  Indian  feasts  were  feasts  of  sacrifice, — sometimes  to 
the  guardian  spirit  of  the  host,  sometimes  to  an  animal  of  wliich  he  has 
dreamed,  sometimes  to  a local  or  other  spirit.  The  food  was  first  offered 
in  a loud  voice  to  the  being  to  be  propitiated,  after  which  the  guests 
proceeded  to  devour  it  for  him.  This  unique  method  of  sacrifice  was 
practised  at  war-feasts  and  similar  solemnities.  For  an  excellent  account 
of  Indian  religious  feasts,  see  Perrot,  Chap.  V. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  of  Indian  sacrifices  was  that  practised 
by  the  Hurons  in  the  case  of  a person  drowned  or  frozen  to  death.  The 
flesh  of  the  deceased  was  cut  off,  and  thrown  into  a fire  made  for  the  pur- 
pose, as  an  offering  of  propitiation  to  the  spirits  of  the  air  or  water. 
What  remained  of  the  body  was  then  buried  near  the  fire.  — Brebeuf, 
Relation  des  Hurons,  1636,  108. 

The  tribes  of  Virginia,  as  described  by  Beverly  and  others,  not  only 
had  priests  who  offered  sacrifice,  but  idols  and  houses  of  worship. 


TRADITIONARY  TALES. 


Ixxx^di 


members  are  initiated  with  peculiar  ceremonies.  These 
associations  are  greatly  respected  and  feared.  They  have 
charms  for  love,  war,  and  private  revenge,  and  exert  a 
great,  and  often  a very  mischievous  influence.  The  soci- 
eties of  the  Metai  and  the  Wabeno,  among  the  Northern 
Algonquins,  are  conspicuous  examples ; while  other  soci- 
eties of  similar  character  have,  for  a century,  been  known 
to  exist  among  the  Daheotah.^ 

A notice  of  the  superstitious  ideas  of  the  Indians 
would  be  imperfect  without  a reference  to  the  tradi- 
tionary tales  through  which  these  ideas  are  handed  down 
from  father  to  son.  Some  of  these  tales  can  be  traced 
back  to  the  period  of  the  earliest  intercourse  with  Euro- 
peans. One  at  least  of  those  recorded  by  the  first  mis- 
sionaries, on  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence,  is  still  current 
among  the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Lakes.  Many  of  them 
are  curious  combinations  of  beliefs  seriously  entertained 
with  strokes  intended  for  humor  and  drollery,  which 
never  fail  to  awaken  peals  of  laughter  in  the  lodge-circle. 
Giants,  dwarfs,  cannibals,  spirits,  beasts,  birds,  and  anom- 
alous monsters,  transformations,  tricks,  and  sorcery,  form 
the  staple  of  the  story.  Some  of  the  Iroquois  tales  em- 
body conceptions  which,  however  preposterous,  are  of  a 
bold  and  striking  character ; but  those  of  the  Algonquins 
are,  to  an  incredible  degree,  flimsy,  silly,  and  meaning- 
less ; nor  are  those  of  the  Daheotah  tribes  much  better. 
In  respect  to  this  wigwam  lore,  there  is  a curious  super- 
stition of  very  wide  prevalence.  The  tales  must  not  be 
told  in  summer ; since  at  that  season,  when  all  Nature  is 
full  of  life,  the  spirits  are  awake,  and,  hearing  what  is 
said  of  them,  may  take  offence;  whereas  in  winter  they 

1 The  Eriendly  Society  of  the  Spirit,  of  which  the  initiatory  ceremo- 
nies were  seen  and  described  by  Carver  {Travels,  271),  preserves  to  this 
day  its  existence  and  its  rites. 


Ixxxviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


are  fast  sealed  up  in  snow  and  ice,  and  no  longer  capable 
of  listening.^ 

It  is  obvious  that  the  Indian  mind  has  never  seriously 
occupied  itself  with  any  of  the  higher  themes  of  thought. 
The  beings  of  its  belief  are  not  impersonations  of  the 
forces  of  Nature,  the  courses  of  human  destiny,  or  the 
movements  of  human  intellect,  will,  and  passion.  In 
the  midst  of  Nature,  the  Indian  knew  nothing  of  her 
laws.  His  perpetual  reference  of  her  phenomena  to 
occult  agencies  forestalled  inquiry  and  precluded  induc- 
tive reasoning.  If  the  wind  blew  with  violence,  it  was 
because  the  water-lizard,  which  makes  the  wind,  had 
crawled  out  of  his  pool ; if  the  lightning  was  sharp  and 
frequent,  it  was  because  the  young  of  the  thunder-bird 
were  restless  in  their  nest ; if  a blight  fell  upon  the  corn, 
it  was  because  the  Corn  Spirit  was  angry ; and  if  the 
beavers  were  shy  and  difficult  to  catch,  it  was  because 

1 The  prevalence  of  this  fancy  among  the  Algonquins  in  the  remote 
parts  of  Canada  is  well  established.  The  writer  found  it  also  among  the 
extreme  western  bands  of  the  Dahcotah.  He  tried,  in  the  month  of  July, 
to  persuade  an  old  chief,  a noted  story-teller,  to  tell  him  some  of  the 
tales ; but,  though  abundantly  loquacious  in  respect  to  his  own  adven- 
tures, and  even  his  dreams,  the  Indian  obstinately  refused,  saying  that 
winter  was  the  time  for  the  tales,  and  that  it  was  bad  to  tell  them  in 
summer. 

Mr.  Schoolcraft  has  published  a collection  of  Algonquin  tales,  under 
the  title  of  Algic  Researches.  Most  of  them  were  translated  by  his  wife, 
an  educated  Ojibwa  half-breed.  This  book  is  perhaps  the  best  of  Mr. 
Schoolcraft’s  works,  though  its  value  is  much  impaired  by  the  want  of  a 
litoral  rendering,  and  the  introduction  of  decorations  which  savor  more 
of  a popular  monthly  magazine  than  of  an  Indian  wigwam.  Mrs.  East- 
man’s interesting  Legends  of  the  Sioux  (Dahcotah)  is  not  free  from  the 
same  defect.  Other  tales  are  scattered  throughout  the  works  of  Mr. 
Schoolcraft  and  various  modern  writers.  Some  are  to  be  found  in  the 
works  of  Lafitau  and  the  other  Jesuits.  But  few  of  the  Iroquois  legends 
have  been  printed,  though  a considerable  number  have  been  written  down , 
The  singular  History  of  the  Five  Nations,  by  the  old  Tuscarora  Indian, 
Cusick,  gives  the  substance  of  some  of  them.  Others  will  be  found  in 
Clark’s  History  of  Onondaga, 


RESULTS. 


Ixxxix 


they  had  taken  offence  at  seeing  the  bones  of  one  of  their 
race  thrown  to  a dog.  Well,  and  even  highly  developed, 
in  a few  instances,  — I allude  especially  to  the  Iroquois, 
— with  respect  to  certain  points  of  material  concernment, 
the  mind  of  the  Indian  in  other  respects  was  and  is 
almost  hopelessly  stagnant.  The  very  traits  that  raise 
him  above  the  servile  races  are  hostile  to  the  kind  and 
degree  of  civilization  which  those  races  so  easily  attain. 
His  intractable  spirit  of  independence,  and  the  pride 
which  forbids  him  to  be  an  imitator,  reinforce  but  too 
strongly  that  savage  lethargy  of  mind  from  which  it  is  so 
hard  to  rouse  him.  No  race,  perhaps,  ever  offered  greater 
difficulties  to  those  laboring  for  its  improvement. 

To  sum  up  the  results  of  this  examination,  the  primi- 
tive Indian  was  as  savage  in  his  religion  as  in  his  life. 
He  was  divided  between  fetich-worship  and  that  next 
degree  of  religious  development  which  consists  in  the 
worship  of  deities  embodied  in  the  human  form.  His 
conception  of  their  attributes  was  such  as  might  have 
been  expected.  His  gods  were  no  whit  better  than  him- 
self. Even  when  he  borrows  from  Christianity  the  idea 
of  a Supreme  and  Universal  Spirit,  his  tendency  is  to 
reduce  Him  to  a local  habitation  and  a bodily  shape ; and 
this  tendency  disappears  only  in  tribes  that  have  been 
long  in  contact  with  civilized  white  men.  The  primitive 
Indian,  yielding  his  untutored  homage  to  One  All-per- 
vading and  Omnipotent  Spirit,  is  a dream  of  poets,  rhet- 
oricians, and  sentimentalists. 

k* 


JESUITS  IN  NOETH  AMERICA. 


THE 


JESUITS  IN  NORTH  AMERICA. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1634. 

NOTRE-DAME  DES  ANGES. 

Quebec  in  1634.  — Father  Le  Jeune.  — The  Mission-House.  — Its 
Domestic  Economy. —The  Jesuits  and  their  Designs. 

Opposite  Quebec  lies  the  tongue  of  land  called 
Point  Levi.  One  who,  in  the  summer  of  the  year 
1634,  stood  on  its  margin  and  looked  northward, 
across  the  St.  Lawrence,  would  have  seen,  at  the 
distance  of  a mile  or  more,  a range  of  lofty  cliffs, 
rising  on  the  left  into  the  bold  heights  of  Cape  Dia- 
mond, and  on  the  right  sinking  abruptly  to  the  bed 
of  the  tributary  river  St.  Charles.  Beneath  these 
cliffs,  at  the  brink  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  would 
have  descried  a cluster  of  warehouses,  sheds,  and 
wooden  tenements.  Immediately  above,  along  the 
verge  of  the  precipice,  he  could  have  traced  the 
outlines  of  a fortified  work,  with  a flagstaff,  and  a 
few  small  cannon  to  command  the  river ; while,  at 
the  only  point  where  Nature  had  made  the  heights 
accessible,  a zigzag  path  connected  the  warehouses 
and  the  fort. 


1 


2 


NOTRE-DAME  DES  ANGES. 


[1034. 


ISTow,  embarked  in  the  canoe  of  some  Monta- 
gnais  Indian,  let  him  cross  the  St.  Lawrence,  land 
at  the  pier,  and,  passing  the  cluster  of  buildings, 
climb  the  pathway  up  the  cliff.  Pausing  for  rest 
and  breath,  he  might  see,  ascending  and  descend- 
ing, the  tenants  of  this  outpost  of  the  wilderness : 
a soldier  of  the  fort,  or  an  officer  in  slouched  hat 
and  plume  ; a factor  of  the  fur  company,  owner  and 
sovereign  lord  of  all  Canada ; a party  of  Indians ; 
a trader  from  the  upper  country,  one  of  the  pre- 
cursors of  that  hardy  race  of  coureurs  de  bois,  des- 
tined to  form  a conspicuous  and  strikmg  feature  of 
the  Canadian  population : next,  perhaps,  would  ap- 
pear a figure  widely  different.  The  close,  black 
cassock,  the  rosary  hanging  from  the  waist,  and 
the  wide,  black  hat,  looped  up  at  the  sides,  pro- 
claimed the  Jesuit,  — Father  Le  Jeune,  Superior  of 
the  Pesidence  of  Quebec. 

And  now,  that  we  may  better  know  the  aspect 
and  condition  of  the  infant  colony  and  incipient 
mission,  we  will  follow  the  priest  on  his  way. 
Mounting  the  steep  path,  he  reached  the  top  of 
the  cliff,  some  two  hundred  feet  above  the  river 
and  the  warehouses.  On  the  left  lay  the  fort  built 
by  Champlain,  covering  a part  of  the  ground  now 
forming  Durham  Terrace  and  the  Place  d’Armes. 
Its  ramparts  were  of  logs  and  earth,  and  within 
was  a turreted  building  of  stone,  used  as  a barrack, 
as  officers’  quarters,  and  for  other  purposes.^  Near 
the  fort  stood  a small  chapel,  newly  built.  The 

1 Compare  the  various  notices  in  Champlain  (1632)  with  that  of  Du 
Creux  Ilistoria  Canadensis,  204. 


1684.] 


QUEBEC  IN  1634. 


3 


siiiTOunding  country  was  cleared  and  partially  cul- 
tivated ; yet  only  one  dwelling-house  worthy  the 
name  appeared.  It  was  a substantial  cottage,  where 
lived  Madame  Hebert,  widow  of  the  first  settler 
of  Canada,  with  her  daughter,  her  son-in-law  Com 
illard,  and  their  children,  good  Catholics  all,  who, 
two  years  before,  when  Quebec  was  evacuated  by 
the  English,^  wept  for  joy  at  beholding  Le  Jeune, 
and  his  brother  Jesuit,  He  None,  crossing  their 
threshold  to  offer  beneath  their  roof  the  long-for- 
bidden sacrifice  of  the  Mass.  There  were  inclos- 
ures with  cattle  near  at  hand ; and  the  house,  with 
its  surroundings,  betokened  industry  and  thrift. 

Thence  Le  Jeune  walked  on,  across  the  site  of 
the  modern  market-place,  and  still  onward,  near 
the  line  of  the  cliffs  which  sank  abruptly  on  his 
right.  Beneath  lay  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Charles ; 
and,  beyond,  the  wilderness  shore  of  Beauport 
swept  in  a wide  curve  eastward,  to  where,  far  in 
the  distance,  the  Gulf  of  Montmorenci  yawned  on 
the  great  river.^  The  priest  soon  passed  the  clear- 
ings, and  entered  the  woods  which  covered  the 
site  of  the  present  suburb  of  St.  John.  Thence  he 
descended  to  a lower  plateau,  where  now  lies  the 
suburb  of  St.  Eoch,  and,  still  advancing,  reached  a 
pleasant  spot  at  the  extremity  of  the  Pointe-aux- 
liievres,  a tract  of  meadow  land  nearly  inclosed 


^ See  “Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World.”  Hebert’s  cottage 
seems  to  have  stood  between  Ste.-Fainille  and  Couillard  Streets,  as  ap- 
pears by  a contract  of  1634,  cited  by  M.  Ferland. 

2 The  settlement  of  Beauport  was  begun  this  year,  or  the  year  follow- 
ing, by  the  Sieur  Giffard,  to  whom  a large  tract  had  been  granted  here. 
— Langevin,  Notes  sw'  les  Archives  de  N.  D,  de  Beauport^  5. 


4 


NOTRE-DAME  DES  ANGES. 


[1631 


by  a sudden  bend  of  the  St.  Charles.  Here  lay 
a canoe  or  skiff;  and,  paddling  across  the  narrow 
stream,  Le  Jeune  saw  on  the  meadow,  two  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  bank,  a square  inclosure 
formed  of  palisades,  like  a modern  picket  fort  of 
tlie  Indian  frontier.^  Within  this  inclosure  were 
two  buildings,  one  of  which  had  been  half  burned 
by  the  English,  and  was  not  yet  repaired.  It  served 
as  storehouse,  stable,  workshop,  and  bakery.  Op- 
posite stood  the  principal  building,  a structure  of 
planks,  plastered  with  mud,  and  thatched  with  long 
grass  from  the  meadows.  It  consisted  of  one  story, 
a garret,  and  a cellar,  and  contained  four  principal 
rooms,  of  which  one  served  as  chapel,  another  as 
refectory,  another  as  kitchen,  and  the  fourth  as  a 
lodging  for  workmen.  The  furniture  of  all  was 
plain  in  the  extreme.  Until  the  preceding  year, 
the  chapel  had  had  no  other  ornament  than  a 
sheet  on  which  were  glued  two  coarse  engravings ; 
but  the  priests  had  now  decorated  their  altar  with 
an  image  of  a dove  representing  the  Holy  Ghost, 
an  image  of  Loyola,  another  of  Xavier,  and  three 
images  of  the  Virgin.  Four  cells  opened  from 
the  refectory,  the  largest  of  which  was  eight  feet 
square.  In  these  lodged  six  priests,  while  two  lay 

i This  must  have  been  very  near  the  point  where  the  streamlet  called 
the  River  Lairet  enters  the  St.  Charles.  The  place  has  a triple  historic 
interest.  The  wintering-place  of  Cartier  in  1535-6  (see  “Pioneers  of 
Prance  ”)  seems  to  have  been  here.  Here,  too,  in  1759,  Montcalm’s  bridge 
of  boats  crossed  the  St.  Charles ; and  in  a large  intrenchment,  which 
probably  included  the  site  of  the  Jesuit  mission-house,  the  remnants  of 
his  shattered  army  rallied,  after  their  defeat  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham.  — 
See  the  very  curious  Narrative  of  the  Chevalier  Johnstone,  published  by 
the  Historical  Society  of  Quebec. 


1G34.] 


THE  JESUITS. 


5 


brothers  found  shelter  in  the  garret.  The  house 
had  been  hastily  built,  eight  years  before,  and  now 
leaked  in  all  parts.  Such  was  the  Eesidence  of 
Notre-Dame  des  Anges.  Here  was  nourished  the 
germ  of  a vast  enterprise,  and  this  was  the  cradle 
of  the  great  mission  of  New  France.^ 

Of  the  six  Jesuits  gathered  in  the  refectory  for 
the  evening  meal,  one  was  conspicuous  among  the 
rest,  — a tall,  strong  man,  with  features  that  seemed 
carved  by  Nature  for  a soldier,  but  which  the  men- 
tal habits  of  years  had  stamped  with  the  visible 
impress  of  the  priesthood.  This  was  Jean  de  Bre- 
beuf,  descendant  of  a noble  family  of  Normandy, 
and  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  devoted  zealots 
whose  names  stand  on  the  missionary  rolls  of  his 
Order.  His  companions  were  Masse,  Daniel, 
Davost,  De  None,  and  the  Father  Superior,  Le 
Jeune.  Masse  was  the  same  priest  who  had  ^been 
the  companion  of  Father  Biard  in  the  abortive 
mission  of  Acadia.^  By  reason  of  his  useful  qual- 
ities, Le  Jeune  nicknamed  him  “ le  Pere  Utile.” 
At  present,  his  special  function  was  the  care  of 
the  pigs  and  cows,  which  he  kept  in  the  in  clos- 
ure around  the  buildings,  lest  they  should  rav- 
age the  neighboring  fields  of  rye,  barley,  wheat, 


1 The  above  particulars  are  gathered  from  the  Relations  of  1626  (ll<{de* 
mant),  and  1632,  1633,  1634,  1635  (Le  Jeune),  but  chiefly  from  a long 
letter  of  the  Father  Superior  to  the  Provincial  of  the  Jesuits  at  Paris, 
containing  a curiously  minute  report  of  the  state  of  the  mission.  It  was 
sent  from  Quebec  by  the  returning  ships  in  the  summer  of  1634,  and  will 
be  found  in  Carayon,  Premiere  il//ss/on  des  Jesuites  au  Canada,  122.  The 
original  is  in  the  archives  of  the  Order  at  Rome. 

See  “Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World.’^ 


6 


NOTRE-DAME  DES  ANGES. 


[1634. 


and  maized  De  None  had  charge  of  the  eight 
or  ten  workmen  employed  by  the  mission,  who 
gave  him  at  times  no  little  trouble  by  thek  repin- 
ings  and  complaints.^  They  were  forced  to  hear 
mass  every  morning  and  prayers  every  evening, 
besides  an  exhortation  on  Sunday.  Some  of  them 
were  for  returning  home,  while  two  or  three,  of  a 
different  complexion,  wished  to  be  Jesuits  them 
selves.  The  Fathers,  in  their  intervals  of  leisure, 
worked  with  their  men,  spade  in  hand.  For  the 
rest,  they  were  busied  in  preaching,  singing  ves- 
pers, saying  mass  and  hearing  confessions  at  the 
fort  of  Quebec,  catechizing  a few  Indians,  and 
striving  to  master  the  enormous  difficulties  of  the 
Huron  and  Algonquin  languages. 

Well  might  Father  Le  Jeune  write  to  his  Su- 
perior, “ The  harvest  is  plentiful,  and  the  laborers 
few.”  These  men  aimed  at  the  conversion  of  a 
continent.  From  their  hovel  on  the  St.  Charles, 
they  surveyed  a field  of  labor  whose  vastness  might 
tire  the  wings  of  thought  itself ; a scene  repellent 
and  appalling,  darkened  with  omens  of  peril  and 
woe.  They  were  an  advance-guard  of  the  great 
army  of  Loyola,  strong  in  a discipline  that  con- 

1 “ Le  P.  Masse,  qiie  je  nomme  quelquefois  en  riant  le  Pere  Utile,  est 
bien  cognu  de  V.  R.  R a soin  des  clioses  domestiques  et  du  bestail  que 
nous  avons,  en  quoy  il  a tr^s-bien  reussy  /’  — Lettre  du  P.  Paul  le  Jeune 
an  R.  P.  Provincial,  in  Carayon,  122.  — Le  Jeune  does  not  fail  to  send  an 
inventory  of  the  “ bestail  ” to  his  Superior,  namely  : “ Deux  grosses  truies 
qui  nourissent  chacune  quatre  petits  cochons,  deux  vaches,  deux  petites 
genisses,  et  un  petit  taureau.” 

The  methodical  Le  Jeune  sets  down  the  causes  of  their  discontent 
under  six  different  heads,  each  duly  numbered.  Thus  : — 

“ 1°.  C’est  le  naturel  des  artisans  de  se  plaindre  et  de  gronder.” 

“ 2°.  La  diversite  des  gages  les  fait  murmurer/^  etc. 


1634 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  MISSION. 


7 


trolled  not  alone  the  body  and  the  will,  bnt  the 
intellect,  the  heart,  the  soul,  and  the  inmost  con- 
sciousness. The  lives  of  these  early  Canadian 
Jesuits  attest  the  earnestness  of  their  faith  and 
the  intensity  of  their  zeal ; but  it  was  a zeal 
bridled,  curbed,  and  ruled  by  a guiding  hand. 
Their  marvellous  training  in  equal  measure  kin- 
dled enthusiasm  and  controlled  it,  roused  into  ac- 
tion a mighty  power,  and  made  it  as  subservient  as 
those  great  material  forces  which  modern  science 
has  learned  to  awaken  and  to  govern.  They  were 
drilled  to  a factitious  humility,  prone  to  find  utter- 
ance in  expressions  of  self-depreciation  and  self- 
scorn, which  one  may  often  judge  unwisely,  when 
he  condemns  them  as  insincere.  They  were  de- 
voted believers,  not  only  in  the  fundamental  dog- 
mas of  Kome,  but  in  those  lesser  matters  of  faith 
which  heresy  despises  as  idle  and  puerile  supersti- 
tions. One  great  aim  engrossed  their  lives.  “ For 
the  greater  glory  of  God  ” — - ad  major em  Dei  glo- 
riam  — they  would  act  or  wait,  dare,  suffer,  or 
die,  yet  all  in  unquestioning  subjection  to  the 
authority  of  the  Superiors,  in  whom  they  recog- 
nized the  agents  of  Divine  authority  itself. 


CHAPTER  II. 


LOYOLA  AND  THE  JESUITS. 

Conversion  of  Loyola.  — Foundation  op  the  Society  op  Jesps. 
— Preparation  of  the  Novice.  — Characteristics  of  the  Or- 
der.— The  Canadian  Jesuits. 

It  was  an  evil  day  for  new-born  Protestantism, 
when  a French  artilleryman  fired  the  shot  that 
struck  down  Ignatius  Loyola  in  the  breach  of 
Pampeluna.  A proud  noble,  an  aspiring  soldier,  a 
graceful  courtier,  an  ardent  and  daring  gallant  was 
metamorphosed  by  that  stroke  into  the  zealot  whose 
brain  engendered  and  brought  forth  the  mighty 
Society  of  Jesus.  His  story  is  a familiar  one  : how, 
in  the  solitude  of  his  sick-room,  a change  came 
over  him,  upheaving,  like  an  earthquake,  all  the 
forces  of  his  nature ; how,  in  the  cave  of  Manresa, 
the  mysteries  of  Heaven  were  revealed  to  him  ; how 
he  passed  from  agonies  to  transports,  from  trans- 
ports to  the  calm  of  a determined  purpose.  The 
soldier  gave  himself  to  a new  warfare.  In  the 
forge  of  his  great  intellect,  heated,  but  not  dis- 
turbed by  the  intense  fires  of  his  zeal,  was  wrought 
the  prodigious  enginery  whose  power  has  been  felt 
to  the  uttermost  confines  of  the  world. 

18] 


AIMS  OF  LOYOLA. 


9 


Loyola’s  training  had  been  in  courts  and  camps : 
of  books  he  knew  little  or  nothing.  He  had  lived 
in  the  unquestioning  faith  of  one  born  and  bred 
in  the  very  focus  of  Romanism ; and  thus,  at  the 
age  of  about  thirty,  his  conversion  found  him.  It 
was  a change  of  life  and  purpose,  not  of  belief. 
He  presumed  not  to  inquke  into  the  doctrines 
of  the  Church.  It  was  for  him  to  enforce  those 
doctrines ; and  to  this  end  he  turned  all  the  facul- 
ties of  his  potent  intellect,  and  all  his  deep  knowl- 
edge of  mankind.  He  did  not  aim  to  build  up 
barren  communities  of  secluded  monks,  aspiring 
to  heaven  through  prayer,  penance,  and  medita- 
tion, but  to  subdue  the  world  to  the  dominion  of 
the  dogmas  which  had  subdued  him ; to  organize 
and  discipline  a mighty  host,  controlled  by  one 
purpose  and  one  mind,  fired  by  a quenchless  zeal 
or  nerved  by  a fixed  resolve,  yet  impelled,  re- 
strained, and  directed  by  a single  master  hand. 
The  Jesuit  is  no  dreamer:  he  is  emphatically  a 
man  of  action;  action  is  the  end  of  his  exist- 
ence. 

It  was  an  arduous  problem  which  Loyola  under- 
took to  solve,  — to  rob  a man  of  volition,  yet  to 
preserve  in  him,  nay,  to  stimulate,  those  energies 
which  would  make  him  the  most  efficient  instru- 
ment of  a great  design.  To  this  end  the  Jesuit 
novitiate  and  the  constitutions  of  the  Order  are 
dhected.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  novice  is  urged 
to  its  intensest  pitch ; then,  in  the  name  of  religion, 
he  is  summoned  to  the  utter  abnegation  of  intellect 
and  will  in  favor  of  the  Superior,  in  whom  he  is 


10 


LOYOLA  AND  THE  JESUITS. 


commanded  to  recognize  the  representative  of  God 
on  earth.  Thus  the  young  zealot  makes  no  slav- 
ish sacrifice  of  intellect  and  will ; at  least,  so  he  is 
taught : for  he  sacrifices  them,  not  to  man,  but  to 
his  Maker.  No  limit  is  set  to  his  submission:  if 
the  Superior  pronounces  black  to  be  white,  he  is 
bound  in  conscience  to  acquiesce.^ 

Loyola’s  book  of  Spiritual  Exercises  is  well 
known.  In  these  exercises  lies  the  hard  and  nar- 
row path  which  is  the  only  entrance  to  the  Society 
of  Jesus.  The  book  is,  to  all  appearance,  a dry  and 
superstitious  formulary  ; but,  in  the  hands  of  a skil- 
ful director  of  consciences,  it  has  proved  of  terrible 
efficacy.  The  novice,  in  solitude  and  darkness,  day 
after  day  and  night  after  night,  ponders  its  images 
of  perdition  and  despair.  He  is  taught  to  hear,  in 
imagination,  the  bowlings  of  the  damned,  to  see 
their  convulsive  agonies,  to  feel  the  flames  that 
burn  without  consuming,  to  smell  the  corruption 
of  the  tomb  and  the  fumes  of  the  infernal  pit.  He 
must  picture  to  himself  an  array  of  adverse  armies, 
one  commanded  by  Satan  on  the  plains  of  Babylon, 
one  encamped  under  Christ  about  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem ; and  the  perturbed  mind,  humbled  by 
long  contemplation  of  its  own  vileness,  is  ordered 
to  enroll  itself  under  one  or  the  other  banner. 
Then,  the  choice  made,  it  is  led  to  a region  of 
serenity  and  celestial  peace,  and  soothed  with  im- 
ages of  divine  benignity  and  grace.  These  medi- 
tations last,  without  mtermission,  about  a month, 

1 Those  who  wish  to  know  tlie  nature  of  the  Jesuit  virtue  of  obedi- 
ence will  find  it  set  forth  in  the  famous  Letter  on  Obedience  of  Loyola 


CONFESSION.  — DELATION. 


11 


and,  under  an  astute  and  experienced  directorship, 
they  have  been  found  of  such  power,  that  the 
Manual  of  Spiritual  Exercises  boasts  to  have 
saved  souls  more  in  number  than  the  letters  it 
contains. 

To  this  succeed  two  years  of  discipline  and  prep- 
aration, directed,  above  all  things  else,  to  perfecting 
the  virtues  of  humility  and  obedience.  The  novice 
is  obliged  to  perform  the  lowest  menial  offices,  and 
the  most  repulsive  duties  of  the  sick-room  and  the 
hospital ; and  he  is  sent  forth,  for  weeks  together, 
to  beg  his  bread  like  a common  mendicant.  He  is 
required  to  reveal  to  his  confessor,  not  only  his 
sins,  but  all  those  hidden  tendencies,  instincts,  and 
impulses  which  form  the  distinctive  traits  of  char- 
acter. He  is  set  to  watch  his  comrades,  and  his 
comrades  are  set  to  watch  him.  Each  must  report 
what  he  observes  of  the  acts  and  dispositions  of  the 
others  ; and  this  mutual  espionage  does  not  end 
with  the  novitiate,  but  extends  to  the  close  of 
life.  The  characteristics  of  every  member  of  the 
Order  are  minutely  analyzed,  and  methodically  put 
on  record. 

This  horrible  violence  to  the  noblest  qualities  of 
manhood,  joined  to  that  equivocal  system  of  mo 
rality  which  eminent  casuists  of  the  Order  have 
inculcated,  must,  it  may  be  thought,  produce  de- 
plorable effects  upon  the  characters  of  those  under 
its  influence.  Whether  this  has  been  actually  the 
case,  the  reader  of  history  may  determine.  It  is 
certain,  however,  that  the  Society  of  Jesus  has 
numbered  among  its  members  men  whose  fervent 


12 


LOYOLA  AND  THE  JESUITS. 


and  exalted  natures  have  been  intensified,  without 
being  abased,  by  the  pressure  to  which  they  have 
been  subjected. 

It  is  not  for  nothing  that  the  Society  studies  the 
character  of  its  members  so  intently,  and  by  meth- 
ods so  startling.  It  not  only  uses  its  knowledge  to 
thrust  into  obscurity  or  cast  out  altogether  those 
whom  it  discovers  to  be  dull,  feeble,  or  unwilling 
instruments  of  its  purposes,  but  it  assigns  to  every 
one  the  task  to  which  his  talents  or  his  disposition 
may  best  adapt  him : to  one,  the  care  of  a royal 
conscience,  whereby,  unseen,  his  whispered  word 
may  guide  the  destiny  of  nations ; to  another,  the 
instruction  of  children ; to  another,  a career  of 
letters  or  science ; and  to  the  fervent  and  the 
self-sacrificing,  sometimes  also  to  the  restless  and 
uncompliant,  the  distant  missions  to  the  heathen. 

The  Jesuit  was,  and  is,  everywhere,  — in  the 
school-room,  in  the  library,  in  the  cabinets  of 
prmces  and  ministers,  in  the  huts  of  savages,  in 
the  tropics,  in  the  frozen  North,  in  India,  in  China, 
in  Japan,  in  Africa,  in  iVmerica ; now  as  a Chris- 
tian priest,  now  as  a soldier,  a mathematician,  an 
astrologer,  a Brahmin,  a mandarin,  under  countless 
disguises,  by  a thousand  arts,  luring,  persuading,  or 
compelling  souls  into  the  fold  of  Borne. 

Of  this  vast  mechanism  for  guiding  and  govern- 
ing the  minds  of  men,  this  mighty  enginery  for 
subduing  the  earth  to  the  dominion  of  an  idea,  this 
harmony  of  contradictions,  this  moral  Proteus,  the 
faintest  sketch  must  now  suffice.  A disquisition 
on  the  Society  of  Jesus  would  be  without  end. 


CANADIAN  JESUITS. 


13 


No  religious  order  has  ever  united  in  itself  so 
much  to  be  admired  and  so  much  to  be  detested. 
Unmixed  praise  has  been  poured  on  its  Canadian 
members.  It  is  not  for  me  to  eulogize  them,  but 
to  portray  them  as  they  were. 


CHAPTER  III. 


1632,  1633. 

PAUL  LE  JEUNE. 

Le  Jeune’s  Voyage.  — IIis  First  Pupils.  — His  Studies.  — His  In- 
dian Teacher.  — Winter  at  the  Mission-house.  — Le  Jeune’s 
School.  — Heinforcements. 

In  another  narrative,  we  have  seen  how  the 
Jesuits,  supplanting  the  Recollet  friars,  then'  pre- 
decessors, had  adopted  as  their  own  the  rugged 
task  of  Christianizing  New  France.  We  have 
seen,  too,  how  a descent  of  the  English,  or  rather 
of  Huguenots  fighting  under  English  colors,  had 
overthrown  for  a time  the  miserable  little  colony, 
with  the  mission  to  which  it  was  wedded ; and  how 
Quebec  was  at  length  restored  to  France,  and  the 
broken  thread  of  the  Jesuit  enterprise  resumed.^ 

It  was  then  that  Le  Jeune  had  embarked  for 
(he  New  AVoiid.  He  was  in  his  convent  at  Dieppe 
when  he  received  the  order  to  depart ; and  he  set 
forth  in  haste  for  Havre,  filled,  he  assures  us,  with 
inexpressible  joy  at  the  prospect  of  a living  or  a 
dying  martyrdom.  At  Rouen  he  was  joined  by 
De  None,  with  a lay  brother  named  Gilbert ; and 


[14] 


1 “ Pioneers  of  France.’^ 


1G32.] 


LE  JEWE  REACHES  CANADA. 


15 


the  three  sailed  together  on  the  eighteenth  of  April, 
1632.  The  sea  treated  them  roughly;  Le  Jeime 
was  wretchedly  sea-sick ; and  the  ship  nearly  foun- 
dered in  a gale.  At  length  they  came  in  sight  of 
‘‘  that  miserable  country,”  as  the  missionary  calls 
the  scene  of  his  future  labors.  It  was  in  the  har- 
bor of  Tadoussac  that  he  first  encountered  the 
objects  of  his  apostolic  cares ; for,  as  he  sat  in 
the  ship’s  cabin  with  the  master,  it  was  suddenly 
invaded  by  ten  or  twelve  Indians,  whom  be  com- 
pares to  a party  of  maskers  at  the  Carnival.  Some 
had  their  cheeks  painted  black,  their  noses  blue, 
and  the  rest  of  their  faces  red.  Others  were  deco- 
rated with  a broad  band  of  black  across  the  eyes ; 
and  others,  again,  with  diverging  rays  of  black, 
red,  and  blue  on  both  cheeks.  Their  attire  was  no 
less  uncouth.  Some  of  them  wore  shaggy  bear- 
skins, reminding  the  priest  of  the  pictures  of  St. 
John  the  Baptist. 

After  a vain  attempt  to  save  a number  of  Iro- 
quois prisoners  whom  they  were  preparing  to  burn 
alive  on  shore,  Le  Jeune  and  his  companions  again 
set  sail,  and  reached  Quebec  on  the  fifth  of  July. 
Having  said  mass,  as  already  mentioned,  under  the 
roof  of  Madame  Hebert  and  her  delighted  family, 
the  Jesuits  made  their  way  to  the  two  hovels  built 
by  their  predecessors  on  the  St.  Charles,  which 
had  sufi'ered  woful  dilapidation  at  the  hands  of 
the  English.  Here  they  made  their  abode,  and 
applied  themselves,  with  such  skill  as  they  could 
command,  to  repair  the  shattered  tenements  and 
cultivate  the  waste  meadows  around. 


16 


PAUL  LE  JEUNE. 


[1632. 


The  beginning  of  Le  Jeune’s  missionary  labors 
was  neither  imposing  nor  promising.  He  describes 
himself  seated  with  a small  Indian  boy  on  one  side 
and  a small  negro  on  the  other,  the  latter  of  whom 
had  been  left  by  the  English  as  a gift  to  Madame 
Hebert.  As  neither  of  the  three  understood  the 
language  of  the  others,  the  pupils  made  little  prog- 
ress in  sphitual  knowledge.  The  missionaries,  it 
was  clear,  must  learn  Algonquin  at  any  cost ; and, 
to  this  end,  Le  Jeune  resolved  to  visit  the  Indian 
encampments.  Hearing  that  a band  of  Montagnais 
were  fishing  for  eels  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  between 
Cape  Diamond  and  the  cove  which  now  bears  the 
name  of  Wolfe,  he  set  forth  for  the  spot  on  a 
morning  in  October.  As,  with  toil  and  trepida- 
tion, he  scrambled  around  the  foot  of  the  cape,  — 
whose  precipices,  with  a chaos  of  loose  rocks, 
thrust  themselves  at  that  day  into  the  deep  tide- 
water, — - he  dragged  down  upon  himself  the  trunk 
of  a fallen  tree,  which,  in  its  descent,  well  nigh 
swept  him  into  the  river.  The  peril  past,  he  pres- 
ently reached  his  destination.  Here,  among  the 
lodges  of  bark,  were  stretched  innumerable  strings 
of  hide,  from  which  hung  to  dry  an  incredible  mul- 
titude of  eels.  A boy  invited  him  into  the  lodge 
of  a withered  squaw,  his  grandmother,  who  has- 
tened to  offer  him  four  smoked  eels  on  a piece  of 
birch  bark,  while  other  squaws  of  the  household 
instructed  him  how  to  roast  them  on  a forked  stick 
over  the  embers.  All  shared  the  feast  together, 
his  entertainers  using  as  napkins  their  own  hair 
or  that  of  theh  dogs ; while  Le  Jeune,  intent  on 


1632.J 


PIERRE. 


17 


increasing  his  knowledge  of  Algonquin,  maintained 
an  active  discourse  of  broken  words  and  jjanto- 
mimed 

The  lesson,  however,  was  too  laborious,  and  of 
too  little  profit,  to  be  often  repeated,  and  the  mis- 
sionary sought  anxiously  for  more  stable  instruc- 
tion. To  find  such  was  not  easy.  The  interpreters 
— Frenchmen,  who,  in  the  interest  of  the  fur  com- 
pany, had  spent  years  among  the  Indians  — were 
averse  to  Jesuits,  and  refused  their  aid.  There 
was  one  resource,  however,  of  which  Le  Jeune 
would  fain  avail  himself.  An  Indian,  called  Pierre 
by  the  French,  had  been  carried  to  France  by  the 
Pecollet  friars,  instructed,  converted,  and  baptized. 
He  had  lately  returned  to  Canada,  where,  to  the 
scandal  of  the  Jesuits,  he  had  relapsed  into  his 
old  ways,  retaining  of  his  French  education  little 
besides  a few  new  vices.  He  still  haunted  the  fort 
at  Quebec,  lured  by  the  hope  of  an  occasional  gift 
of  wine  or  tobacco,  but  shunned  the  Jesuits,  of 
whose  rigid  way  of  life  he  stood  in  horror.  As  he 
spoke  good  French  and  good  Indian,  he  would 
have  been  invaluable  to  the  embarrassed  priests  at 
the  mission.  Le  Jeune  invoked  the  aid  of  the 
Saints.  The  effect  of  his  prayers  soon  appeared, 
he  tells  us,  in  a direct  interposition  of  Providence, 
which  so  disposed  the  heart  of  Pierre  that  he  quar- 
relled with  the  French  commandant,  who  thereupon 
closed  the  fort  against  him.  He  then  repaired  to 
his  friends  and  relatives  in  the  woods,  but  only 
to  encounter  a rebuff  from  a young  squaw  to  whom 

1 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  2. 

2* 


18 


PAUL  LE  JEUNE. 


[1G32-33. 


ne  made  his  addresses.  On  this,  he  turned  his 
steps  towprds  the  mission-house,  and,  being  unfitted 
by  his  French  education  for  supporting  himself  by 
hunting,  begged  food  and  shelter  from  the  priests. 
Le  Jeune  gratefully  accepted  him  as  a gift  vouch- 
safed by  Heaven  to  his  prayers,  persuaded  a lackey 
at  the  fort  to  give  him  a cast-off  suit  of  clothes, 
promised  him  maintenance,  and  installed  him  as 
his  teacher. 

Seated  on  wooden  stools  by  the  rough  table 
in  the  refectory,  the  priest  and  the  Indian  pursued 
their  studies.  “ How  thankful  I am,”  writes  Le 
Jeune,  “to  those  who  gave  me  tobacco  last  year! 
At  every  difficulty  I give  my  master  a piece  of  it, 
to  make  him  more  attentive.”  ^ 

Meanwhile,  winter  closed  in  with  a severity  rare 
even  in  Canada.  The  St.  Lawrence  and  the  St. 
Charles  were  hard  frozen ; rivers,  forests,  and 
rocks  were  mantled  alike  in  dazzling  sheets  of 
snow.  The  humble  mission-house  of  Notre-Dame 
des  Anges  was  half  buried  in  the  drifts,  which, 
heaped  up  in  front  where  a path  had  been  dug 
through  them,  rose  two  feet  above  the  low  eaves. 
The  priests,  sitting  at  night  before  the  blazing 
logs  of  their  wide-throated  chimney,  heard  the 
trees  in  the  neighboring  forest  cracking  with  frost, 
with  a sound  like  the  report  of  a pistol.  Le 
Jeune’s  ink  froze,  and  his  fingers  were  benumbed, 
as  he  toiled  at  his  declensions  and  conjugations, 

1 Relation,  1633,  7.  He  continues;  “ le  ne  s9aurois  assez  rendre 
graces  a Nostre  Seigneur  de  cet  heureux  rencontre.  . . . Que  Dieu 
6oit  beny  pour  vn  iamais,  sa  prouidence  est  adorable,  et  sa  bonte  n’a  point 
de  liniites  ” 


1632-33.1 


WINTER  AT  THE  MISSION-HOUSE. 


19 


or  translated  the  Pater  Noster  into  blundering  Al- 
gonquin. The  water  in  the  cask  beside  the  th*e 
froze  nightly,  and  the  ice  was  broken  every  morn- 
ing with  hatchets.  The  blankets  of  the  two  priests 
were  fringed  with  the  icicles  of  their  congealed 
lireath,  and  the  frost  lay  in  a thick  coating  on  the 
lozenge-shaped  glass  of  their  cells. ^ 

By  day,  Le  Jeune  and  his  companion  practised 
with  snow-shoes,  with  all  the  mishaps  which  at- 
tend beginners,  — the  trippings,  the  falls,  and  head- 
long dives  into  the  soft  drifts,  amid  the  laughter  of 
the  Indians.  Their  seclusion  was  by  no  means  a 
solitude.  Bands  of  Montagnais,  with  their  sledges 
and  dogs,  often  passed  the  mission-house  on  their 
way  to  hunt  the  moose.  They  once  invited  De 
None  to  go  with  them ; and  he,  scarcely  less  eager 
than  Le  Jeune  to  learn  their  language,  readily  con- 
sented. In  two  or  three  weeks  he  appeared,  sick, 
famished,  and  half  dead  with  exhaustion.  “Not 
ten  priests  in  a hundred,”  writes  Le  Jeune  to  his 
Superior,  “ could  bear  this  winter  life  with  the  sav- 
ages.” But  what  of  that?  It  was  not  for  them  to 
falter.  They  were  but  instruments  in  the  hands  of 
God,  to  be  used,  broken,  and  thrown  aside,  if  such 
should  be  His  will.^ 

An  Indian  made  Le  Jeune  a present  of  two  small 

1 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  14,  15. 

2 “ Voila,  moil  Reuerend  Fere,  vn  eschantillon  de  ce  qu’il  faut  souf- 
frir  courant  apres  les  Sauuages.  ...  II  faut  prendre  sa  vie,  et  tout  ce 
qu’on  a,  et  le  letter  a I’abandon,  pour  ainsi  dire,  se  contentant  d’vne  croix 
bien  grosse  et  bien  pesante  pour  toute  richesse.  II  est  bien  vray  que 
Dieu  ne  se  laisse  point  vaincre,  et  que  plus  on  quitte,  plus  on  trouue : 
plus  on  perd,  plus  on  gaigne : mais  Dieu  se  cache  par  fois,  et  alors  le 
Calice  est  bien  amer."’  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  19. 


20 


PAUL  LE  JEUNE. 


[1633. 


children,  greatly  to  the  delight  of  the  missionary, 
who  at  once  set  himself  to  teaching  them  to  pray 
in  Latin.  As  the  season  grew  milder,  the  num- 
ber of  his  scholars  increased;  for,  when  parties 
of  Indians  encamped  in  the  neighborhood,  he 
would  take  his  stand  at  the  door,  and,  like  Xavier 
at  Goa,  ring  a bell.  At  this,  a score  of  children 
would  gather  around  him ; and  he,  leading  them 
into  the  refectory,  which  served  as  his  school- 
room, taught  them,  to  repeat  after  him  the  Pater, 
Ave,  and  Credo,  expounded  the  mystery  of  the 
Trinity,  showed  them  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and 
made  them  repeat  an  Indian  prayer,  the  joint 
composition  of  Pierre  and  himself ; then  followed 
the  catechism,  the  lesson  closing  with  singing  the 
Pater  Noster,  translated  by  the  missionary  into 
Algonquin  rhymes ; and  when  all  was  over,  he 
rewarded  each  of  his  pupils  with  a porringer  of 
peas,  to  insure  their  attendance  at  his  next  bell- 
ringing.^ 

It  was  the  end  of  May,  when  the  priests  one 
morning  heard  the  sound  of  cannon  from  the  fort, 
and  were  gladdened  by  the  tidings  that  Samuel  de 
Champlain  had  arrived  to  resume  command  at 
Quebec,  bringing  with  him  four  more  Jesuits, — 
Brebeuf,  Masse,  Daniel,  and  Davos t,^  Brebeuf, 

1 “Pay  commence  k appeller  quelques  enfans  auec  vne  petite  do- 
chette.  La  premiere  fois  i’en  aiiois  six,  puis  douze,  puis  quinze,  puis 

vingt  et  davantage ; ie  leur  fais  dire  le  Pater,  Am,  et  Credo,  etc 

Kous  finissons  par  le  Pater  Noster,  que  i’ay  compose  quasi  en  rimes  en 
leur  langue,  que  ie  leur  fais  chanter ; et  pour  derniere  conclusion,  ie  leur 
fais  donner  chacun  vne  escuellee  de  pois,  qu’ils  mangent  de  bon  appetit,” 
etc.  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  23. 

2 See  “ Pioneers  of  Franco  ** 


1633.] 


PLANS  OF  LE  JEUNE. 


21 


from  the  first,  turned  his  eyes  towards  the  distant 
land  of  the  Hurons,  — a field  of  labor  full  of  peril, 
but  rich  in  hope  and  promise.  Le  Jeune’s  duties 
as  Superior  restrained  him  from  wanderings  so 
remote.  His  apostleship  must  be  limited,  for  a 
time,  to  the  vagabond  hordes  of  Algonquins,  who 
roamed  the  forests  of  the  lower  St.  Lawrence,  and 
of  whose  lan^uaofe  he  had  been  so  sedulous  a 

o O 

student.  His  difficulties  had  of  late  been  increased 
by  the  absence  of  Pierre,  who  had  run  off  as  Lent 
drew  near,  standing  in  dread  of  that  season  of  fast- 
ing. Masse  brought  tidings  of  him  from  Tadoussac, 
whither  he  had  gone,  and  where  a party  of  English 
had  given  him  liquor,  destroying  the  last  trace  of 
Le  Jeune’s  late  exhortations.  “God  forgive  those,” 
writes  the  Father,  “ who  introduced  heresy  into  this 
country ! If  this  savage,  corrupted  as  he  is  by 
these  miserable  heretics,  had  any  wit,  he  would  be 
a great  hindrance  to  the  spread  of  the  Faith,  It  is 
plain  that  he  was  given  us,  not  for  the  good  of  his 
soul,  but  only  that  we  might  extract  from  him  the 
principles  of  his  language.”  ^ 

Pierre  had  Lvo  brothers.  One,  well  known  as 
a hunter,  was  named  Mestigoit ; the  other  was  the 
most  noted  “medicine-man,”  or,  as  the  Jesuits 
called  him,  sorcerer,  in  the  tribe  of  the  Montagnais. 
Like  the  rest  of  their  people,  they  were  accustomed 
to  set  out  for  their  winter  hunt  in  the  autumn,  after 
the  close  of  their  eel-fishery.  Le  Jeune,  despite  the 
experience  of  He  None,  had  long  had  a mind  to 
accompany  one  of  these  roving  hands,  partly  in  the 

1 Relation,  1633,  29 


22 


PAUL  LE  JEUNE. 


[1633. 


hope,  that,  in  some  hour  of  distress,  he  might  touch 
their  hearts,  or,  by  a timely  drop  of  baptismal 
water,  dismiss  some  dying  child  to  paradise,  but 
chiefly  with  the  object  of  mastering  their  language. 
Pierre  had  rejoined  his  brothers  ; and,  as  the  hunt- 
ing season  drew  near,  they  all  begged  the  mission- 
ary to  make  one  of  their  party,  — not,  as  he  thought, 
out  of  any  love  for  him,  but  solely  with  a view  to 
the  provisions  with  which  they  doubted  not  he 
would  be  well  supplied.  Le  Jeune,  distrustful  of 
the  sorcerer,  demurred,  but  at  length  resolved  to 


CHAPTER  IV. 


1633,  1634. 

LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 

Le  Jeune  joins  the  Indians.  — The  First  Encampment.  — The 
Apostate. — Forest  Life  in  Winter.  — The  Indian  Hut. — 
The  Sorcerer.  — His  Persecution  of  the  Priest.  — Evil  Com- 
pany. — Magic.  — Incantations.  — Christmas.  — Starvation.  — 
Hopes  of  Conversion.  — Backsliding.  — Peril  and  Escape  of 
Le  Jeune.  — His  Return. 

On  a morning  in  the  latter  part  of  October,  Le 
Jeune  embarked  with  the  Indians,  twenty  in  all, 
men,  women,  and  children.  No  other  Frenchman 
was  of  the  party.  Champlain  bade  him  an  anxious 
farewell,  and  commended  him  to  the  care  of  his 
red  associates,  who  had  taken  charge  of  his  store 
of  biscuit,  flour,  corn,  prunes,  and  turnips,  to  which, 
in  an  evil  hour,  his  friends  had  persuaded  him  to 
add  a small  keg  of  wine.  The  canoes  glided  along 
the  wooded  shore  of  the  Island  of  Orleans,  and  the 
party  landed,  towards  evening,  on  the  small  island 
immediately  below.  Le  Jeune  was  delighted  with 
the  spot,  and  the  wild  beauties  of  the  autumnal 
sunset. 

His  reflections,  however,  were  soon  interrupted. 
While  the  squaws  were  setting  up  their  bark  lodges, 

[231 


24 


LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[1633 


and  Mestigoit  was  shooting  wild-fowl  for  supper, 
Pierre  returned  to  the  canoes,  tapped  the  keg  of 
wine,  and  soon  fell  into  the  mud,  helplessly  drunk. 
Revived  by  the  immersion,  he  next  appeared  at 
the  camp,  foaming  at  the  mouth,  threw  doAvn  the 
lodges,  overset  the  kettle,  and  chased  the  shrieking 
squaws  into  the  woods.  His  brother  Mestigoit 
rekindled  the  fire,  and  slung  the  kettle  anew ; 
when  Pierre,  who  meanwhile  had  been  raving  like 
a madman  along  the  shore,  reeled  in  a fury  to  the 
spot  to  repeat  his  former  exploit.  Mestigoit  anti- 
cipated him,  snatched  the  kettle  from  the  fire,  and 
threw  the  scalding  contents  in  his  face.  “ Pie  was 
never  so  well  washed  before  in  his  life,”  says  Le 
Jeune  ; “he  lost  all  the  skin  of  his  face  and  breast. 
Would  to  ‘God  his  heart  had  changed  also  ! ” ^ He 
roared  in  his  frenzy  for  a hatchet  to  kill  the 
missionary,  who  therefore  thought  it  prudent  to 
spend  the  night  in  the  neighboring  woods.  Plere 
he  stretched  himself  on  the  earth,  while  a char- 
itable squaw  covered  him  with  a sheet  of  birch- 
bark.  “ Though  my  bed,”  he  writes,  “ had  not 
been  made  up  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  it 
was  not  hard  enough  to  prevent  me  from  sleep- 

Such  was  his  initiation  into  Indian  winter  life. 
Passing  over  numerous  adventures  by  water  and 
land,  we  find  the  party,  on  the  twelfth  of  Novem- 
ber, leaving  their  canoes  on  an  island,  and  wading 

1 lamais  il  ne  fut  si  bien  laue,  il  changea  de  peau  en  la  face  et  en  tout 
I’estomach : pleust  a Dieu  que  son  amo  eust  change  aussi  bien  que  son 
corps  1 — Relation,  1634,  69. 


1633.] 


ALGONQUIN  WINTER  LIFE. 


25 


ashore  at  low  tide  over  the  flats  to  the  southern 
bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  As  two  other  bands 
had  joined  them,  their  number  was  increased  to 
forty-flve  persons.  Now,  leaving  the  river  behind, 
they  entered  those  savage  highlands  whence  issue 
the  springs  of  the  St.  John,  — a wilderness  of 
rugged  mountain-ranges,  clad  in  dense,  continuous 
forests,  with  no  human  tenant  but  this  troop  of 
miserable  rovers,  and  here  and  there  some  kindred 
band,  as  miserable  as  they.  Winter  had  set  in, 
and  already  dead  Nature  was  sheeted  in  funereal 
white.  Lakes  and  ponds  were  frozen,  rivulets 
sealed  up,  torrents  encased  with  stalactites  of  ice ; 
the  black  rocks  and  the  black  trunks  of  the 
pine-trees  were  beplastered  with  snow,  and  its 
heavy  masses  crushed  the  dull  green  boughs  into 
the  drifts  beneath.  The  forest  was  silent  as  the 
grave. 

Through  this  desolation  the  long  file  of  Indians 
made  its  way,  all  on  snow-shoes,  each  man,  woman, 
and  child  bending  under  a heavy  load,  or  drag- 
ging a sledge,  narrow,  but  of  prodigious  length. 
They  carried  their  whole  wealth  with  them,  on 
their  backs  or  on  their  sledges,  — kettles,  axes, 
bales  of  meat,  if  such  they  had,  and  huge  rolls 
of  birch-bark  for  covering  their  wigwams.  The 
Jesuit  was  loaded  like  the  rest.  The  dogs  alone 
floundered  through  the  drifts  unburdened.  There 
was  neither  path  nor  level  ground.  Descending, 
climbing,  stooping  beneath  half-fallen  trees,  clam- 
bering over  piles  of  prostrate  trunks,  struggling 
tlirough  matted  cedar-swamps,  threading  chill  ra- 

8 


26 


LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[1633. 


vines,  and  crossing  streams  no  longer  visible,  they 
toiled  on  till  the  day  began  to  decline,  then 
stopped  to  encamp.^  Burdens  were  thrown  down, 
and  sledges  unladen.  The  squaws,  with  knives 
and  hatchets,  cut  long  poles  of  birch  and  spruce 
saplings  ; while  the  men,  with  snow-shoes  for  shov- 
els, cleared  a round  or  square  space  in  the  snow, 
which  formed  an  upright  wall  three  or  four  feet 
liigh,  inclosing  the  area  of  the  wigwam.  On  one 
side,  a passage  was  cut  for  an  entrance,  and  the 
poles  were  planted  around  the  top  of  the  wall 
of  snow,  sloping  and  converging.  On  these  poles 
were  spread  the  sheets  of  birch-bark ; a bear-skin 
was  hung  in  the  passage-way  for  a door ; the  bare 
ground  within  and  the  surrounding  snow  were 
covered  with  spruce  boughs ; and  the  work  was 
done. 

This  usually  occupied  about  three  hours,  during 
which  Le  Jeune,  spent  with  travel,  and  weakened 
by  precarious  and  unaccustomed  fare,  had  the 
choice  of  shivering  in  idleness,  or  taking  part  in 
a labor  which  fatigued,  without  warming,  his  ex- 
hausted frame.  The  sorcerers  wife  was  in  far 


i “ S’il  arriuoit  quelque  degel,  6 Dieu  quelle  peine ! II  me  sembloit 
qiie  ie  marchois  sur  vn  cliemin  de  veiTe  qut  se  cassoit  a tons  coups  soubs 
mes  pieds  : la  neige  congelee  venant  k s’amollir,  tomboit  et  s’enfon(joit  par 
esquarres  on  grandes  pieces,  et  nous  en  auions  bien  souuent  iusques  aux 
genoux,  quelquefois  iusqu’k  la  ceinture  Que  s’il  y auoit  de  la  peine  h. 
tomber,  il  y en  auoit  encor  plus  a se  retirer : oar  nos  raquettes  se  charge* 
oient  de  neiges  et  se  rendoient  si  pesantes,  que  quand  vous  veniez  a les 
retirer  ii  vous  sembloit  qu’on  vous  tiroit  les  iambes  pour  vous  demem- 
brer.  I’en  ay  veu  qui  glissoient  tellement  soubs  des  souches  enseuelies 
soubs  la  neige,  qu’ils  ne  pouuoient  tirer  ny  iambes  ny  raquettes  sans 
secours : or  figurez  vous  maintenant  vne  personne  chargee  comme  vu 
mulet,  et  iugez  si  la  vie  des  Sauuages  est  douce."^  — Relation,  1634,  67. 


1633-34.] 


THE  INDIAN  HUT. 


27 


worse  case.  Though  in  the  extremity  of  a mortal 
sickness,  they  left  her  lying  in  the  snow  till  the 
wigwam  was  made,  — without  a word,  on  her  part, 
of  remonstrance  or  complaint.  Le  Jeune,  to  the 
great  ire  of  her  husband,  sometimes  spent  the 
mterval  in  trying  to  convert  her ; but  she  proved 
intractable,  and  soon  died  unbaptized. 

Thus  lodged,  they  remained  so  long  as  game 
could  be  found  within  a circuit  of  ten  or  twelve 
miles,  and  then,  subsistence  failing,  removed  to 
another  spot.  Early  in  the  winter,  they  hunted 
the  beaver  and  the  Canada  porcupine ; and,  later, 
in  the  season  of  deep  snows,  chased  the  moose  and 
the  caribou. 

Put  aside  the  bear-skin,  and  enter  the  hut.  Here, 
in  a space  some  thuieen  feet  square,  were  packed 
nineteen  savages,  men,  women,  and  children,  with 
their  dogs,  crouched,  squatted,  coiled  like  hedge- 
hogs, or  lying  on  their  backs,  with  knees  drawn  up 
perpendicularly  to  keep  their  feet  out  of  the  fire, 
Le  Jeune,  always  methodical,  arranges  the  griev- 
ances inseparable  from  these  rough  quarters  under 
four  chief  heads,  — Cold,  Heat,  Smoke,  and  Dogs. 
The  bark  covering  was  full  of  crevices,  through 
which  the  icy  blasts  streamed  in  upon  him  from 
all  sides ; and  the  hole  above,  at  once  window  and 
chimney,  was  so  large,  that,  as  he  lay,  he  could 
watch  the  stars  as  well  as  in  the  open  air  While 
the  fire  in  the  midst,  fed  v/ith  fat  pine-knots, 
scorched  him  on  one  side,  on  the  other  he  had 
much  ado  to  keep  himself  from  freezing.  At 
times,  however,  the  crowded  hut  seemed  heated 


28 


LE  JEXINE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[1633-34. 


to  the  temperature  of  an  oven.  But  these  evils 
were  light,  when  compared  to  the  intolerable 
plague  of  smoke.  During  a snow-storm,  and  often 
at  other  times,  the  wigwam  was  filled  with  fumes 
so  dense,  stifling,  and  acrid,  that  all  its  inmates 
were  forced  to  lie  flat  on  their  faces,  breathing 
through  mouths  in  contact  with  the  cold  earth. 
Their  throats  and  nostrils  felt  as  if  on  fire ; their 
scorched  eyes  streamed  with  tears ; and  when  Le 
Jeune  tried  to  read,  the  letters  of  his  breviary 
seemed  printed  in  blood.  The  dogs  were  not 
an  unmixed  evil,  for,  by  sleeping  on  and  around 
him,  they  kept  him  warm  at  night;  but,  as  an 
offset  to  this  good  service,  they  walked,  ran,  and 
jumped  over  him  as  he  lay,  snatched  the  food 
from  his  birchen  dish,  or,  in  a mad  rush  at  some 
bone  or  discarded  morsel,  now  and  then  overset 
both  dish  and  missionary. 

Sometimes  of  an  evening  he  would  leave  the 
filthy  den,  to  read  his  breviary  in  peace  by  the  light 
of  the  moon.  In  the  forest  around  sounded  the 
sharp  crack  of  frost-riven  trees  ; and  from  the  hori- 
zon to  the  zenith  shot  up  the  silent  meteors  of  the 
northern  lights,  in  whose  fitful  flashings  the  awe- 
struck Indians  beheld  the  dancing  of  the  spirits 
of  the  dead.  The  cold  gnawed  him  to  the  bone  ; 
and,  his  devotions  over,  he  turned  back  shivering. 
The  illumined  hut,  from  many  a chink  and  crevice, 
shot  forth  into  the  gloom  long  streams  of  light 
athwart  the  twisted  boughs.  He  stooped  and  en- 
tered. All  within  glowed  red  and  fiery  around  the 
blazing  pine-knots.,  where,  like  brutes  in  their  ken- 


1683-84.]  LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  SOECEEER. 


29 


nel,  were  gathered  the  savage  crew.  He  stepped 
to  his  place,  over  recumbent  bodies  and  leggined 
and  moccasined  limbs,  and  seated  himself  on  the 
carpet  of  spruce  boughs.  Here  a tribulation 
awaited  him,  the  crowning  misery  of  his  winter- 
quarters,  — worse,  as  he  declares,  than  cold,  heat, 
and  dogs. 

Of  the  three  brothers  who  had  invited  him  to 
join  the  party,  one,  we  have  seen,  was  the  hunter, 
Mestigoit ; another,  the  sorcerer ; and  the  third, 
Pierre,  whom,  by  reason  of  his  falling  aw^ay  from 
the  Faith,  Le  Jeune  always  mentions  as  the  Apos- 
tate. He  was  a weak-minded  young  Indian,  wholly 
under  the  influence  of  his  brother,  the  sorcerer, 
who,  if  not  more  vicious,  was  far  more  resolute  and 
wily.  From  the  antagonism  of  their  respective 
professions,  the  sorcerer  hated  the  priest,  who  lost 
no  opportunity  of  denouncing  his  incantations,  and 
who  ridiculed  his  perpetual  singing  and  drumming 
as  puerility  and  folly.  The  former,  being  an  indif- 
ferent hunter,  and  disabled  by  a disease  which  he 
had  contracted,  depended  for  subsistence  on  his 
credit  as  a magician;  and,  in  undermining  it,  Le 
Jeune  not  only  outraged  his  pride,  but  threatened 
his  daily  bread. ^ He  used  every  device  to  retort 
ridicule  on  his  rival.  At  the  outset,  he  had  prof- 


1 “ le  ne  laissois  perdre  aucune  occasion  de  le  conuaincre  de  niaiserie 
et  de  puerilite,  mettant  an  iour  I’impertinence  de  ses  superstitions : or 
c’estoit  luy  arracher  Fame  du  corps  par  violence : car  comme  il  ne 
s^auroit  plus  chasser,  il  fait  plus  que  iamais  du  Prophete  et  du  Magicien 
pour  conseruer  son  credit,  et  pour  auoir  les  bons  morceaux ; si  bien  qu’es- 
branlant  son  authorite  qui  se  va  perdant  tons  les  iours,  ie  le  toucliois  a la 
pruneUe  de  I'^ieil.”  — Relation,  1634,  66. 


30 


LE  JEIINE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[1638-  34, 


fered  his  aid  to  Le  Jeune  in  his  study  of.  the  Al- 
gonquin ; and,  like  the  Indian  practical  jokers  of 
Acadia  in  the  case  of  Father  Biard,^  palmed  off 
upon?  him  the  foulest  words  in  the  language  as  the 
equivalent  of  things  spiritual.  Thus  it  happened, 
that,  while  the  missionary  sought  to  explain  to  the 
assembled  wigwam  some  point  of  Christian  doc- 
tiTiie,  he  was  interrupted  by  peals  of  laughter  from 
men,  children,  and  squaws.  And  now,  as  Le  Jeune 
took  his  place  in  the  circle,  the  sorcerer  bent  upon 
him  his  malignant  eyes,  and  began  that  course  of 
rude  bantering  which  filled  to  overflowing  the  cup 
of  the  Jesuit’s  woes.  All  took  their  cue  from  him, 
and  made  their  afflicted  guest  the  butt  of  their 
inane  witticisms.  “ Look  at  him ! His  face  is 
like  a dog’s  ! ” — “ His  head  is  like  a pumpkin  ! ” 
— “ He  has  a beard  like  a rabbit’s!”  The  mis- 
sionary bore  in  silence  these  and  countless  similar 
attacks ; indeed,  so  sorely  was  he  harassed,  that, 
lest  he  should  exasperate  his  tormentor,  he  some- 
times passed  whole  days  without  uttering  a word.^ 

Le  Jeune,  a man  of  excellent  observation,  al- 
ready knew  his  red  associates  well  enough  to 
understand  that  their  rudeness  did  not  of  neces- 

1 See  “ Pioneers  of  France/’  268- 

2 Relation,  1634,  207  (Cramoisy).  “Us  me  chargeoient  incessament 
de  mille  brocards  & de  mille  injures ; je  me  suis  veu  en  tel  estat,  que 
pour  lie  les  aigrir,  je  passois  les  jours  entiers  sans  ouvrir  la  bouche.” 
llere  follows  tlie  abuse,  in  the  original  Indian,  with  Ftench  translations. 
Le  Jeune’s  account  of  his  experiences  is  singularly  graphic.  The  follow- 
ing is  his  summary  of  his  annoyances  :~ 

“ Or  ce  miserable  homme  ” (the  sorcerer),  “ & la  fumee  m’ont  este  les 
deux  plus  grands  tourmens  que  i’aye  endure  parmy  ces  Barbares : ny  le 
froid,  ny  le  cliaiid,  ny  I’incommodite  des  chiens,  ny  coucher  a I’air,  ny 
dormir  sur  un  lict  de  terre,  ny  la  posture  qu’il  faut  tousiours  tenir  dana 


1633-34.] 


HIS  INDIAN  COMPANIONS. 


31 


sity  imply  ill-will.  The  rest  of  the  party,  in  their 
turn,  fared  no  better.  They  rallied  and  bantered 
each  other  incessantly,  Avith  as  little  forbearance, 
and  as  little  malice,  as  a troop  of  unbridled  school- 
boys.^ No  one  took  offence.  To  haA^e  done  so 
would  have  been  to  bring  upon  one’s  self  genuine 
contumely.  This  motley  household  Avas  a model 
of  harmony.  True,  they  shoAved  no  tenderness  or 
consideration  toAvards  the  sick  and  disabled ; but 
for  the  rest,  each  shared  Avith  all  in  Aveal  or  Avoe : 
the  famine  of  one  Avas  the  famine  of  the  Avhole, 
and  the  smallest  portion  of  food  Avas  distributed 
in  fair  and  equal  partition.  Upbraidings  and  com- 
plaints Avere  unheard ; they  bore  each  other’s 
foibles  Avith  Avondrous  equanimity ; and  Avhile  per- 
secuting Le  Jeune  Avith  constant  importunity  for 
tobacco,  and  for  everything  else  he  had,  they  never 
begged  among  themselves. 

When  the  fire  burned  Avell  and  food  Avas  abun- 
dant, their  conversation,  such  as  it  Avas,  was  in- 
cessant. They  used  no  oaths,  for  their  language 
supplied  none,  — doubtless  because  their  mythol- 
ogy had  no  beings  sufficiently  distinct  to  SAvear  by, 
Their  expletives  were  foul  Avords,  of  Avhich  they 

leurs  cabanes,  se  rarnassans  en  peloton,  ou  se  couchans,  on  s’asseans  saiu 
siege  & sans  mattelas,  ny  la  faim,  ny  la  soif,  ny  la  pauiirete  & salete  de 
leur  boucan,  ny  la  maladie,  tout  cela  ne  m’a  semble  que  ieu  a comparai- 
son  de  la  fumed  & de  la  malice  du  Sorcier.”  — Relation,  1G34,  201  (Cra- 
moisy). 

1 “Leur  vie  se  passe  a manger,  a rire,  et  k railler  les  vns  des  autres, 
et  de  tons  les  peuples  qu’ils  cognoissent ; ils  n’ont  rien  de  serieux,  sinon 
par  fois  Texterieur,  faisans  parmy  nous  les  graues  et  les  retenus,  mais 
entr’eux  sont  de  vrais  badins,  de  vrais  enfans,  qui  ne  demandent  qu’k 
lire.'' — Relation,  1634,  30. 


32 


LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[1633-34. 


had  a superabundance,  and  which  men,  women,  and 
children  alike  used  with  a frequency  and  hardihood 
that  amazed  and  scandalized  the  priestd  Nor  was 
he  better  pleased  with  their  postures,  in  which 
they  consulted  nothing  but  their  ease.  Thus,  of 
an  evening  when  the  wigwam  was  heated  to  suffo- 
cation, the  sorcerer,  in  the  closest  possible  approach 
to  nudity,  lay  on  his  back,  with  his  right  knee 
planted  upright  and  his  left  leg  crossed  on  it,  dis- 
coursing volubly  to  the  company,  who,  on  their 
part,  listened  in  postures  scarcely  less  remote  from 
decency. 

There  was  one  point  touching  which  Le  Jeune 
and  his  Jesuit  brethren  had  as  yet  been  unable  to 
solve  their  doubts.  Were  the  Indian  sorcerers 
mere  impostors,  or  were  they  in  actual  league  with 
the  Devil?  That  the  fiends  who  possess  this  land 
of  darkness  make  their  power  felt  by  action  direct 
and  potential  upon  the  persons  of  its  wretched  in- 
habitants there  is,  argues  Le  Jeune,  good  reason 
to  conclude ; since  it  is  a matter  of  grave  notoriety, 
that  the  fiends  who  infest  Brazil  are  accustomed 
cruelly  to  beat  and  otherwise  torment  the  natives 
of  that  country,  as  many  travellers  attest.  “ A 
Lrenchman  worthy  of  credit,”  pursues  the  Father, 
“has  told  me  that  he  has  heard  with  his  own  ears 
the  voice  of  the  Demon  and  the  sound  of  the  blows 

1 “Aussi  leur  disois-je  par  fois,  que  si  les  pourceaux  et  les  chiens 
gtjauoient  parler,  ils  tiendroient  leur  langage.  . . . Les  filles  et  les  ieunes 
femmes  sent  a I’exterieur  tres  lionnestement  coimertes,  mais  entre  elles 
leurs  discours  sont  puants,  comme  des  cloaques.”  — Relation,  1634,  32. — 
The  social  manners  of  remote  tribes  of  the  present  time  correspond  per- 
fectly with  Le  Jeune’s  account  of  tliose  of  the  Montagnais. 


1633-34.] 


MAGIC. 


33 


which  he  discharges  upon  these  his  miserable 
slaves ; and  in  reference  to  this  a very  remarkable 
fact  has  been  reported  to  me,  namely,  that,  when 
a Catholic  approaches,  the  Devil  takes  flight  and 
beats  these  wretches  no  longer,  but  that  in  pres- 
ence of  a Huguenot  he  does  not  stop  beating 
them.”^ 

Thus  prone  to  believe  in  the  immediate  pres- 
ence of  the  nether  powers,  Le  Jeune  watched  the 
sorcerer  with  an  eye  prepared  to  discover  in  his 
conjurations  the  signs  of  a genuine  diabolic  agency. 
His  observations,  however,  led  him  to  a different 
result ; and  he  could  detect  in  his  rival  nothing  but 
a vile  compound  of  impostor  and  dupe.  The  sor- 
cerer believed  in  the  efficacy  of  his  own  magic,  and 
was  continually  singing  and  beating  his  drum  to 
cure  the  disease  from  which  he  was  suffering. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  winter,  Le  Jeune  fell 
sick,  and,  in  his  pain  and  weakness,  nearly  suc- 
cumbed under  the  nocturnal  uproar  of  the  sorcerer, 
who,  hour  after  hour,  sang  and  drummed  without 
mercy,  — sometimes  yelling  at  the  top  of  his  throat, 

1 “ Surqiioy  on  me  rapporte  vne  chose  tres  remarquable,  c’est  que 
le  Diable  s’enfuit,  et  ne  frappe  point  ou  cesse  de  frapper  ces  miserablcs, 
quand  vn  Catholique  entre  en  leur  compagnie,  et  qu’il  ne  laiss  point 
de  les  battre  en  la  presence  d’vn  Huguenot : d’ou  vient  qu’vn  iour  se 
Toyans  battus  en  la  compagnie  d’vn  certain  Francois,  ils  luy  dirent : 
Nous  nous  estonnons  que  le  diable  nous  batte,  toy  estant  auec  nous,  veu 
qu’il  n’oseroit  le  faire  quand  tes  compagnons  sont  presents.  Luy  se 
douta  incontinent  que  cela  pouuoit  prouenir  de  sa  religion  (car  il  estoit 
Caluiniste) ; s’addressant  done  a Dieu,  il  luy  promit  de  se  faire  Catho- 
lique si  le  diable  cessoit  de  battre  ces  pauures  peuples  en  sa  presence. 
Le  veeu  fait,  iamais  plus  aucun  Demon  ne  molesta  Ameriquain  en  sa 
compagnie,  d’oii  vient  qu’il  se  fit  Catholique,  selon  la  promesse  qu’il  cn 
auoit  faicte.  Mais  retournons  k nostre  discours.”  — Relation,  1634,  22. 


34 


LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[1033-34. 


then  hissing  like  a serpent,  then  striking  his  drum 
on  the  ground  as  if  in  a frenzy,  then  leaping  up, 
raving  about  the  wigwam,  and  calling  on  the 
women  and  children  to  join  him  in  singing.  Now 
ensued  a hideous  din  ; for  every  throat  was  strained 
to  the  utmost,  and  all  were  beating  with  sticks  or 
fists  on  the  bark  of  the  hut  to  increase  the  noise, 
with  the  charitable  object  of  aiding  the  sorcerer  to 
conjure  down  his  malady,  or  drive  away  the  evil 
spirit  that  caused  it. 

He  had  an  enemy,  a rival  sorcerer,  whom  he 
charged  with  having  caused  by  charms  the  disease 
that  afflicted  him.  He  therefore  announced  that 
he  should  kill  him.  As  the  rival  dwelt  at  Gaspe, 
a hundred  leagues  off,  the  present  execution  of  the 
threat  might  appear  difficult;  but  distance  was  no 
bar  to  the  vengeance  of  the  sorcerer.  Ordering 
all  the  children  and  all  but  one  of  the  women  to 
leave  the  wigwam,  he  seated  himself,  with  the 
woman  who  remained,  on  the  ground  in  the  cen- 
tre, while  the  men  of  the  party,  together  with 
those  from  other  wigwams  in  the  neighborhood, 
sat  in  a ring  around.  Mestigoit,  the  sorcerer’s 
brother,  then  brought  in  the  charm,  consisting  of 
a few  small  pieces  of  wood,  some  arrow-heads,  a 
broken  knife,  and  an  iron  hook,  which  he  wrapped 
in  a piece  of  hide.  The  woman  next  rose,  and 
walked  around  the  hut,  behind  the  company. 
Mestigoit  and  the  sorcerer  now  dug  a large  hole 
with  two  pointed  stakes,  the  whole  assembly  sing- 
ing, drumming,  and  howling  meanwhile  with  a 
deafening  uproar.  The  hole  made,  the  charm. 


1633-34.] 


INCANTATIONS. 


35 


wrapped  in  the  hide,  was  thrown  into  it.  Pierre, 
the  Apostate,  then  brought  a sword  and  a knife 
to  the  sorcerer,  who,  seizing  them,  leaped  into 
the  hole,  and,  with  furious  gesticulation,  hacked 
and  stabbed  at  the  charm,  yelling  with  the  whole 
force  of  his  lungs.  At  length  he  ceased,  displayed 
tlie  knife  and  sword  stained  with  blood,  proclaimed 
that  he  had  mortally  wounded  his  enemy,  and  de- 
manded if  none  present  had  heard  his  death-cry. 
The  assembly,  more  occupied  in  making  noises 
than  in  listening  for  them,  gave  no  reply,  till  at 
length  two  young  men  declared  that  they  had  heard 
a faint  scream,  as  if  from  a great  distance  ; whereat 
a shout  of  gratulation  and  triumph  rose  from  all 
the  company.^ 

There  was  a young  prophet,  or  diviner,  in  one 
of  the  neighboring  huts,  of  whom  the  sorcerer 
took  counsel  as  to  the  prospect  of  his  restoration 
to  health.  The  divining-lodge  was  formed,  in  this 
instance,  of  five  or  six  upright  posts  planted  in  a 
circle  and  covered  with  a blanket.  The  prophet 
ensconced  himself  within;  and  after  a long  inter 

1 “Le  magicien  tout  glorieux  dit  que  son  homme  est  frappe,  qu’il 
mourra  bien  tost,  demande  si  on  n’a  point  entendu  ses  cris : tout  le 
monde  dit  que  non,  horsmis  deux  ieunes  hommes  ses  parens,  qui  disent 
auoir  ouy  des  plaintes  fort  sourdes,  et  corame  de  loing.  0 qu’ils  le  firent 
aise ! Se  tournant  vers  moy,  il  se  mit  ^ rire,  disant : Voyez  cette  robe 
noire,  qui  nous  vient  dire  qu’il  ne  faut  tuer  personne.  Comme  ie 
regardois  attentiuement  I’espee  et  le  poignard,  il  me  les  fit  presenter: 
Hegarde,  dit-il,  qu’est  cela  ? C’est  du  sang,  repartis-ie.  De  qui  1 De 
quelque  Orignac  ou  d’autre  animal.  Ils  se  mocquerent  de  moy,  disants 
que  c’estoit  du  sang  de  ce  Sorcier  de  Gaspe'.  Comment,  dis-je,  il  est  a 
plus  de  cent  lieues  d’icy?  Il  est  vray,  font-ils,  mais  c’est  le  Manitou^ 
c’est  a dire  le  Diable,  qui  apporte  son  sang  pardessous  la  terre.”  ~ Rela- 
frm,  1634,  21. 


86 


LE  JEimE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[1633-34. 


V^al  of  singing,  the  spirits  declared  their  presence 
by  their  usual  squeaking  utterances  from  the  re- 
cesses of  the  mystic  tabernacle.  Their  responses 
were  not  unfavorable  ; and  the  sorcerer  drew  much 
consolation  from  the  invocations  of  his  brother 
impostor.^ 

Besides  his  incessant  endeavors  to  annoy  Le 
Jeune,  the  sorcerer  now  and  then  tried  to  frighten 
him.  On  one  occasion,  when  a period  of  starva- 
tion had  been  followed  by  a successful  hunt,  the 
whole  party  assembled  for  one  of  the  gluttonous 
feasts  usual  with  them  at  such  times.  While  the 
guests  sat  expectant,  and  the  squaws  were  about 
to  ladle  out  the  banquet,  the  sorcerer  suddenly 
leaped  up,  exclaiming,  that  he  had  lost  his  senses, 
and  that  knives  and  hatchets  must  be  kept  out 
of  his  way,  as  he  had  a mind  to  kill  somebody. 
Then,  rolling  his  eyes  towards  Le  Jeune,  he  began 
a series  of  frantic  gestures  and  outcries, — then 
stopped  abruptly  and  stared  into  vacancy,  silent 
and  motionless,  — then  resumed  his  former  clamor, 
raged  in  and  out  of  the  hut,  and,  seizing  some  of 
its  supporting  poles,  broke  them,  as  if  in  an  uncon- 
trollable frenzy.  The  missionary,  though  alarmed, 
sat  reading  his  breviary  as  before.  When,  how- 
ever, on  the  next  morning,  the  sorcerer  began 
again  to  play  the  maniac^  the  thought  occurred  to 
him,  that  some  stroke  of  fever  might  in  truth  have 
touched  his  brain.  Accordmgly,  he  approached 
him  and  felt  his  pulse,  which  he  found,  in  his  own 
words,  ‘‘  as  cool  as  a fish.”  The  pretended  mad- 

1 See  Introduction.  Also,  “ Pioneers  of  Prance,”  315. 


1G33-34.] 


CHRISTMAS. 


37 


man  looked  at  him  with  astonishment,  and,  giving 
over  the  attempt  to  frighten  him,  presently  returned 
to  his  senses.^ 

Le  Jeune,  robbed  of  his  sleep  by  the  ceaseless 
thumping  of  the  sorcerer’s  drum  and  the  monoto 
nous  cadence  of  his  medicine-songs,  improved  the 
time  in  attempts  to  convert  him.  “ I began,”  he 
says,  “ by  evincing  a great  love  for  him,  and  by 
praises,  which  I threAV  to  him  as  a bait  whereby  I 
might  catch  him  in  the  net  of  truth.”  ^ But  the 
Indian,  though  pleased  with  the  Father’s  flatteries, 
was  neither  caught  nor  conciliated. 

Nowhere  was  his  magic  in  more  requisition  than 
in  procuring  a successful  chase  to  the  hunters,  — a 
point  of  vital  interest,  since  on  it  hung  the  lives  of 
the  whole  party.  They  often,  however,  returned 
empty-handed;  and,  for  one,  two,  or  three  succes- 
sive days,  no  other  food  could  be  had  than  the  bark 
of  trees  or  scraps  of  leather.  So  long  as  tobacco 
lasted,  they  found  solace  in  their  pipes,  which  sel- 
dom left  their  lips.  “ Unhappy  infidels,”  writes 
Le  Jeune,  “who  spend  their  lives  in  smoke,  and 
their  eternity  in  flames  ! ” 

As  Christmas  approached,  their  condition  grew 

1 The  Indians,  it  is  well  known,  ascribe  mysterious  and  supernatural 
powers  to  the  insane,  and  respect  them  accordingly.  The  Neutral 
Nation  (see  Introduction,  p.  xliv)  was  full  of  pretended  madmen,  who 
raved  about  the  Villages,  throwing  firebrands,  and  making  other  displays 
of  frenzy. 

2 “ le  commeneay  par  vn  temoignage  de  grand  amour  en  son  endroit, 
et  par  des  louanges  que  ie  luy  iettay  comme  vne  amorce  pour  le  prendre 
dans  les  filets  de  la  verite'.  Ie  luy  fis  entendre  que  si  vn  esprit,  capable 
des  choses  grandes  comme  le  sien,  cognoissoit  Dieu,  que  tons  les  Sau- 
uages  induis  par  son  exemple  le  voudroient  aussi  cognoistre.”  — Relation, 
1634  71. 


4 


^8  LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS.  [1633-3T 

desperate.  Beavers  and  porcupines  were  scarce, 
and  the  snow  was  not  deep  enough  for  hunting 
the  moose.  Night  and  day  the  medicine-drums 
and  medicine-songs  resounded  from  the  wigwams, 
mingled  with  the  wail  of  starving  children.  The 
hunters  grew  weak  and  emaciated ; and,  as  after  a 
forlorn  march  the  wanderers  encamped  once  more 
in  the  lifeless  forest,  the  priest  remembered  that  it 
was  the  eve  of  Christmas.  ‘‘  The  Lord  gave  us  for 
our  supper  a porcupine,  large  as  a sucking  pig, 
and  also  a rabbit.  It  was  not  much,  it  is  true,  for 
eighteen  or  nineteen  persons;  but  the  Holy  Virgin 
and  St.  Joseph,  her  glorious  spouse,  were  not  so 
well  treated,  on  this  very  day,  in  the  stable  of 
Bethlehem.”  ^ 

On  Christmas  Day,  the  despairing  hunters,  again 
unsuccessful,  came  to  pray  succor  from  Le  Jeune. 
Even  the  Apostate  had  become  tractable,  and  the 
famished  sorcerer  was  ready  to  try  the  efficacy 
of  an  appeal  to  the  deity  of  his  rival.  A bright 
hope  possessed  the  missionary.  He  composed  two 
prayers,  which,  with  the  aid  of  the  repentant  Pi- 
erre, he  translated  into  Algonquin.  Then  he  hung 
against  the  side  of  the  hut  a napkin  which  he  had 
brought  with  him,  and  against  the  napkin  a cru- 
cifix and  a reliquary,  and,  this  done,  caused  all 
the  Indians  to  kneel  before  them,  with  hands  raised 
and  clasped.  He  now  read  one  of  the  prayers,  and 

1 “Pour  nostre  souper,  N.  S.  nous  donna  vn  Porc-espic  gros  comrae 
vn  cochon  de  lait,  et  vn  lieure ; c’estoit  peu  pour  dix-lmit  ou  vingt  per- 
Bonnes  que  nous  estions,  il  est  vray,  inais  la  saincte  Vierge  et  son  glori- 
eux  Espoiix  sainct  loseph  ne  furent  pas  si  bien  traictez  a mesine  iour  dans 
I’estable  de  Betlileem.”  — Relation,  1634,  74. 


1634.] 


LE  JEUNE  LEAVES  THE  INDIANS. 


39 


required  the  Indians  to  repeat  the  other  after  him, 
promising  to  renounce  their  superstitions,  and  obey 
Christ,  whose  image  they  saw  before  them,  if  he 
would  give  them  food  and  save  them  from  perishing. 
The  pledge  given,  he  dismissed  the  hunters  with  a 
benediction.  At  night  they  returned  with  game 
enough  to  relieve  the  immediate  necessity.  All 
was  hilarity.  The  kettles  were  slung,  and  the 
feasters  assembled.  Le  Jeune  rose  to  speak,  when 
Pierre,  who,  having  killed  nothing,  was  in  ill 
humor,  said,  with  a laugh,  that  the  crucifix  and 
the  prayer  had  nothing  to  do  with  their  good 
luck ; while  the  sorcerer,  his  jealousy  reviving  as 
he  saw  his  hunger  about  to  be  appeased,  called  out 
to  the  missionary,  “ Hold  your  tongue  ! You  have 
no  sense  ! ” As  usual,  all  took  their  cue  from  him. 
They  fell  to  their  repast  with  ravenous  jubilation, 
and  the  disappointed  priest  sat  dejected  and  silent. 

Repeatedly,  before  the  spring,  they  were  thus 
threatened  with  starvation.  Nor  was  their  case 
exceptional.  It  was  the  ordinary  winter  life  of  all 
those  Northern  tribes  who  did  not  till  the  soil,  but 
lived  by  hunting  and  fishing  alone.  The  deser- 
tion or  the  killing  of  the  aged,  sick,  and  disabled, 
occasional  cannibalism,  and  frequent  death  from 
famine,  were  natural  incidents  of  an  existence 
which,  during  half  the  year,  was  but  a desperate 
pursuit  of  the  mere  necessaries  of  life  under  the 
worst  conditions  of  hardship,  suffering,  and  debase- 
ment. 

At  the  begimiing  of  April,  after  roaming  for  five 
months  among  forests  and  mountains,  the  party 


40 


LE  JEUNE  AND  THE  HUNTERS. 


[163T 


made  their  last  march,  regained  the  bank  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  waded  to  the  island  where  they 
had  hidden  their  canoes.  Le  Jeune  was  exhausted 
and  sick,  and  Mestigoit  offered  to  carry  him  in  his 
canoe  to  Quebec.  This  Indian  was  by  far  the  best 
of  the  three  brothers,  and  both  Pierre  and  the 
sorcerer  looked  to  him  for  support.  He  was  strong, 
active,  and  daring,  a skilful  hunter,  and  a dexterous 
canoeman.  Le  Jeune  gladly  accepted  his  offer ; 
embarked  with  him  and  Pierre  on  the  dreary  and 
tempestuous  river  ; and,  after  a voyage  full  of  hard- 
ship, during  which  the  canoe  narrowly  escaped  be- 
ing ground  to  atoms  among  the  floating  ice,  landed 
on  the  Island  of  Orleans,  six  miles  from  Quebec. 
The  afternoon  was  stormy  and  dark,  and  the  river 
was  covered  with  ice,  sweeping  by  with  the  tide. 
They  were  forced  to  encamp.  At  midnight,  the 
moon  had  risen,  the  river  was  comparatively  un- 
encumbered, and  they  embarked  once  more.  The 
wind  increased,  and  the  waves  tossed  furiously. 
Nothing  saved  them  but  the  skill  and  courage  of 
Mestigoit.  At  length  they  could  see  the  rock 
of  Quebec  towering  through  the  gloom,  but  piles 
of  ice  lined  the  shore,  while  floating  masses  were 
drifting  down  on  the  angry  current.  The  Indian 
watched  his  moment,  shot  his  canoe  through  them, 
gained  the  fixed  ice,  leaped  out,  and  shouted  to 
his  companions  to  follow.  Pierre  scrambled  up, 
but  the  ice  was  six  feet  out  of  the  water,  and  Le 
Jeune’s  agility  failed  him.  He  saved  himself  by 
clutching  the  ankle  of  Mestigoit,  by  whose  aid  he 
gained  a firm  foothold  at  the  top,  and,  for  a mo- 


1634.1 


ARRIVAL  AT  THE  MISSION-HOUSE, 


41 


ment,  the  three  voyagers,  aghast  at  the  narrow- 
ness of  their  escape,  stood  gazing  at  each  other  in 
silence. 

It  was  three  o’clock  in  the  morning  when  Le 
Jeune  knocked  at  the  door  of  his  rude  little  con- 
vent on  the  St.  Charles;  and  the  Fathers,  springing 
ill  joyful  haste  from  their  slumbers,  embraced  their 
long  absent  Superior  with  ejaculations  of  praise  and 
benediction. 


CHAPTER  V. 


1633,  1634. 

THE  HURON  MISSION. 


Plaks  of  Conversion.  — Aims  and  Motives.  — Indian  Diplomacy. 

— Hurons  at  Quebec.  — Councils.  — The  Jesuit  Chapel. — 
Le  Borgne.  — The  Jesuits  Thwarted.  — Their  Perseverance. 

— The  Journey  to  the  Hurons.  — Jean  de  Brebeuf.  — The 
Mission  Begun. 


Le  Jeune  had  learned  the  difficulties  of  the 
Algonquin  mission.  To  imagine  that  he  recoiled 
or  faltered  would  be  an  injustice  to  his  Order ; 
but  on  two  points  he  had  gained  convictions : 
first,  that  little  progress  could  be  made  in  con- 
verting these  wandering  hordes  till  they  could  be 
settled  in  fixed  abodes ; and,  secondly,  that  their 
scanty  numbers,  their  geographical  position,  and 
their  slight  influence  in  the  politics  of  the  wilder- 
ness offered  no  flattering  promise  that  their  conver- 
sion would  be  fruitful  in  further  triumphs  of  the 
Faith.  It  was  to  another  quarter  that  the  Jesuits 
looked  most  earnestly.  By  the  vast  lakes  of  the 
West  dwelt  numerous  stationary  populations,  and 
particularly  the  Hurons,  on  the  lake  which  bears 
142] 


1633.] 


JESUIT  SCHEMES. 


43 


their  name.  Here  was  a hopeful  basis  of  indef- 
mite  conquests ; for,  the  Hurons  won  over,  the 
Faith  would  spread  in  wider  and  wider  circles, 
embracing,  one  by  one,  the  kindred  tribes,  — the 
Tobacco  Nation,  the  Neutrals,  the  Fries,  and  the 
Andastes.  Nay,  in  His  own  time,  God  might  lead 
into  His  fold  even  the  potent  and  ferocious  Iro- 
quois. 

The  way  was  pathless  and  long,  by  rock  and  tor- 
rent and  the  gloom  of  savage  forests.  The  goal  was 
more  dreary  yet.  Toil,  hardship,  famine,  filth,  sick- 
ness, solitude,  insult,  — all  that  is  most  revolting  to 
men  nurtured  among  arts  and  letters,  all  that  is 
most  terrific  to  monastic  credulity:  such  were  the 
promise  and  the  reality  of  the  Huron  mission. 
In  the  eyes  of  the  Jesuits,  the  tiuron  country  was 
the  innermost  stronghold  of  Satan,  his  castle  and 
his  donjon-keep.^  All  the  weapons  of  his  malice 
were  prepared  against  the  bold  invader  who  should 
assail  him  in  this,  the  heart  of  his  ancient  domain. 
Far  from  shrinking,  the  priest’s  zeal  rose  to  tenfold 
ardor.  He  signed  the  cross,  invoked  St.  Ignatius, 
St.  Francis  Xavier,  or  St.  Francis  Borgia,  kissed  his 
reliquary,  said  nine  masses  to  the  Virgin,  and  stood 
prompt  to  battle  with  all  the  hosts  of  Hell. 

A life  sequestered  from  social  intercourse,  and 
remote  from  every  prize  which  ambition  holds 
worth  the  pursuit,  or  a lonely  death,  under  forms, 
perhaps,  the  most  appalling,  — these  were  the  mis 
sionaries’  alternatives.  Their  maligners  may  taunt 

1 “Une  des  principales  forteresses  & comme  un  donjon  des  Demons.'-' 
— Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1639,  100  (Cramoisy)- 


44 


THE  HURON  MISSION. 


[1033. 


them,  if  they  will,  with  credulity,  superstition, 
or  a blind  enthusiasm ; but  slander  itself  cannot 
accuse  them  of  hypocrisy  or  ambition.  Doubt- 
less, in  their  propagandism,  they  were  acting  in 
concurrence  with  a mundane  policy ; but,  for  the 
present  at  least,  this  policy  was  rational  and  hu- 
mane. They  were  promoting  the  ends  of  com- 
merce and  national  expansion.  The  foundations 
of  French  dominion  were  to  be  laid  deep  in  the 
heart  and  conscience  of  the  savage.  His  stubborn 
neck  was  to  be  subdued  to  the  “ yoke  of  the 
Faith.”  The  power  of  the  priest  established,  that 
of  the  temporal  ruler  was  secure.  These  sangui- 
nary hordes,  weaned  from  intestine  strife,  were  to 
unite  in  a common  allegiance  to  God  and  the 
King.  Mingled  with  French  traders  and  French 
settlers,  softened  by  French  manners,  guided  by 
French  priests,  ruled  by  French  officers,  their  now 
divided  bands  would  become  the  constituents  of 
a vast  wilderness  empire,  which  in  time  might 
span  the  continent.  Spanish  civilization  crushed 
the  Indian ; English  civilization  scorned  and  neg- 
lected him  ; French  civilization  embraced  and  cher- 
ished him. 

Policy  and  commerce,  then,  built  their  hopes  on 
the  priests.  These  commissioned  interpreters  of 
the  Divine  Will,  accredited  with  letters  patent  from 
Heaven,  and  affiliated  to  God’s  anointed  on  earth, 
would  have  pushed  to  its  most  unqualihed  appli- 
cation the  Scripture  metaphor  of  the  shepherd  and 
the  sheep.  They  would  have  tamed  the  wild  man 
of  the  woods  to  a condition  of  obedience,  unques- 


1633.] 


ALLUMETTE  ISLAND. 


45 


tioning,  passive,  and  absolute,  — repugnant  to  man- 
hood, and  adverse  to  the  invigorating  and  expan- 
sive spirit  of  modern  civilization.  Yet,  full  of 
error  and  full  of  danger  as  was  their  system,  the)' 
embraced  its  serene  and  smiling  falsehoods  with 
the  sincerity  of  martyrs  and  the  self-devotion  of 
saints. 

We  have  spoken  already  of  the  Hurons,  of  theii 
populous  villages  on  the  borders  of  the  great 
“ Fresh  Sea,”  their  trade,  their  rude  agriculture, 
their  social  life,  their  wild  and  incongruous  su- 
perstitions, and  the  sorcerers,  diviners,  and  medi- 
cine-men who  lived  on  their  credulity.^  Iroquois 
hostility  left  open  but  one  avenue  to  their  country, 
the  long  and  circuitous  route  which,  eighteen  years 
before,  had  been  explored  by  Champlain,^  — up 
the  river  Ottawa,  across  Lake  Nipissing,  down 
French  Fiver,  and  along  the  shores  of  the  great 
Georgian  Bay  of  Lake  Huron,  — a route  as  difficult 
as  it  was  tedious.  Midway,  on  Allumette  Island ^ 
in  the  Ottawa,  dwelt  the  Algonquin  tribe  visited  by 
Champlain  in  1613,  and  who,  amazed  at  the  ap- 
parition of  the  white  stranger,  thought  that  he  had 
fallen  from  the  clouds.^  Like  other  tribes  of  this 
region,  they  were  keen  traders,  and  would  gladly 
have  secured  for  themselves  the  benefits  of  an 
intermediate  traffic  between  the  Hurons  and  the 
French,  receiving  the  furs  of  the  former  in  barter 
at  a low  rate,  and  exchanging  them  with  the  latter 
at  their  full  value.  From  their  position,  they 

1 See  Introduction. 

* “ Pioneers  of  France,”  364. 


8 Ibid.,  848. 


46 


THE  HUKON  MISSION 


11633 


could  at  any  time  close  the  passage  of  the  Ottawa; 
but,  as  this  would  have  been  a perilous  exercise  of 
their  rights,’  they  were  forced  to  act  with  discre- 
tion. An  opportunity  for  the  practice  of  their 
diplomacy  had  lately  occurred.  On  or  near  the 
Ottawa,  at  some  distance  below  them,  dwelt  a small 
Algonquin  tribe,  called  La  Petite  Nation.  One  of 
this  people  had  lately  killed  a Frenchman,  and  the 
murderer  was  now  in  the  hands  of  Champlain,  a 
prisoner  at  the  fort  of  Quebec.  The  savage  poli- 
ticians of  Allumette  Island  contrived,  as  will  soon 
be  seen,  to  turn  this  incident  to  profit. 

In  the  July  that  preceded  Le  Jeune’s  wintering 
with  the  Montagnais,  a Huron  Indian,  well  known 
to  the  French,  came  to  Quebec  with  the  tidings, 
that  the  annual  canoe-fieet  of  his  countrymen  was 
descending  the  St.  Lawrence.  On  the  twenty-eighth, 
the  river  was  alive  with  them.  A hundred  and 
forty  canoes,  with  six  or  seven  hundred  savages, 
landed  at  the  warehouses  beneath  the  fortified  rock 
of  Quebec,  and  set  up  their  huts  and  camp-sheds 

1 Nevertheless,  the  Hurons  always  passed  this  way  as  a matter  of 
favor,  and  gave  yearly  presents  to  the  Algonquins  of  the  island,  in 
acknowledgment  of  the  privilege.  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1636,  70. — By 
the  unwritten  laws  of  the  Hurons  and  Algonquins,  every  tribe  had  the 
right,  even  in  full  peace,  of  prohibiting  the  passage  of  every  other  tribe 
across  its  territory.  In  ordinary  cases,  such  prohibitions  were  quietly 
Bubmitted  to. 

“ Ces  Insulaires  voudraient  bien  que  les  Hurons  ne  vinssent  point 
aux  Erancois  & que  les  Erau9ois  nhillassent  point  aux  Hurons,  atin  d’em- 
porter  eux  seuls  tout  le  trafic,”  etc.  — Relation,  1633,  205  (Cramoisy), — 
“ desirans  eux-mesmes  aller  recueiller  les  marchandises  des  peuples  cir- 
convoisins  pour  les  apporter  aux  Francois.”  This  “ Nation  de  ITsle”  has 
been  erroneously  located  at  Montreal.  Its  true  position  is  indicated  on 
the  map  of  Du  Creux,  and  on  an  ancient  MS.  map  in  the  Depot  des  Cartes, 
of  which  a fac-simile  is  before  me.  See  also  “ Pioneers  of  France,”  347 


1633.1 


HURONS  AT  QUEBEC. 


47 


on  the  strand  now  covered  by  the  lower  town.  The 
greater  number  brought  furs  and  tobacco  for  the 
trade ; others  came  as  sight-seers ; others  to  gamble, 
and  others  to  steal, ^ — accomplishments  in  which 
the  Hurons  were  proficient : their  gambling  skill 
being  exercised  chiefly  against  each  other,  and  theit 
thieving  talents  against  those  of  other  nations. 

The  routine  of  these  annual  visits  was  nearly 
uniform.  On  the  first  day,  the  Indians  built  their 
huts ; on  the  second,  they  held  their  council  with 
the  French  officers  at  the  fort ; on  the  third  and 
fourth,  they  bartered  their  furs  and  tobacco  for  ket- 
tles, hatchets,  knives,  cloth,  beads,  iron  arrow-heads, 
coats,  shirts,  and  other  commodities;  on  the  fifth, 
they  were  feasted  by  the  French ; and  at  daybreak 
of  the  next  morning,  they  embarked  and  vanished 
like  a flight  of  birds. ^ 

On  the  second  day,  then,  the  long  file  of  chiefs 
and  warriors  mounted  the  pathway  to  the  fort,  — 
tall,  well-moulded  figures,  robed  in  the  skins  of  the 
beaver  and  the  bear,  each  wild  visage  glowing  with 
paint  and  glistening  with  the  oil  which  the  Hurons 
extracted  from  the  seeds  of  the  sunflower.  The 
lank  black  hair  of  one  streamed  loose  upon  his 
shoulders  ; that  of  another  was  close  shaven,  ex- 
cept an  upright  ridge,  which,  bristling  like  the  crest 
of  a dragoon  s helmet,  crossed  the  crown  from  the 

1 ‘‘Quelques  vns  d’entre  eux  ne  viennent  a la  traite  aiiec  les  Era:i9ois 
quo  pour  ioucr,  d’autres  pour  voir,  quelques  vns  pour  derober,  et  les  plus 
sages  et  les  plus  riches  pour  trafiquer.”  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  34. 

2 “ Comrae  une  voice  d’oiseaux.”  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  190 
(Cramoisy).  — The  tobacco  brought  to  the  French  by  the  Hurons  may 
have  been  raised  by  the  adjacent  tribe  of  the  Tionnontates,  who  cultivated 
it  largely  for  sale.  See  Introduction. 


48 


THE  HURON  MISSION. 


[1633. 


forehead  to  the  neck;  while  that  of  a third  hung, 
long  and  flowing  from  one  side,  but  on  the  other 
was  cut  short.  Sixty  chiefs  and  principal  men, 
with  a crowd  of  younger  warriors,  formed  their 
council-circle  in  the  fort,  those  of  each  village 
grouped  together,  and  all  seated  on  the  ground 
with  a gravity  of  bearing  sufficiently  curious  to 
those  who  had  seen  the  same  men  in  the  domestic 
circle  of  their  lodge-fires.  Here,  too,  were  the 
Jesuits,  robed  in  black,  anxious  and  intent ; and 
here  was  Champlain,  who,  as  he  surveyed  the 
throng,  recognized  among  the  elder  warriors  not 
a few  of  those  who,  eighteen  years  before,  had 
been  his  companions  in  arms  on  his  hapless  foray 
against  the  Iroquois.^ 

Their  harangues  of  compliment  being  made  and 
answered,  and  the  inevitable  presents  given  and 
received,  Champlain  introduced  to  the  silent  con- 
clave the  three  missionaries,  Brebeuf,  Daniel,  and 
Davost.  To  their  lot  had  fallen  the  honors,  dan 
gers,  and  woes  of  the  Huron  mission.  “ These  are 
our  fathers,”  he  said.  “ We  love  them  more  than 
we  love  ourselves.  The  whole  French  nation  honors 
them.  They  do  not  go  among  you  for  your  furs. 
They  have  left  their  friends  and  their  country  to 
show  you  the  way  to  heaven.  If  you  love  the 
French,  as  you  say  you  love  them,  then  love  and 
honor  these  our  fathers.”^ 

Two  chiefs  rose  to  reply,  and  each  lavished  al] 


1 See  “Pioneers  ofErance,”  370. 

2 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1633,  274  (Cramoisy) ; Mercure  Frangais,  1634, 
845. 


1633.] 


HURONS  AT  THE  MISSION-HOUSE. 


49 


his  rhetoric  in  praises  of  Champlain  and  of  the 
French.  Brebenf  rose  next,  and  spoke  in  broken 
Huron,  — the  assembly  jerking  in  unison,  from  the 
bottom  of  their  throats,  repeated  ejacnlations  of 
applause.  Then  they  surrounded  him,  and  vied 
with  each  other  for  the  honor  of  carrying  him  in 
tlieir  canoes.  In  short,  the  mission  was  accepted; 
and  the  chiefs  of  the  different  villages  disputed 
among  themselves  the  privilege  of  receiving  and 
entertaining  the  three  priests. 

On  the  last  of  July,  the  day  of  the  feast  of  St. 
Ignatius,  Champlain  and  several  masters  of  trading 
vessels  went  to  the  house  of  the  Jesuits  in  quest  of 
indulgences  ; and  here  they  were  soon  beset  by  a 
crowd  of  curious  Indians,  who  had  finished  their 
traffic,  and  were  making  a tour  of  observation. 
Being  excluded  from  the  house,  they  looked  in  at 
the  windows  of  the  room  which  served  as  a chapel  ; 
and  Champlain,  amused  at  their  exclamations  of 
wonder,  gave  one  of  them  a piece  of  citron.  The 
Huron  tasted  it,  and,  enraptured,  demanded  what 
it  was.  Champlain  replied,  laughing,  that  it  was 
the  rind  of  a French  pumpkin.  The  fame  of  this 
delectahle  production  was  instantly  spread  abroad  ; 
and,  at  every  window,  eager  voices  and  outstretched 
hands  petitior^d  for  a share  of  the  marvellous  vege- 
table. They  were  at  length  allowed  to  enter  the 
chapel,  which  had  lately  been  decorated  with  a few 
hangings,  images,  and  pieces  of  plate.  These  un- 
wonted splendors  filled  them  with  admiration.  They 
asked  if  the  dove  over  the  altar  was  the  bird  that 
makes  the  thunder;  and,  pointing  to  the  images  of 

5 


50 


THE  HURON  MISSION. 


[1633. 


Loyola  and  Xavier,  inquired  if  they  were  oldes^  or 
spirits : nor  was  their  perplexity  much  diminished 
by  Brebeuf’s  explanation  of  their  true  character. 
Three  images  of  the  Virgin  next  engaged  theh 
attention ; and,  in  answer  to  their  questions,  they 
were  told  that  they  were  the  mother  of  Him  who 
made  the  world.  This  greatly  amused  them,  and 
they  demanded  if  he  had  three  mothers.  “Oh!’’ 
exclaims  the  Father  Superior,  “ had  we  but  images 
of  all  the  holy  mysteries  of  our  faith!  They  are  a 
great  assistance,  for  they  speak  their  own  lesson.”  ^ 
The  mission  was  not  doomed  long  to  suffer  from  a 
dearth  of  these  inestimable  auxiliaries. 

The  eve  of  departure  came.  The  three  priests 
packed  their  baggage,  and  Champlain  paid  their 
passage,  or,  in  other  words,  made  presents  to  the 
Indians  who  were  to  carry  them  in  their  canoes. 
They  lodged  that  night  in  the  storehouse  of  the 
fur  company,  around  which  the  Ilurons  were  en- 
camped ; and  Le  Jeune  and  De  None  stayed  with 
them  to  bid  them  farewell  in  the  morning.  At 
eleven  at  night,  they  were  roused  by  a loud  voice 
in  the  Indian  camp,  and  saw  Le  Borgne,  the  one- 
eyed  chief  of  Allumette  Island,  walking  round 
among  the  huts,  haranguing  as  he  went.  Brebeuf, 
listening,  caught  the  import  of  his  words.  “ We 
have  begged  the  French  captain  to  spare  the  life 
of  the  Algonquin  of  the  Petite  Nation  wliom  he 
keeps  in  prison ; but  he  will  not  listen  to  us. 
The  prisoner  will  die.  Then  his  people  will  re- 
venge him.  They  will  try  to  kill  the  three  black- 

1 Relation^  1633,  38. 


1633.J 


THE  JESUITS  TH\YAETED. 


51 


robes  whom  you  are  about  to  carry  to  your  country. 
If  you  do  not  defend  them,  the  French  will  be 
angry,  and  charge  you  with  their  death.  But  if 
you  do,  then  the  Algonquins  will  make  war  on 
you,  and  the  river  will  be  closed.  If  the  French 
captain  will  not  let  the  prisoner  go,  then  leave  the 
three  black-robes  where  they  are ; for,  if  you  take 
them  with  you,  they  will  bring  you  to  trouble.” 
Such  was  the  substance  of  Le  Borgne’s  harangue. 
The  anxious  priests  hastened  up  to  the  fort,  gained 
admittance,  and  roused  Champlain  from  his  slum- 
bers. He  sent  his  interpreter  with  a message  to 
the  Hurons,  that  he  wished  to  speak  to  them  before 
their  departure  ; and,  accordingly,  in  the  morning 
an  Indian  crier  proclaimed  through  their  camp  that 
none  should  embark  till  the  next  day.  Champlain 
convoked  the  chiefs,  and  tried  persuasion,  promises, 
and  threats  ; but  Le  Borgne  had  been  busy  among 
them  with  his  intrigues,  and  now  he  declared  in  the 
council,  that,  unless  the  prisoner  were  released, 
the  missionaries  would  be  murdered  on  their  way, 
and  war  would  ensue.  The  politic  savage  had  two 
objects  in  view.  On  the  one  hand,  he  wished  to 
Interrupt  the  direct  intercourse  between  the  French 
and  the  Hurons  ; and,  on  the  other,  he  thought 
to  gain  credit  and  influence  with  the  nation  of  the 
prisoner  by  effecting  his  release.  His  first  point 
was  won.  Champlain  would  not  give  up  the  mur- 
derer, knowing  those  with  whom  he  was  dealing 
too  well  to  take  a course  which  would  have  pro- 
claimed the  killing  of  a Frenchman  a venial  of- 
fence. The  Hurons  thereupon  refused  to  carry  the 


52 


THE  HURON  MISSION. 


[1634. 


missionaries  to  their  country ; coupling  the  refusal 
with  many  regrets  and  many  protestations  of  love, 
partly,  no  douht,  sincere,  — for  the  Jesuits  had 
contrived  to  gain  no  little  favor  in  their  eyes.  The 
council  broke  up,  the  Hurons  embarked,  and  the 
priests  returned  to  their  convent. 

Here,  under  the  guidance  of  Brebeuf,  they 
employed  themselves,  amid  their  other  avocations, 
in  studying  the  Huron  tongue.  A year  passed,  and 
again  the  Indian  traders  descended  from  their 
villages.  In  the  meanwhile,  grievous  calamities 
had  befallen  the  nation.  They  had  suffered  deplo- 
rable reverses  at  the  hands  of  the  Iroquois ; while 
a pestilence,  similar  to  that  which  a few  years 
before  had  swept  off  the  native  populations  of 
New  England,  had  begun  its  ravages  among  them. 
They  appeared  at  Three  Eivers  — this  year  the 
place  of  trade  — in  small  numbers,  and  in  a mis- 
erable state  of  dejection  and  alarm.  Du  Plessis 
Bochart,  commander  of  the  French  fleet,  called 
them  to  a council,  harangued  them,  feasted  them, 
and  made  them  presents ; but  they  refused  to  take 
the  Jesuits.  In  private,  however,  some  of  them 
were  gained  over;  then  again  refused;  then,  at 
the  eleventh  hour,  a second  time  consented.  On 
the  eve  of  embarkation,  they  once  more  wavered. 
All  was  confusion,  doubt,  and  uncertainty,  when 
Brebeuf  bethought  him  of  a vow  to  St.  Joseph. 
The  vow  was  made.  At  once,  he  says,  the  Indi- 
ans became  tractable ; the  Fathers  embarked,  and, 
amid  salvos  of  cannon  from  the  ships,  set  forth  for 
the  wild  scene  of  their  apostleship. 


1634.] 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  THE  HURON S. 


53 


They  reckoned  the  distance  at  nine  liundred 
miles  ; but  distance  was  the  least  repellent  feature 
of  this  most  arduous  journey.  Barefoot,  lest  their 
shoes  should  injure  the  frail  vessel,  each  crouched 
in  his  canoe,  toiling  with  unpractised  hands  to 
propel  it.  Before  him,  week  after  week,  he  saw 
the  same  lank,  unkempt  hair,  the  same  tawny 
shoulders,  and  long,  naked  arms  ceaselessly  plying 
the  paddle.  The  canoes  were  soon  separated  ; and, 
for  more  than  a month,  the  Frenchmen  rarely  or 
never  met.  Brebeuf  spoke  a little  Huron,  and  could 
converse  with  his  escort ; but  Daniel  and  Davost 
were  doomed  to  a silence  unbroken  save  by  the 
occasional  unintelligible  complaints  and  menaces 
of  the  Indians,  of  whom  many  were  sick  with  the 
epidemic,  and  all  were  terrified,  desponding,  and 
sullen.  Their  only  food  was  a pittance  of  Indian 
corn,  crushed  between  two  stones  and  mixed  with 
water.  The  toil  was  extreme.  Brebeuf  counted 
thh'ty-five  portages,  where  the  canoes  were  lifted 
from  the  water,  and  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
voyagers  around  rapids  or  cataracts.  More  than 
fifty  times,  besides,  they  were  forced  to  wade  in 
the  raging  current,  pushing  up  their  empty  barks, 
or  dragging  them  with  ropes.  Brebeuf  tried  to 
do  his  part ; but  the  boulders  and  sharp  rocks 
wounded  his  naked  feet,  and  compelled  him  to 
desist.  He  and  his  companions  bore  their  share 
of  the  baggage  across  the  portages,  sometimes  a 
distance  of  several  miles.  Four  trips,  at  the  least, 
were  required  to  convey  the  whole.  The  way  was 
through  the  dense  forest,  incumbered  with  rocks 


54 


THE  HURON  MISSION. 


[1684. 


and  logs,  tangled  with  roots  and  underbrush,  damp 
with  perpetual  shade,  and  redolent  of  decayed 
leaves  and  mouldering  wood.^  The  Indians  them- 
selves were  often  spent  with  fatigue.  Brebeuf,  a 
man  of  iron  frame  and  a nature  unconquerably  res- 
olute, doubted  if  his  strength  would  sustain  him  to 
the  journey’s  end.  He  complains  that  he  had  no 
moment  to  read  his  breviary,  except  by  the  moon- 
light or  the  fire,  when  stretched  out  to  sleep  on  a 
bare  rock  by  some  savage  cataract  of  the  Ottawa, 
or  in  a damp  nook  of  the  adjacent  forest. 

All  the  Jesuits,  as  well  as  several  of  their  coun- 
trymen who  accompanied  them,  suffered  more  or 
less  at  the  hands  of  their  ill-humored  conductors.^ 
Davost’s  Indian  robbed  him  of  a part  of  his  bag- 
gage, threw  a part  into  the  river,  including  most  of 
the  books  and  writing-materials  of  the  three  priests, 
and  then  left  him  behind,  among  the  Algonquins  of 


^ “ Adioustez  a ces  clifficultez,  qu’il  faut  coucher  sur  la  terre  nue,  ou 
sar  quelqiie  dure  roche,  faute  de  trouuer  dix  ou  douze  pieds  de  terre  en 
quarre  pour  placer  vne  clietiue  cabane ; qu’il  faut  sentir  incessamment  la 
puanteur  des  Sauuages  recreus,  marcher  dans  les  eaux,  dans  les  fanges, 
dans  I’obscurite  et  I’embarras  des  forest,  oil  les  piqueures  d’vne  multitude 
infinie  de  mousquilles  et  cousins  vous  importunent  fort.” — Brel)euf, 
Relation  des  Hurons,  1635,  25,  26. 

2 “ En  ce  voyage,  il  nous  a fallu  tous  commencer  par  ces  experiences 
a porter  la  Croix  que  Nostre  Seigneur  nous  presente  pour  son  honneur,  et 
pour  le  salut  de  ces  pauures  Barbares.  Certes  ie  me  suis  trouue  quel- 
quesfois  si  las,  que  le  corps  n’en  pouuoit  plus.  Mais  d’ailleurs  mon  ame 
ressentoit  de  tres-grands  contentemens,  considerant  que  ie  souffrois  pour 
Dieu  : nul  ne  le  S9ait,  s’il  ne  Texperimente.  Tous  n’en  ont  pas  esie 
quittes  a si  bon  marclie'.”  — Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1635,  26. 

Three  years  afterwards,  a paper  was  printed  by  the  Jesuits  of  Paris, 
called  Instruction  pour  les  Peres  de  nostre  Compagnie  qui  seront  enuoiez  aux 
Hurons,  and  containing  directions  for  their  conduct  on  this  route  by  the 
Ottawa.  It  is  higldy  characteristic,  both  of  the  missionaries  and  of  the 
Indians.  Some  of  the  points  are,  in  substance,  as  follows. — You  should 


1634.J 


BREBEUF^S  ARRIVAL, 


55 


Allumette  Island.  He  found  means  to  continue  the 
journey,  and  at  length  reached  the  Huron  towns  in 
a lamentable  state  of  bodily  prostration.  Daniel, 
too,  was  deserted,  but  fortunately  found  another 
party  who  received  him  into  their  canoe.  A young 
Frenchman,  named  Martin,  was  abandoned  among 
tlie  Nipissings  ; another,  named  Baron,  on  reaching 
the  Huron  country,  was  robbed  by  his  conductors 
of  all  he  had,  except  the  weapons  in  his  hands. 
Of  these  he  made  good  use,  compelling  the  robbers 
to  restore  a part  of  their  plunder. 

Descending  French  Fiver,  and  following  the 
lonely  shores  of  the  great  Georgian  Bay,  the  canoe 
which  carried  Brebeuf  at  length  neared  its  desti- 
nation, thirty  days  after  leaving  Three  Fivers 
Before  him,  stretched  in  savage  slumber,  lay  the 
forest  shore  of  the  Hurons.  Did  his  spirit  sink  as 
he  approached  his  dreary  home,  oppressed  with  a 
dark  foreboding  of  what  the  future  should  bring 

love  the  Indians  like  brothers,  with  whom  you  are  to  spend  the  rest  of 
your  life.  — Never  make  them  wait  for  you  in  embarking.  — Take  a flint 
and  steel  to  light  their  pipes  and  kindle  their  fire  at  night ; for  these  little 
services  win  their  hearts.  — Try  to  eat  their  sagamite  as  they  cook  it,  bad 
and  dirty  as  it  is.  — Fasten  up  the  skirts  of  your  cassock,  that  you  may 
not  carry  water  or  sand  into  the  canoe.  — AVear  no  shoes  or  stockings  in 
the  canoe  ; but  you  may  put  them  on  in  crossing  the  portages.  — Do  not 
make  yourself  troublesome,  even  to  a single  Indian.  — Do  not  ask  them 
too  many  questions.  — Bear  their  faults  in  silence,  and  appear  always 
cheerful.  — Buy  fish  for  them  from  the  tribes  you  will  pass ; and  for 
this  purpose  take  with  you  some  awls,  beads,  knives,  and  fish-hooks. 
— Be  not  ceremonious  with  the  Indians;  take  at  once  what  they  offer 
you  : ceremony  offends  them.  — Be  very  careful,  when  in  the  canoe,  that 
the  brim  of  your  hat  does  not  annoy  them.  Perhaps  it  would  be  better 
to  wear  your  niglit-cap.  There  is  no  such  thing  as  Impropriety  among 
Indians.  — Remember  that  it  is  Christ  and  his  cross  that  you  are  seeking ; 
and  if  you  aim  at  anything  else,  you  will  get  nothing  but  affliction  for 
body  and  mind. 


56 


THE  HURON  MISSION. 


[1634 


forth?  There  is  some  reason  to  think  so.  Yet  it 
was  but  the  shadow  of  a moment;  for  his  mascm 
line  heart  had  lost  the  sense  of  fear,  and  his  in- 
trepid nature  was  fired  with  a zeal  before  which 
doubts  and  uncertainties  fled  like  the  mists  of  the 
morning.  Not  the  grim  enthusiasm  of  negation, 
tearing  up  the  weeds  of  rooted  falsehood,  or  with 
bold  hand  felling  to  the  earth  the  baneful  growth 
of  overshadowing  abuses  : his  was  the  ancient  faith 
un curtailed,  redeemed  from  the  decay  of  centuries, 
kindled  with  a new  life,  and  stimulated  to  a preter- 
natural growth  and  fruitfulness. 

Brebeuf  and  his  Huron  companions  having 
landed,  the  Indians,  throwing  the  missionary’s  bag- 
gage on  the  ground,  left  him  to  his  own  resources  ; 
and,  without  heeding  his  remonstrances,  set  forth  for 
their  respective  villages,  some  twenty  miles  distant. 
Thus  abandoned,  the  priest  kneeled,  not  to  implore 
succor  in  his  perplexity,  but  to  offer  thanks  to  the 
Providence  which  had  shielded  him  thus  far.  Then, 
rising,  he  pondered  as  to  what  course  he  should 
take.  He  knew  the  spot  well.  It  was  on  the 
borders  of  the  small  inlet  called  Thunder  Bay.  In 
the  neighboring  Huron  town  of  Toanche  he  had 
lived  three  years,  preaching  and  baptizing;^  but 
Toanche  had  now  ceased  to  exist.  Here,  Etienne 
Brule,  Champlain’s  adventurous  interpreter,  had  re- 
cently been  murdered  by  the  inhabitants,  who,  in 

1 From  1626  to  1629.  There  is  no  record  of  the  events  of  this  first 
mission,  which  wa^  ended  with  the  English  occupation  of  Quebec.  Bre- 
beuf had  previously  spent  the  winter  of  1625-26  among  the  i^lgonquiiis, 
like  Le  Jeune  in  1633-34,  — Lettre  du  P.  Charles  Lalemant  au  T.  R.  P. 
Mutio  Vitelleschi,  1 Aug.,  1626,  in  Carayon. 


BK^BEUE’S  RECEPTION. 


57 


1634  1 

excitement  and  alarm,  dreading  the  consequences 
of  their  deed,  had  deserted  the  spot,  and  built,  at 
the  distance  of  a few  miles,  a new  town,  called 
Ihonatiria.^  Brebeuf  hid  his  baggage  in  the  woods, 
including  the  vessels  for  the  Mass,  more  precious 
than  all  the  rest,  and  began  his  search  for  this  new 
abode.  He  passed  the  burnt  remains  of  Toanche, 
saw  the  charred  poles  that  had  formed  the  frame 
of  his  little  chapel  of  bark,  and  found,  as  he 
thought,  the  spot  where  Brule  had  fallen.^  Eve- 
ning was  near,  when,  after  following,  bewildered 
and  anxious,  a gloomy  forest  path,  he  issued  upon 
a wild  clearing,  and  saw  before  him  the  bark  roofs 
of  Ihonatiria. 

A crowd  ran  out  to  meet  him.  “ Echom  has 
come  again ! Echom  has  come  again ! ” they  cried, 
recognizing  in  the  distance  the  stately  figure, 
robed  in  black,  that  advanced  from  the  border  of 
the  forest.  They  led  him  to  the  town,  and  the 
whole  population  swarmed  about  him.  After  a 
short  rest,  he  set  out  with  a number  of  young 
Indians  in  quest  of  his  baggage,  returning  with  it 
at  one  o’clock  in  the  morning.  There  was  a cer- 
tain Awandoay  in  the  village,  noted  as  one  of  the 
richest  and  most  hospitable  of  the  Hurons,  — a 
distinction  not  easily  won  where  hospitality  was 


1 Concerning  Brule,  see  “Pioneers  of  France,’’  377-380. 

2 “ le  vis  pareillement  I’endroit  oil  le  pauure  Estienne  Brule  auoit  estd 
barbarement  et  traitreusement  assomme  ; ce  qui  me  fit  penser  que  quelque 
iour  on  nous  pourroit  bien  traitter  de  la  sorte,  et  desirer  au  moins  que  ce 
fust  en  pourchassant  la  gloire  de  N.  Seigneur.”  — Brebeuf,  Relation  des 
Hurons,  1635,  28,  29.  — Tho  missionary’s  prognostics  were  but  too  well 
founded. 


58 


THE  HURON  MISSION. 


[1634 


universal.  His  house  was  large,  and  amply  stored 
with  beans  and  corn ; and  though  his  prosperity 
had  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  villagers,  he  had 
recovered  their  good-will  by  his  generosity.  With 
him  Brebeuf  made  his  abode,  anxiously  waiting, 
week  after  week,  the  arrival  of  his  companions. 
One  by  one,  they  appeared : Daniel,  weary  and 
worn;  Davost,  half  dead  with  famine  and  fatigue; 
and  their  French  attendants,  each  with  his  tale 
of  hardship  and  indignity.  At  length,  all  were 
assembled  under  the  roof  of  the  hospitable  Indian, 
and  once  more  the  Huron  mission  was  begun. 


CHAPTEE  VI. 


1634,  1635. 

BREBEUF  AND  HIS  ASSOCIATES. 

The  Huron  Mission-House.  — Its  Inmates.  — Its  Furniture. — Its 
Guests.  — The  Jesuit  as  a Teacher.  — As  an  Engineer. — 
Baptisms.  — Huron  Village  Life.  — Festivities  and  Sorce- 
ries.— The  Dream  Feast.  — The  Priests  accused  of  Magic. 
— The  Drought  and  the  Red  Cross. 

Where  should  the  Pathers  make  their  abode'? 
Their  first  thought  had  been  to  establish  themselves 
at  a place  called  by  the  French  Rochelle^  the 
largest  and  most  important  town  of  the  Huron 
confederacy;  but  Brebeuf  now  resolved  to  remain 
at  Ihonatiria.  Here  he  was  w^ell  known ; and  here, 
too,  he  fiattered  himself,  seeds  of  the  Faith  had 
been  planted,  which,  with  good  nurture,  would  in 
time  yield  fruit. 

By  the  ancient  Huron  custom,  when  a man  or  a 
family  wanted  a house,  the  whole  village  joined  in 
building  one.  In  the  present  case,  not  Ihonatiria 
only,  but  the  neighboring  town  of  Wenrio  also, 
took  part  in  the  work,  — though  not  without  the 
expectation  of  such  gifts  as  the  priests  had  to 
bestow.  Before  October,  the  task  was  finished. 

[591 


60 


BR£BEUF  and  his  associates.  [1634-35. 


The  house  was  constructed  after  the  Huron  model.^ 
It  was  thirty-six  feet  long  and  about  twenty  feet 
wide,  framed  with  strong  sapling  poles  planted  in 
the  earth  to  form  the  sides,  with  the  ends  bent  into 
an  arch  for  the  roof,  — the  whole  lashed  firmly 
together,  braced  with  cross-poles,  and  closely  cov- 
ered with  overlapping  sheets  of  hark.  Without, 
the  structure  was  strictly  Indian ; but  within,  the 
priests,  with  the  aid  of  their  tools,  made  innova- 
tions which  were  the  astonishment  of  all  the  coun- 
try. They  divided  their  dwelling  by  transverse 
partitions  into  three  apartments,  each  with  its 
wooden  door,  — a wondrous  novelty  in  the  eyes  of 
their  visitors.  The  first  served  as  a hall,  an  ante- 
room, and  a place  of  storage  for  corn,  beans,  and 
dried  fish.  The  second  — the  largest  of  the  three  — 
was  at  once  kitchen,  worksliop,  dining-room,  draw- 
ing-room, school-room,  and  bed-chamber.  The 
third  was  the  chapel.  Here  they  made  their  altar, 
and  here  were  their  images,  pictures,  and  sacred 
vessels.  Their  fire  was  on  the  ground,  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  second  apartment,  the  smoke  escaping  by 
a hole  in  the  roof.  At  the  sides  were  placed  two 
wide  platforms,  after  the  Huron  fashion,  four  feet 
from  the  earthen  fioor.  On  these  were  chests  in 
which  they  kept  their  clothing  and  vestments,  and 
beneath  them  they  slept,  reclining  on  sheets  of 
bark,  and  covered  with  skins  and  the  garments 
they  wore  by  day.  Hude  stools,  a hand-mill,  a 
large  Indian  mortar  of  wood  for  crushing  corn, 
and  a clock,  completed  the  furniture  of  the  room. 

1 See  Introduction. 


1684-35.1  THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  GUESTS. 


61 


There  was  no  lack  of  visitors,  for  the  house 
of  the  black-robes  contained  marvels  ^ the  fame  of 
which  was  noised  abroad  to  the  uttermost  confines 
of  the  Huron  nation.  Chief  among  them  was  the 
clock.  The  guests  would  sit  in  expectant  silence 
by  the  hour,  squatted  on  the  ground,  waiting  to  hear 
it  strike.  They  thought  it  was  alive,  and  asked 
what  it  ate.  As  the  last  stroke  sounded,  one  of  tlie 
Frenchmen  would  cry  “ Stop  ! ” — and,  to  the  ad- 
miration of  the  company,  the  obedient  clock  was 
silent.  The  mill  was  another  wonder,  and  they 
were  never  tired  of  turning  it.  Besides  these, 
there  was  a prism  and  a magnet ; also  a magni- 
fying-glass, wherein  a flea  was  transformed  to  a 
frightful  monster,  and  a multiplying  lens,  which 
showed  them  the  same  object  eleven  times  repeated. 
“ All  this,”  says  Brebeuf,  ‘‘  serves  to  gain  their 
affection,  and  make  them  more  docile  in  respect  to 
the  admirable  and  incomprehensible  mysteries  of 
our  Faith;  for  the  opinion  they  have  of  our  genius 
and  capacity  makes  them  believe  whatever  we  tell 
them.”^ 

“ What  does  the  Captain  say  ? ” was  the  frequent 
question  ; for  by  this  title  of  honor  they  designated 
the  clock. 

1 “ Ils  ont  pense  qu’elle  entendoit,  principalement  qiiand,  pour  rire, 
quelqu’vn  de  nos  Eranqois  s’escrioit  au  dernier  coup  de  marteau,  c’est 
assez  sonne,  et  que  tout  aussi  tost  elle  se  taisoit.  Ils  I’appellent  le  Cap! 
taine  du  iour.  Quand  elle  sonne,  ils  disent  qu’elle  parle,  et  deraandent, 
quand  ils  nous  viennent  veoir,  combien  de  fois  le  Capitaine  a desia  parle 
Ils  nous  interrogent  de  son  manger.  Ils  demeurent  les  heures  entieres, 
et  quelquesfois  plusieurs,  afin  de  la  pouuoir  ouyr  parler.”  ~ BreT)euf, 
Relation  des  Ilurons,  1635,  33. 

2 Brebeuf,  Relation  des  tlurons,  1635,  33. 


62 


br£beut  and  his  associates. 


[1634  -35. 


‘‘  When  he  strikes  twelve  times,  he  says,  ‘ Hang 
on  the  kettle’;  and  when  he  strikes  four  times,  he 
says,  ‘ Get  up,  and  go  home.’  ” 

Both  interjiretations  were  well  remembered.  At 
noon,  visitors  were  never  wanting,  to  share  the 
Fathers’  sagamite ; but  at  the  stroke  of  four,  all 
rose  and  departed,  leaving  the  missionaries  for  a 
time  in  peace.  Now  the  door  was  barred,  and, 
gathering  around  the  fire,  they  discussed  the  pros- 
pects of  the  mission,  compared  their  several  expe- 
riences, and  took  counsel  for  the  future.  But  the 
standing  topic  of  their  evening  talk  was  the  Huron 
language.  Concerning  this  each  had  some  new 
discovery  to  relate,  some  new  suggestion  to  offer ; 
and  in  the  task  of  analyzing  its  construction  and 
deducing  its  hidden  laws,  these  intelligent  and 
highly  cultivated  minds  found  a congenial  employ- 
ment.* 

But  while  zealously  laboring  to  perfect  their 
knowledge  of  the  language,  they  spared  no  pains 
to  turn  their  present  acquirements  to  account. 
W as  man,  wmman,  or  child  sick  or  suffering,  they 
were  always  at  hand  with  assistance  and  relief, — 
adding,  as  they  saw  opportunity,  explanations  of 
Christian  doctrine,  pictures  of  Heaven  and  Hell, 
and  exhortations  to  embrace  the  Faith.  Their 
friendly  offices  did  not  cease  here,  but  included 
matters  widely  different.  The  Hurons  lived  in 
constant  fear  of  the  Iroquois.  At  times  the  whole 
village  population  would  fly  to  the  woods  for  con- 
cealment, or  take  refuge  in  one  of  the  neighboring 

1 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1639,  17  (Cramoisy). 


1634-35.] 


ATTEMPTS  AT  CONVERSION. 


63 


fortified  towns,  on  the  rumor  of  an  approaching 
war-party.  The  Jesuits  promised  them  the  aid  of 
the  four  Frenchmen  armed  with  arquebuses,  who 
had  come  with  them  from  Three  Fivers.  They 
advised  the  Hurons  to  make  their  palisade  forts,  not, 
as  hitherto,  in  a circular  form,  but  rectangular, 
with  small  flanking  towers  at  the  corners  for  the 
arquebuse-men.  The  Indians  at  once  saAV  the 
value  of  the  advice,  and  soon  after  began  to  act 
on  it  in  the  case  of  their  great  town  of  Ossossane, 
or  Eochelle.^ 

At  every  opportunity,  the  missionaries  gathered 
together  the  children  of  the  village  at  their  house. 
On  these  occasions,  Brebeuf,  for  greater  solemnity, 
put  on  a surplice,  and  the  close,  angular  cap  worn 
by  Jesuits  in  their  convents.  First  he  chanted  the 
Pater  Nosier^  translated  by  Father  Daniel  into 
Fluron  rhymes,  — the  children  chanting  in  their 
turn.  Next  he  taught  them  the  sign  of  the  cross ; 
made  them  repeat  the  Are,  the  Credo,  and  the 
Commandments ; questioned  them  as  to  past  in- 
structions ; gave  them  briefly  a few  new  ones ; and 
dismissed  them  with  a present  of  two  or  three 
beads,  raisins,  or  prunes.  A great  emulation  was 
kindled  among  this  small  fry  of  heathendom.  The 
priests,  with  amusement  and  delight,  saw  them 
gathered  in  groups  about  the  village,  vying  with 
each  other  in  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  or  in 
repeating  the  rhymes  they  had  learned. 

At  times,  the  elders  of  the  people,  the  reposi- 
tories of  its  ancient  traditions,  were  induced  to 

i Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1636,  86. 


64 


BRfiBEUF  AND  HIS  ASSOCIATES. 


[1634-35 


assemble  at  the  bouse  of  the  Jesuits,  wbo  explained 
to  them  the  principal  points  of  their  doctrine,  and 
invited  them  to  a discussion.  The  auditors  proved 
pliant  to  a fault,  responding,  “ Good,”  or  “ That  is 
true,”  to  every  proposition;  but,  when  urged  to 
adopt  the  faith  which  so  readily  met  their  ap- 
proval, they  had  always  the  same  reply:  “It  is 
good  for  the  French ; but  we  are  another  people, 
with  different  customs.”  On  one  occasion,  Brebeuf 
appeared  before  the  chiefs  and  elders  at  a solemn 
national  council,  described  Heaven  and  Hell  with 
images  suited  to  their  comprehension,  asked  to 
which  they  preferred  to  go  after  death,  and  then, 
in  accordance  with  the  invariable  Huron  custom  in 
affairs  of  importance,  presented  a large  and  valuable 
belt  of  wampum,  as  an  invitation  to  take  the  path 
to  Paradise.^ 

Notwithstanding  all  their  exhortations,  the  Jes- 
uits, for  the  present,  baptized  but  few.  Indeed, 
during  the  first  year  or  more,  they  baptized  no 
adults  except  those  apparently  at  the  point  of 
death ; for,  with  excellent  reason,  they  feared 
backsliding  and  recantation.  They  found  especial 
pleasure  in  the  baptism  of  dying  infants,  rescuing 
them  from  the  flames  of  perdition,  and  changing 
them,  to  borrow  Le  Jeune’s  phrase,  “ from  little 
Indians  into  little  angels.”^ 

1 Br^euf,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1636,  81.  For  the  use  of  wampum 
belts,  see  Introduction. 

2 “ Le  seiziesme  du  mesme  mois,  deux  petits  Saiivages  furent  changez 
en  deux  petits  Anges.”  — Relation,  1636,  89  (Cramoisy). 

“ O mon  clier  frere,  vous  pourrois-je  expliquer  quelle  consolation  ee 
m’etoit  quand  je  voyois  un  pauure  baptise  mourir  deux  lieures,  une  demi 


1634-35.] 


CURE  OF  A MADMAN. 


65 


The  Fathers’  slumbers  were  brief  and  broken. 
Winter  was  the  season  of  Huron  festivity ; and,  as 
they  lay  stretched  on  their  hard  couch,  suffocating 
with  smoke  and  tormented  by  an  inevitable  multi- 
tude of  fleas,  the  thumping  of  the  drum  resounded 
all  night  long  from  a neighboring  house,  mingled 
with  the  sound  of  the  tortoise-shell  rattle,  the 
stamping  of  moccasined  feet,  and  the  cadence  of 
voices  keeping  time  with  the  dancers.  Again, 
some  ambitious  villager  would  give  a feast,  and 
invite  all  the  warriors  of  the  neighboring  towns  : 
or  some  grand  wager  of  gambling,  with  its  attend- 
ant drumming,  singing,  and  outcries,  filled  the  night 
with  discord. 

But  these  were  light  annoyances,  compared  with 
the  insane  rites  to  cure  the  sick,  prescribed  by  the 
“ medicine-men,”  or  ordained  by  the  eccentric  in- 
spiration of  dreams.  In  one  case,  a young  sor- 
cerer, by  alternate  gorging  and  fasting,  — both  in 
the  interest  of  his  profession, — joined  with  exces- 
sive exertion  in  singing  to  the  spirits,  contracted 
a disorder  of  the  brain,  which  caused  him,  in 
mid- winter,  to  run  naked  about  the  village,  howling 
like  a wolf.  The  whole  population  bestirred  itself 
to  effect  a cure.  The  patient  had,  or  pretended  to 
have,  a dream,  in  which  the  conditions  of  his  re 


journee,  une  ou  deux  joiirndes,  apres  son  baptesme,  particulierement 
quand  c’etoit  iin  petit  enfant ! ” — Lettre  da  Pere  Gamier  a son  Frere,  MS. 
— Tliis  form  of  benevolence  is  beyond  heretic  appreciation. 

“ La  joye  qu’on  a quand  on  a baptise  un  Sauvage  qui  se  meurt  peu 
apres,  & qui  s’envole  droit  au  Ciel,  pour  devenir  un  Ange,  certainement 
c’est  un  joye  qui  surpasse  tout  ce  qu’on  se  peut  imaginer.”  — Le  Jeune, 
Relation,  1635,  221  (Cramoisy). 


6* 


66 


br£beuf  and  his  associates. 


[1634-35. 


covery  were  revealed  to  him.  These  were  equally 
ridiculous  and  difficult;  but  the  elders  met  in  coun- 
cil, and  all  the  villagers  lent  their  aid,  till  every 
requisition  was  fulfilled,  and  the  incongruous  mass 
of  gifts  which  the  madman’s  dream  had  demanded 
were  all  bestowed  upon  him.  This  cure  failing, 
a “medicine-feast”  was  tried;  then  several  dances 
in  succession.  As  the  patient  remained  as  crazy 
as  before,  preparations  were  begun  for  a grand 
dance,  more  potent  than  all  the  rest.  Brebeuf 
says,  that,  except  the  masquerades  of  the  Carnival 
among  Christians,  he  never  saw  a folly  equal  to  it. 
“ Some,”  he  adds,  “ had  sacks  over  their  heads, 
with  two  holes  for  the  eyes.  Some  were  as  naked 
as  your  hand,  with  horns  or  feathers  on  their  heads, 
their  bodies  painted  white,  and  their  faces  black  as 
devils.  Others  were  daubed  with  red,  black,  and 
white.  In  short,  every  one  decked  himself  as 
extravagantly  as  he  could,  to  dance  in  this  ballet, 
and  contribute  something  towards  the  health  of  the 
sick  man.”^  This  remedy  also  failing,  a crowning 
effort  of  the  medical  art  was  essayed.  Brebeuf 
does  not  describe  it,  for  fear,  as  he  says,  of  being 
tedious  ; but,  for  the  time,  the  village  was  a pande- 
monium.^ This,  with  other  ceremonies,  was  sup- 
posed to  be  ordered  by  a certain  image  like  a 
doll,  which  a sorcerer  placed  in  his  tobacco-pouch, 
whence  it  uttered  its  oracles,  at  the  same  time 

1 Relation  des  Uurons,  1636,  116. 

2 “ SufTit  pour  le  present  de  dire  en  general,  que  iamais  les  Bacchantes 
forcences  dii  temps  passe  ne  firent  rien  de  plus  furieux  en  leurs  orgyes. 
C’est  icy  a s’entretuer,  disent-ils,  par  des  sorts  qu’ils  s’entreiettent,  dont  la 
composition  est  d’ongles  d’Ours,  de  dents  de  Loup,  d’ergots  d’Aigles,  de 


1635.1 


THE  DREAM  FEAST. 


67 


moving  as  il  alive.  “ Truly,’’  writes  Brebeuf,  “ here 
is  nonsense  enough : but  I greatly  fear  there  is 
something  more  dark  and  mysterious  in  it.” 

But  all  these  ceremonies  were  outdone  by  the 
grand  festival  of  the  Ononhara^  or  Dream  Feast, 
— esteemed  the  most  powerful  remedy  in  cases  of 
sickness,  or  when  a village  was  infested  with  evil 
spirits.  The  time  and  manner  of  holding  it  were 
determined  at  a solemn  council.  This  scene  of 
madness  began  at  night.  Men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, all  pretending  to  have  lost  their  senses, 
rushed  shrieking  and  howling  from  house  to  house, 
upsetting  everything  in  their  way,  throwing  fire- 
brands, beating  those  they  met  or  drenching  them 
with  water,  and  availing  themselves  of  this  time 
of  license  to  take  a safe  revenge  on  any  who  had 
ever  offended  them.  This  scene  of  frenzy  continued 
till  daybreak.  No  corner  of  the  village  Avas  secure 
from  the  maniac  crew.  In  the  morning  there 
Avas  a change.  They  ran  from  house  to  house, 
accosting  the  inmates  by  name,  and  demanding  of 
each  the  satisfaction  of  some  secret  Avant,  revealed 
to  the  pretended  madman  in  a dream,  but  of  the 
nature  of  Avhich  he  gaA^e  no  hint  Avhatever.  The 
person  addressed  thereupon  tlireAV  to  him  at  ran- 
dom any  article  at  hand,  as  a hatchet,  a kettle,  or  a 
pipe  ; and  the  applicant  continued  his  rounds  till 
the  desired  gift  Avas  hit  upon,  Avhen  he  gaA^e  an 

certaines  pierres  et  de  nerfs  de  Chien  ; c’est  a rendre  du  sang  par  la 
bouelie  et  par  les  narines,  ou  plustost  d’vne  poudre  rouge  qu’ils  prennent 
subtilement,  estans  tombez  sous  le  sort,  et  blessez;  et  dix  mille  autres 
sottises  que  ie  laisse  volontiers.’^  — Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1636^ 
il7. 


68 


br^:beuf  and  his  associates. 


[1635 


outcry  of  delight,  echoed  by  gratulatory  cries  from 
all  present.  If,  after  all  his  efforts,  he  failed  in 
obtaining  the  object  of  his  dream,  he  fell  into  a 
deep  dejection,  convinced  that  some  disaster  was 
in  store  for  him.^ 

The  approach  of  summer  brought  with  it  a 
comparative  peace.  Many  of  the  villagers  dis- 
persed, — some  to  their  fishing,  some  to  expe- 
ditions of  trade,  and  some  to  distant  lodges  by 
their  detached  corn-fields.  The  priests  availed 
themselves  of  the  respite  to  engage  in  those  exer 
cises  of  private  devotion  which  the  rule  of  8t. 
Tgiiatius  enjoins.  About  midsummer,  however, 
their  quiet  was  suddenly  broken.  The  crops  were 
withering  under  a severe  drought,  a calamity  which 
the  sandy  nature  of  the  soil  made  doubly  serious. 
The  sorcerers  put  forth  their  utmost  power,  and, 
from  the  tops  of  the  houses,  yelled  incessant  in- 
vocations to  the  spirits.  All  was  in  vain ; the 
pitiless  sky  was  cloudless.  There  was  thunder  in 
the  east  and  thunder  in  the  west ; but  over  Ihon- 
atiria  all  was  serene.  A renowned  “ rain-maker,” 
seeing  his  reputation  tottering  under  his  repeated 
failures,  bethought  him  of  accusing  the  Jesuits, 
and  gave  out  that  the  red  color  of  the  cross  which 
stood  before  their  house  scared  the  bhd  of  thunder, 

1 Br^euf^s  account  of  the  Dream  Feast  is  brief.  The  above  partic- 
ulars are  drawn  chiefly  from  Charlevoix,  Journal  Historique,  856,  and 
Sagard,  Voyage  du  Pays  des  Hurons,  280.  See  also  Lafitau,  and  other 
early  writers.  This  ceremony  was  not  confined  to  the  Hurons,  but  pre- 
vailed also  among  the  Iroquois,  and  doubtless  other  kindred  tribes.  The 
Jesuit  Dablon  saw  it  in  perfection  at  Onondaga.  It  usually  took  place  in 
February,  occupying  about  three  days,  and  was  often  attended  with  great 
indecencies.  The  word  ononhara  means  turning  of  the  brain. 


1635.] 


THE  DKOUGHT  AND  THE  CROSS. 


69 


and  caused  him  to  fly  another  way.^  On  this  a 
clamor  arose.  The  popular  ire  turned  against  the 
priests,  and  the  obnoxious  cross  was  condemned  to 
be  hewn  down.  Aghast  at  the  threatened  sac- 
rileg<g  they  attempted  to  reason  away  the  storm, 
assuiing  the  crowd  that  the  lightning  was  not  a 
bird,  but  certain  hot  and  fiery  exhalations,  which, 
being  imprisoned,  darted  this  way  and  that,  trying 
to  escape.  As  this  philosophy  failed  to  convince 
the  hearers,  the  missionaries  changed  their  line  of 
defence. 

“You  say  that  the  red  color  of  the  cross 
frightens  the  bird  of  thunder.  Then  paint  the 
cross  white,  and  see  if  the  thunder  will  come.” 

This  was  accordingly  done  ; but  the  clouds  still 
kept  aloof  The  Jesuits  followed  up  their  advan- 
tage. 

“ Your  spirits  cannot  help  you,  and  your  sor- 
cerers have  deceived  you  with  lies.  Now  ask  the 
aid  of  Him  who  made  the  world,  and  perhaps 
He  will  listen  to  your  prayers.”  And  they  added, 

1 The  following  is  the  account  of  the  nature  of  thunder,  given  to  Bre- 
beuf  on  a former  occasion  by  another  sorcerer. 

“ It  is  a man  in  the  form  of  a turkey-cock.  The  sky  is  his  palace,  and 
he  remains  in  it  when  the  air  is  cles^r.  When  the  clouds  begin  to  grum- 
ble, he  descends  to  the  earth  to  gather  up  snakes,  and  other  objects  which 
the  Indians  call  ohies.  The  lightning  flashes  whenever  he  opens  or  closes 
his  wings.  If  the  storm  is  more  violent  than  usual,  it  is  because  his 
young  are  with  him,  and  aiding  in  the  noise  as  well  as  they  can.”  — Rela- 
tion des  Ilarons,  1636,  114. 

The  word  old  is  here  used  to  denote  any  object  endued  with  super- 
natural power.  A belief  similar  to  the  above  exists  to  this  day  among 
the  Dacotahs.  Some  of  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois,  however,  held  that  the 
thunder  was  a giant  in  human  form.  According  to  one  story,  he  vomited 
from  time  to  time  a number  of  snakes,  which,  falling  to  the  eartli,  caused 
tlie  appearance  of  lightning. 


70 


A^D  HIS  ASSOCIATES. 


[1635 


that,  if  the  Indians  would  renounce  their  sins  and 
obey  the  true  God,  they  would  make  a procession 
daily  to  implore  His  favor  towards  them. 

There  was  no  want  of  promises.  The  proces- 
sions were  begun,  as  were  also  nine  masses  to  St. 
Joseph;  and,  as  heavy  rains  occurred  soon  after, 
the  Indians  conceived  a high  idea  of  the  efficacy 
of  the  French  “ medicine.”  ^ 

In  spite  of  the  hostility  of  the  sorcerers,  and  the 
transient  commotion  raised  by  the  red  cross,  the 
Jesuits  had  gained  the  confidence  and  good-will  of 
the  Huron  population.  Their  patience,  their  kind- 
ness, their  intrepidity,  their  manifest  disinterest- 
edness, the  blamelessness  of  their  lives,  and  the 
tact  which,  in  the  utmost  fervors  of  their  zeal, 
never  failed  them,  had  won  the  hearts  of  these 
wayward  savages ; and  chiefs  of  distant  villages 
came  to  urge  that  they  would  make  their  abode 
with  them.^  As  yet,  the  results  of  the  mission 
had  been  faint  and  few ; but  the  priests  toiled  on 
courageously,  high  in  hope  that  an  abundant  har- 
vest of  souls  would  one  day  reward  their  labors. 

1 “Nous  deuons  aussi  beaiicoup  au  glorieux  sainct  loseph,  espoux  de 
Nostre  Dame,  et  protecteur  des  Ilurons,  dont  nous  auons  touche  au 
doigt  Tassi stance  plusieurs  fois.  Ce  fut  vne  chose  remarquable,  que  le 
iour  de  sa  feste  et  durant  TOctaue,  les  cominoditez  nous  venoient  de 
toutes  parts. — Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1635,  41. 

The  above  extract  is  given  as  one  out  of  many  illustrations  of  the 
confidence  with  which  the  priests  rested  on  the  actual  and  direct  aid  of 
their  celestial  guardians.  To  St.  Joseph,  in  particular,  they  find  no 
words  for  their  gratitude. 

2 Brebeuf  preserves  a speech  made  to  him  by  one  of  these  chiefs,  ag 
a specimen  of  Huron  eloquence. — Relation  des  Ilurons,  1636,  123. 


CHAPTEH  VII. 


1636,  1637. 

THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 

Huron  Graves. — Preparation  for  the  Ceremony. — Disinter- 
ment.— The  Mourning.  — The  Funeral  March.  — The  Great 
Sepulchre.  — Funeral  Games.  — Encampment  of  the  Mourn- 
ers.— Gifts. — Harangues. — Frenzy  of  the  Crowd.  — The 
Closing  Scene.  — Another  Kite.  — The  Captive  Iroquois. — 
The  Sacrifice. 

Mejs^tion  has  been  made  of  those  great  deposi- 
tories of  human  bones  found  at  the  present  day  in 
the  ancient  country  of  the  Huronsd  They  have 
been  a theme  of  abundant  speculation ; ^ yet  their 
origin  is  a subject,  not  of  conjecture,  but  of  his- 
toric certainty.  The  peculiar  rites  to  which  they 
owe  their  existence  were  first  described  at  length 
by  Brebeuf,  who,  in  the  summer  of  the  year  ld36, 
saw  them  at  the  town  of  Ossossane. 

The  Jesuits  had  long  been  familiar  with  the 
ordinary  rites  of  sepulture  among  the  Hurons  : the 
corpse  placed  in  a crouching  posture  in  the  midst 
of  the  circle  of  friends  and  relatives ; the  long, 

1 See  Introduction. 

2 Among  tliose  Avho  have  wondered  and  speculated  over  these  re- 
mains is  Mr.  Schoolcraft.  A slight  acquaintance  with  the  early  writers 
would  have  solved  his  doubts. 


[71] 


72 


THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 


[1636. 


measured  wail  of  the  mourners ; the  speeches  in 
praise  of  the  dead,  and  consolation  to  the  living ; 
(he  funeral  feast ; the  gifts  at  the  place  of  burial ; 
the  funeral  games,  where  the  young  men  of  the 
village  contended  for  prizes  ; and  the  long  period 
of  mourning  to  those  next  of  kin.  The  body  was 
usually  laid  on  a scaffold,  or,  more  rarely,  in  the 
earth.  This,  however,  was  not  its  final  resting- 
place.  At  intervals  of  ten  or  twelve  years,  each 
of  the  four  nations  which  composed  the  Huron 
Confederacy  gathered  together  its  dead,  and  con- 
veyed them  all  to  a common  place  of  sepulture. 
Here  was  celebrated  the  great  “ Feast  of  the 
Dead,”  — in  the  eyes  of  the  Hurons,  them  most 
solemn  and  important  ceremonial. 

In  the  spring  of  1636,  the  chiefs  and  elders  of 
the  Nation  of  the  Bear  — the  principal  nation 
of  the  Confederacy,  and  that  to  which  Ihonatiria 
belonged  — assembled  in  a general  council,  to  pre- 
pare for  the  great  solemnity.  There  was  an 
unwonted  spirit  of  dissension.  Some  causes  of 
jealousy  had  arisen,  and  three  or  four  of  the  Bear 
villages  announced  their  intention  of  holding  their 
Feast  of  the  Dead  apart  from  the  rest.  As  such 
a procedure  was  thought  abhorrent  to  every  sense 
of  propriety  and  duty,  the  announcement  excited 
an  intense  feeling ; yet  Brebeuf,  who  was  present, 
describes  the  debate  which  ensued  as  perfectly 
calm,  and  wholly  free  from  personal  abuse  or  re- 
crimination. The  secession,  however,  took  place, 
and  each  party  withdrew  to  its  villages  to  gather 
and  prepare  its  dead. 


1636.] 


DISINTERMENT. 


73 


The  corpses  were  lowered  from  their  scaffolds, 
and  lifted  from  their  graves.  Their  coverings  were 
removed  by  certain  functionaries  appointed  for  the 
office,  and  the  hideous  relics  arranged  in  a row, 
surromided  by  the  weeping,  shrieking,  howling 
concourse.  The  spectacle  was  frightful.  Here 
were  all  the  village  dead  of  the  last  twelve  years. 
The  priests,  connoisseurs  in  such  matters,  regarded 
it  as  a display  of  mortality  so  edifying,  that  they 
hastened  to  summon  their  French  attendants  to 
contemplate  and  profit  by  it.  Each  family  re 
claimed  its  own,  and  immediately  addi’essed  itself  to 
removing  what  remained  of  flesh  from  the  bones. 
These,  after  being  tenderly  caressed,  with  tears  and 
lamentations,  were  wrapped  in  skins  and  adorned 
with  pendent  robes  of  fur.  In  the  belief  of  the 
mourners,  they  were  sentient  and  conscious.  A 
soul  was  thought  still  to  reside  in  them ; ^ and 
to  this  notion,  very  general  among  Indians,  is  in 
no  small  degree  due  that  extravagant  attachment 
to  the  remains  of  then'  dead,  which  may  be  said  to 
mark  the  race. 

These  relics  of  mortality,  together  with  the  re- 
cent corpses, — which  were  allowed  to  remain  en 
tire,  but  which  were  also  wrapped  carefully  in  furs, 
— were  now  carried  to  one  of  the  largest  houses, 
and  hung  to  the  numerous  cross-poles,  which,  like 
rafters,  supported  the  roof.  Here  the  concourse 
of  mourners  seated  themselves  at  a funeral  feast  ; 

1 In  the  general  belief,  the  soul  took  flight  after  the  great  ceremony 
was  ended.  Many  thought  that  there  were  two  souls,  one  remaining  with 
the  bones,  while  the  other  went  to  the  land  of  spirits 

7 


74 


THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 


[1G36 


and,  as  the  squaws  of  the  household  distributed  the 
food,  a chief  harangued  the  assembly,  lamenting 
the  loss  of  the  deceased,  and  extolling  their  virtues. 
This  solemnity  over,  the  mourners  began  their 
march  for  Ossossane,  the  scene  of  the  final  rite. 
The  bodies  remaining  entire  were  home  on  a kind 
of  litter,  while  the  bundles  of  bones  w^ere  slung  at 
the  shoulders  of  the  relatives,  like  fagots.  Thus 
the  procession  slowly  defiled  along  the  forest  path- 
ways, with  which  the  country  of  the  Hurons  was 
everywhere  intersected ; and  as  they  passed  be- 
neath the  dull  shadow  of  the  pines,  they  uttered  at 
intervals,  in  unison,  a dreary,  wailing  cry,  designed 
to  imitate  the  voices  of  disembodied  souls  winging 
their  way  to  the  land  of  spirits,  and  believed  to  have 
an  effect  peculiarly  soothing  to  the  conscious  relics 
which  each  man  bore.  When,  at  night,  they  stopped 
to  rest  at  some  village  on  the  way,  the  inhabitants 
came  forth  to  welcome  them  with  a grave  and 
mournful  hospitality. 

From  every  town  of  the  Nation  of  the  Bear, — 
except  the  rebellious  few  that  had  seceded,  — pro- 
cessions like  this  were  converging  towards  Ossos- 
sane. This  chief  town  of  the  Hurons  stood  on 
the  eastern  margin  of  Nottawassaga  Bay,  encom- 
passed with  a gloomy  wilderness  of  fir  and  pine. 
Thither,  on  the  urgent  invitation  of  the  chiefs,  the 
Jesuits  repaired.  The  capacious  hark  houses  were 
filled  to  overflowing,  and  the  surrounding  woods 
gleamed  with  camp-fires : for  the  processions  of 
mourners  were  fast  arriving,  and  the  tlH’ong  was 
swelled  by  invited  guests  of  other  tribes.  Funeral 


1636.J 


THE  GREAT  SEPULCHRE. 


iD 


games  were  in  progress,  the  young  men  and  women 
practising  archery  and  other  exercises,  for  prizes 
offered  by  the  mourners  in  the  name  of  their  dead 
relatives.^  Some  of  the  chiefs  conducted  Brebeuf 
and  his  companions  to  the  place  prepared  for  the 
ceremony.  It  was  a cleared  area  in  the  forest, 
many  acres  in  extent.  In  the  midst  was  a pit, 
about  ten  feet  deep  and  thirty  feet  wide.  Around 
it  was  reared  a high  and  strong  scaffolding ; and 
on  this  were  planted  numerous  upright  poles,  with 
cross-poles  extended  between,  for  hanging  the  fu- 
neral gifts  and  the  remains  of  the  dead. 

Meanwhile  there  was  a long  delay.  The  Jesuits 
were  lodged  in  a house  where  more  than  a hundred 
of  these  bundles  of  mortality  were  hanging  from  the 
rafters.  Some  were  mere  shapeless  rolls  ; others 
were  made  up  into  clumsy  effigies,  adorned  with 
feathers,  beads,  and  belts  of  dyed  porcupine-cpiills. 
Amidst  this  throng  of  the  living  and  the  dead,  the 
priests  spent  a night  which  the  imagination  and 
the  senses  conspired  to  render  almost  insupport- 
able. 

At  length  the  officiating  chiefs  gave  the  word  to 
prepare  for  the  ceremony.  The  relics  were  taken 
down,  opened  for  the  last  time,  and  the  bones  ca- 
ressed and  fondled  by  the  women  amid  paroxysms 
of  lamentation.^  Then  all  the  processions  were 

1 Funeral  games  were  not  confined  to  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois  : Per- 
rot  mentions  having  seen  them  among  the  Ottawas.  An  illustrated 
description  of  them  will  be  found  in  Lafitau. 

2 “I’admiray  la  tendresse  d’vne  femme  enuers  son  pere  et  ses  enfans  ; 
elle  est  fille  d’vii  Caj)itaine,  qui  est  mort  fort  age,  et  a este  autrefois  fort 
considerable  dans  le  Pa'is : elle  luy  peignoit  sa  cheuelui’e,  elle  mauioit 


76 


THE  EEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 


[1636 


formed  anew',  and,  each  bearing  its  dead,  moved 
towards  the  area  prepared  for  the  last  solemn  rites. 
As  they  reached  the  ground,  they  defiled  in  order, 
each  to  a spot  assigned  to  it,  on  the  outer  limits  of 
the  clearing.  Here  the  bearers  of  the  dead  laid 
them  bundles  on  the  ground,  while  those  who  car- 
ried the  funeral  gifts  outspread  and  displayed  them 
for  the  admiration  of  the  beholders.  Their  number 
was  immense,  and  them  value  relatively  very  great. 
Among  them  were  many  robes  of  beaver  and  other 
rich  furs,  collected  and  preserved  for  years,  with  a 
view  to  this  festival.  Fires  were  now  lighted,  ket- 
tles slung,  and,  around  the  entire  chcle  of  the 
clearing,  the  scene  was  like  a fair  or  caravansary. 
This  continued  till  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon, 
when  the  gifts  were  repacked,  and  the  bones  shoul 
dered  afresh.  Suddenly,  at  a signal  from  the  chiefs, 
the  crowd  ran  forward  from  every  side  towards  the 
scaffold,  like  soldiers  to  the  assault  of  a town,  scaled 
it  by  rude  ladders  with  which  it  was  furnished, 
and  hung  their  relics  and  their  gifts  to  the  forest 
of  poles  which  surmounted  it.  Then  the  ladders 
were  removed ; and  a number  of  chiefs,  standing 
on  the  scaffold,  harangued  the  crowd  below,  praising 
the  dead,  and  extolling  the  gifts,  which  the  rela- 
tives of  the  departed  now  besto^ved,  in  their  names, 
upon  their  surviving  friends. 

ses  os  les  vns  apres  les  autres,  aiiec  la  mesme  affection  que  si  elle  luy  eust 
voulu  rendre  la  vie ; elle  luy  mit  aupres  de  luy  son  AtsatoneSai,  o’est 
a dire  son  pacquet  de  buchettes  de  Conseil,  qui  sent  tous  les  liures  et 
papiers  du  Pais.  Pour  ses  petits  enfans,  elle  leur  mit  des  brasselets  de 
Pourcelaine  et  de  rassade  aux  bras,  et  baigna  leurs  os  de  ses  larnies ; on 
ne  I’en  pouuoit  quasi  separer,  mais  on  pressoit,  et  il  fallut  incontinent 
partii-.”  — Brebeuf,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1636,  134. 


1636.]  FEENZY  OF  THE  MOURNERS.  77 

During  these  harangues,  other  functionaries  were 
lining  the  grave  throughout  with  rich  robes  of 
beaver-skin.  Three  large  copper  kettles  were  next 
placed  in  the  middle,^  and  then  ensued  a scene  of 
hideous  confusion.  The  bodies  which  had  been 
left  entire  were  brought  to  the  edge  of  the  grave, 
flung  in,  and  arranged  in  order  at  the  bottom  by 
ten  or  twelve  Indians  stationed  there  for  the  pur- 
pose, amid  the  wildest  excitement  and  the  uproar 
of  many  hundred  mingled  voices.^  When  this  part 
of  the  work  was  done,  night  was  fast  closing  in. 
The  concourse  bivouacked  around  the  clearing,  and 
lighted  their  camp-flres  under  the  brows  of  the  for- 
est which  hedged  in  the  scene  of  the  dismal  solem- 
nity. Brebeuf  and  his  companions  withdrew  to 
the  village,  where,  an  hour  before  dawn,  they  were 
roused  by  a clamor  which  might  have  wakened  the 
dead.  One  of  the  bundles  of  bones,  tied  to  a pole 
on  the  scaffold,  had  chanced  to  fall  into  the  grave. 
This  accident  had  precipitated  the  closing  act,  and 
perhaps  increased  its  frenzy.  Guided  by  the  un- 
earthly din,  and  the  broad  glare  of  flames  fed  with 
heaps  of  fat  pine  logs,  the  priests  soon  reached  the 
spot,  and  saw  what  seemed,  in  their  eyes,  an  image 
of  Hell.  All  around  blazed  countless  fli’es,  and 

1 In  some  of  these  graves,  recently  discovered,  five  or  six  large 
copper  kettles  have  been  found,  in  a position  corresponding  with  the 
account  of  Brebeuf.  In  one,  there  were  no  less  than  twenty-six  ket- 
tles. 

2 “ lamais  rien  ne  m’a  mieux  figure  la  confusion  qui  est  parmy  les 
damnez.  Vous  eussiez  veu  decharger  de  tons  costez  des  corps  a demy 
pourris,  et  de  tons  costez  on  entendoit  vn  horrible  tmtamarre  de  voix  con* 
fuses  de  personnes  qui  parloient  et  ne  s’entendoient  pas.^'  — Brebeuf, 
Relation  des  Ilurons,  1636,  135. 


7* 


78 


THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 


[1636. 


the  air  resounded  with  discordant  outcries.^  The 
naked  multitude,  on,  under,  and  around  the  scaffold, 
were  flinging  the  remains  of  their  dead,  discharged 
from  their  envelopments  of  skins,  pell-mell  into 
the  pit,  where  Brebeuf  discerned  men  who,  as  the 
ghastly  shower  fell  around  them,  arranged  the  bones 
in  their  places  with  long  poles.  All  was  soon  over ; 
earth,  logs,  and  stones  were  cast  upon  the  grave, 
and  the  clamor  subsided  into  a funereal  chant,  — so 
dreary  and  lugubrious,  that  it  seemed  to  the  Jesuits 
the  wail  of  despairing  souls  from  the  abyss  of  per- 
dition.^ 

Such  was  the  origin  of  one  of  those  strange  sep- 
ulchres which  are  the  wonder  and  perplexity  of 
the  modern  settler  in  the  abandoned  forests  of  the 
Ilurons. 

1 “ Ap})rochans,  nous  visines  tout  a fait  une  image  de  FEnfer:  cette 
grande  i)lace  estoit  toute  reinplie  de  feux  & de  flammes,  &.  Fair  retentis- 
soit  de  toutes  parts  des  voix  confuses  de  ces  Barbares/^  etc.  — Brebeuf, 
Relation  des  Ilurons,  1636,  209  (Cramoisy). 

2 “ Se  mirent  a chanter,  mais  d’un  ton  si  lamentable  & si  lugubre, 
qu’il  nous  representoit  Fhorrible  tristesse  & Fabysme  du  desespoir  dans 
lequel  sont  plongees  pour  iamais  ces  ames  malheureuses.” — Ibid.,  210. 

For  other  descriptions  of  these  rites,  see  Charlevoix,  Bressani,  Du 
Creux,  ami  especially  Lafitau,  in  whose  work  they  are  illustrated  with 
engravings.  In  one  form  or  another,  they  w^ere  widely  prevalent.  Bar- 
tram  found  them  among  the  Floridian  tribes.  Traces  of  a similar  prac- 
tice have  been  observed  in  recent  times  among  the  Dacotahs.  Remains 
of  places  of  sepulture,  evidently  of  kindred  origin,  have  been  found  in 
Tennessee,  iVIissouri,  Kentucky,  and  Oliio.  Many  have  been  discovered 
in  several  parts  of  New  York,  especially  near  the  River  Niagara.  (See 
Squier,  Aborii/inal  Monuments  of  New  York.)  This  was  the  eastern  extrem- 
ity of  the  ancient  territory  of  the  Neuters.  One  of  these  deposits  is  said 
to  have  contained  the  bones  of  several  thousand  individuals.  There  is 
a large  mound  on  Tonawanda  Island,  said  by  the  modern  Senecas  to  be  a 
Neuter  burial-place.  (See  Marshall,  Historical  Sketches  of  the  Niagara 
Frontier,  8.)  In  Canada  West,  they  are  found  throughout  the  region 
once  occupied  by  the  Neuters,  and  are  frequent  in  the  Huron  district. 

Dr.  Tache  writes  to  me,  — “I  have  inspected  sixteen  bone-pits f {in 


1636.1 


THE  IROQUOIS  PRISONER. 


79 


The  priests  were  soon  to  witness  another  and  a 
more  terrible  rite,  yet  one  in  which  they  found 
a consolation,  since  it  signalized  the  saving  of  a 
soul,  — the  snatching  from  perdition  of  one  of  that 
dreaded  race,  into  whose  very  midst  they  hoped, 
with  devoted  daring,  to  bear  hereafter  the  cross  of 
salvation.  A band  of  Huron  warriors  had  sur 
prised  a small  party  of  Iroquois,  killed  several,  and 
captured  the  rest.  One  of  the  prisoners  was  led  in 
triumph  to  a village  where  the  priests  then  were. 
He  had  suffered  greatly ; his  hands,  especially, 
were  frightfully  lacerated.  Now,  however,  he  was 
received  with  every  mark  of  kindness.  “ Take 
courage,”  said  a chief,  addressing  him ; ‘‘  you  are 

the  Huron  country,)  “the  situation  of  which  is  indicated  on  the  little 
pencil  map  I send  you.  They  contain  from  six  hundred  to  twelve  hun- 
dred skeletons  each,  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  all  mixed  together  pur- 
fosebj.  With  one  exception,  these  pits  also  contain  pij)es  of  stone  or  clay, 
small  earthen  pots,  shells,  and  wampum  wrought  of  these  shells,  copper 
ornaments,  beads  of  glass,  and  other  trinkets.  Some  pits  contained  arti- 
cles of  copper  of  ahori(jinal  Mexican  fabric.” 

This  remarkable  fact,  together  with  the  frequent  occurrence  in  these 
graves  of  large  conch-shells,  of  which  wampum  was  made,  and  which 
could  have  been  procured  only  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  or  some  part  of 
the  sou  hern  coast  of  the  United  States,  proves  the  extent  of  the  relations 
of  traffic  by  which  certain  articles  were  passed  from  tribe  to  tribe  over  a 
vast  region.  The  transmission  of  pipes  from  the  famous  Red  Pipe-Stone 
Quarry  of  the  St.  Peter’s  to  tribes  more  than  a thousand  miles  distant  is 
an  analogous  modern  instance,  though  much  less  remarkable. 

The  Tache  IMuseum,  at  the  Laval  University  of  Quebec  contains  a 
large  collection  of  remains  from  these  graves.  In  one  instance,  the  Inn 
man  bones  are  of  a size  that  may  be  called  gigantic. 

In  nearly  every  case,  the  Huron  graves  contain  articles  of  use  or 
ornament  of  European  Avorkmanship.  From  this  it  may  be  inferred,  that 
the  nation  itself,  or  its  practice  of  inhumation,  does  not  date  back  to  a 
period  long  before  the  arrival  of  the  French. 

The  Northern  Algonquins  had  also  a solemn  Feast  of  the  Dead ; but 
it  was  widely  different  from  that  of  the  Hurons.  — See  the  very  curious 
account  of  it  by  Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1642,  94,  95. 


80 


THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 


[1637. 


among  friends.”  The  best  food  was  prepared  for 
him,  and  his  captors  vied  with  each  other  in  offices 
of  good-will.^  He  had  been  given,  according  to 
Indian  custom,  to  a warrior  who  had  lost  a near 
relative  in  battle,  and  the  captive  was  supposed  to 
be  adopted  in  place  of  the  slain.  His  actual  doom 
was,  however,  not  for  a moment  in  doubt.  The 
Huron  received  him  affectionately,  and,  having 
seated  him  in  his  lodge,  addressed  him  in  a tone 
of  extreme  kindness.  “ My  nephew,  when  I heard 
that  you  were  coming,  I was  very  glad,  thinking 
that  you  would  remain  with  me  to  take  the  place 
of  him  I have  lost.  But  now  that  I see  your  con- 
dition, and  your  hands  crushed  and  torn  so  that 
you  will  never  use  them,  I change  my  mind. 
Therefore  take  courage,  and  prepare  to  die  to- 
night like  a brave  man.” 

The  prisoner  coolly  asked  what  should  be  the 
manner  of  his  death. 

“ By  fire,”  was  the  reply. 

“ It  is  well,”  returned  the  Iroquois. 

Meanwhile,  the  sister  of  the  slain  Huron,  in 
whose  place  the  prisoner  was  to  have  been  adopted, 
brought  him  a dish  of  food,  and,  her  eyes  flowing 
with  tears,  placed  it  before  him  with  an  air  of 
the  utmost  tenderness  ; while,  at  the  same  time,  the 
warrior  brought  him  a pipe,  wiped  the  sweat  from 
Iris  brow,  and  fanned  him  with  a fan  of  feathers. 

About  noon  he  gave  his  farewell  feast,  after  the 

1 This  pretended  kindness  in  the  treatment  of  a prisoner  destined  to 
the  torture  was  not  exceptional.  The  Hurons  sometimes  even  supplied 
their  intended  victim  with  a temporary  wife. 


1637.J 


THE  SACIIIFICE. 


81 


custom  of  those  who  knew  themselves  to  be  at 
the  point  of  death.  All  were  welcome  to  this 
strange  banquet ; and  when  the  company  were 
gathered,  the  host  addressed  them  in  a loud,  firm 
voice  : ‘‘  My  brothers,  I am  about  to  die.  Do  your 
worst  to  me.  I do  not  fear  torture  or  death.” 
Some  of  those  present  seemed  to  have  visitings  of 
real  compassion ; and  a woman  asked  the  priests 
if  it  would  be  wrong  to  kill  him,  and  thus  save 
him  from  the  fire. 

The  Jesuits  had  from  the  first  lost  no  opportunity 
of  accosting  him ; while  he,  grateful  for  a genuine 
kindness  amid  the  cruel  hypocrisy  that  surrounded 
him,  gave  them  an  attentive  ear,  till  at  length, 
satisfied  with  his  answers,  they  baptized  him.  His 
eternal  bliss  secure,  all  else  was  as  nothing ; and 
they  awaited  the  issue  with  some  degree  of  com- 
posure. 

A crowd  had  gathered  from  all  the  surround 
ing  towns,  and  after  nightfall  the  presiding  chief 
harangued  them,  exhorting  them  to  act  their  parts 
well  in  the  approaching  sacrifice,  since  they  would 
be  looked  upon  by  the  Sun  and  the  God  of  War.^ 
It  is  needless  to  dwell  on  the  scene  that  en- 
sued. It  took  place  in  the  lodge  of  the  great  war- 
chief,  Atsan.  Eleven  fires  blazed  on  the  ground, 
along  the  middle  of  this  capacious  dwelling.  Tlie 
, platforms  on  each  side  were  closely  packed  with 
spectators  ; and,  betwixt  these  and  the  fires,  the 

^ Areskoui  (see  Introduction).  He  was  often  regarded  as  identical 
with  the  Sun.  The  semi-sacrificial  character  of  the  torture  in  this  case 
is  also  shown  by  the  injunction,  “ que  pour  ceste  nuict  on  n’allast  point 
folastrer  dans  les  bois.”  — Le  JMercier,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1637,  114.  ’ 


82 


THE  FEAST  OF  THE  DEAD. 


[1637. 


younger  warriors  stood  in  lines,  each  hearing 
lighted  pine-knots  or  rolls  of  birch-bark.  The 
heat,  the  smoke,  the  glare  of  flames,  the  wild  yells, 
contorted  visages,  and  furious  gestures  of  these 
human  devils,  as  their  victim,  goaded  by  their 
torches,  bounded  through  the  fires  again  and  again^ 
from  end  to  end  of  the  house,  transfixed  the  priests 
with  horror.  But  when,  as  day  dawned,  the  last 
spark  of  life  had  fled,  they  consoled  themselves 
with  the  faith  that  the  tortured  wretch  had  found 
his  rest  at  last  in  Paradise.^ 


1 Le  Mercier’s  long  and  minute  account  of  the  torture  of  this  prisoner 
is  too  revolting  to  be  dwelt  upon.  One  of  the  most  atrocious  features  of 
the  scene  was  the  alternation  of  raillery  and  ironical  compliment  which 
attended  it  throughout,  as  well  as  the  pains  taken  to  preserve  life  and 
consciousness  in  the  victim  as  long  as  possible.  Portions  of  liis  flesh 
were  afterwards  devoured. 


CHAPTER  VIIL 


1636,  1637. 

THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 

Enthusiasm  for  the  Mission.  — Sickness  of  the  Priests.  — The 
Pest  among  the  Hurons.  — The  Jesuit  on  iiis  Rounds. — 
Efforts  at  Conversion.  — Priests  and  Sorcerers.  — The 
Man-Devil. — The  Magician’s  Prescription. — Indian  Doc- 
tors AND  Patients.  — Covert  Baptisms.  — Self-Devotion  of 
the  Jesuits. 


Meanwhile  from  Old  France  to  New  came  suc- 
cors and  reinforcements  to  the  missions  of  the 
forest.  More  Jesuits  crossed  the  sea  to  urge  on 
the  work  of  conversion.  These  were  no  stern 
exiles,  seeking  on  barbarous  shores  an  asylum  for 
a persecuted  faith.  Rank,  wealth,  power,  and 
royalty  itself,  smiled  on  their  enterprise,  and  bade 
them  God-speed.  Yet,  withal,  a fervor  more 
intense,  a self-abnegation  more  complete,  a self- 
devotion  more  constant  and  enduring,  will  scarcely 
find  its  record  on  the  page  of  human  history. 

Holy  Mother  Church,  linked  in  sordid  wedlock 
to  governments  and  thrones,  numbered  among  her 
servants  a host  of  the  worldly  and  the  proud, 
whose  service  of  God  was  but  the  service  of  them- 

183] 


84 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


[1636 


selves,  — and  many,  too,  who,  in  the  sophistry  of 
the  human  heart,  thought  themselves  true  soldiers 
of  Heaven,  while  earthly  pride,  interest,  and  pas- 
sion w^ere  the  life-springs  of  their  zeal.  This 
mighty  Church  of  Home,  in  her  imposing  march 
along  the  high  road  of  history,  heralded  as  infal- 
lilile  and  divine,  astounds  the  gazing  world  with 
jjrodigies  of  contradiction : now  the  protector  of 
the  oppressed,  now  the  right  arm  of  tyrants  ; now 
breathing  charity  and  love,  now  dark  with  the  pas- 
sions of  Hell ; now  beaming  wdth  celestial  truth, 
now  masked  in  hypocrisy  and  lies  ; now  a virgin, 
now  a harlot ; an  imperial  queen,  and  a tinselled 
actress.  Clearly,  she  is  of  earth,  not  of  heaven  ; 
and  her  transcendently  dramatic  life  is  a type  of 
the  good  and  ill,  the  baseness  and  nobleness,  the 
foulness  and  purity,  the  love  and  hate,  the  pride, 
passion,  truth,  falsehood,  fierceness,  and  tender- 
ness, that  battle  in  the  restless  heart  of  man. 

It  was  her  nobler  and  purer  part  that  gave  life  to 
the  early  missions  of  New  France.  That  gloomy 
wilderness,  those  hordes  of  savages,  had  nothing  to 
tempt  the  ambitious,  the  proud,  the  grasping,  or  the 
indolent.  Obscure  toil,  solitude,  privation,  hard- 
ship, and  death  were  to  be  the  missionary’s  portion. 
He  wFo  set  sail  for  the  country  of  the  Hurons  left 
behind  him  the  world  and  all  its  prizes.  True, 
he  acted  under  orders,  ■ — obedient,  like  a soldier, 
to  the  word  of  command : but  the  astute  Society 
of  Jesus  knew  its  members,  weighed  each  in  the 
balance,  gave  each  his  fitting  task ; and  when  the 
word  was  passed  to  embark  for  New  France,  it  was 


1636.] 


ENTHUSIASM  EOR  THE  MISSION. 


85 


but  the  response  to  a secret  longing  of  the  fervent 
heart.  The  letters  of  these  priests,  departing  for 
the  scene  of  their  labors,  breathe  a spirit  of  enthu- 
siastic exaltation,  which,  to  a colder  nature  and  a 
colder  faith,  may  sometimes  seem  overstrained,  but 
which  is  in  no  way  disproportionate  to  the  vastness 
of  the  effort  and  the  sacrifice  demanded  of  themd 
All  turned  with  longing  eyes  towards  the  mission 
of  the  Hurons  ; for  here  the  largest  harvest  prom- 
ised to  repay  their  labor,  and  here  hardships  and 
dangers  most  abounded.  Two  Jesuits,  Pijart  and 
Le  Mercier,  had  been  sent  thither  in  1635  ; and  in 
midsummer  of  the  next  year  three  more  arrived,  — 


1 The  following  are  passages  from  letters  of  missionaries  at  this  time. 
See  “ Divers  Sentimens/’  appended  to  the  Relation  of  1635. 

“ On  dit  que  les  premiers  qui  fondent  les  Eglises  d’ordinaire  sont 
saincts : cette  pensee  m’attendrit  si  fort  le  coeur,  que  quoy  que  ie  me 
Yoye  icy  fort  inutile  dans  ceste  fortunee  Nouuelle  France,  si  faut-il  que 
i’auoiie  que  ie  ne  me  s9aurois  defendre  d’vne  pensee  qui  me  presse  le 
coeur;  Cupio  impendi,  et  superimpendi  pro  vohis,  Pauure  Nouuelle  France, 
ie  desire  me  sacritier  pour  ton  bien,  et  quand  il  me  deuroit  couster  mille 
vies,  moyennant  que  ie  puisse  aider  a sauuer  vne  seule  ame,  ie  seray  trop 
heureux,  et  ma  vie  tres  bien  employee.” 

“ Ma  consolation  parmy  les  Hurons,  c’est  que  tons  les  iours  ie  me  con- 
fesse,  et  puis  ie  dis  la  Messe,  comme  si  ie  deuois  prendre  le  Viatique  et 
mourir  ce  iour  la,  et  ie  ne  crois  pas  qu’on  puisse  niieux  viure,  ny  auec 
plus  de  satisfaction  et  de  courage,  et  mesme  de  merites,  que  viure  en  un 
lieu,  OLi  on  pense  pouuoir  mourir  tous  les  iours,  et  auoir  la  deuise  de  S. 
Paul,  Quotidie  morior,  fratres,  etc.  mes  freres,  ie  fais  estat  de  mourir  tous 
les  iours.” 

“ Qui  ne  void  la  Nouuelle  France  que  par  les  yeux  de  chair  et  de 
nature,  il  n’y  void  que  des  bois  et  des  croix ; mais  qui  les  considere  auec 
les  yeux  de  la  grace  et  d’vne  bonne  vocation,  il  n’y  void  que  Dieu,  les 
vertus  et  les  graces,  et  on  y trouue  tant  et  de  si  solides  consolations,  que 
si  ie  pouuois  acheter  la  Nouuelle  France,  en  donnant  tout  le  Paradis 
Terrestre,  certainement  ie  I’acheterois.  Mon  Dieu,  qu’il  fait  bon  estre  au 
lieu  oil  Dieu  nous  a mis  de  sa  grace ! veritablement  i’ay  trouue  icy  co 
que  i’auois  espere,  vn  coeur  selon  le  coeur  de  Dieu,  qui  ne  cherche  que 
Dieu  ” 


8 


86 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


[1636, 


Jogiies,  Cbatelain,  and  Gamier.  When,  after  their 
long  and  lonely  journey,  they  reached  Ihonatiria 
one  by  one,  they  were  received  by  their  brethren 
with  scanty  fare  indeed,  but  with  a fervor  of  affec- 
tionate welcome  which  more  than  made  amends ; 
for  among  these  priests,  united  in  a community  of 
faith  and  enthusiasm,  there  was  far  more  than  the 
genial  comradeship  of  men  joined  in  a common 
enterprise  of  self-devotion  and  peril.^  On  their' 
way,  they  had  met  Daniel  and  Davost  descending 
to  Quebec,  to  establish  there  a seminary  of  Huron 
children,  — a project  long  cherished  by  Brebeuf 
and  his  companions. 

Scarcely  had  the  new-comers  arrived,  when  they 
were  attacked  by  a contagious  fever,  which  turned 
their  mission-house  into  a hospital.  Jogues,  Gar- 
nier,  and  Cbatelain  fell  ill  in  turn ; and  two  of 
their  domestics  also  were  soon  prostrated,  though 
the  only  one  of  the  number  who  could  hunt  fortu- 
nately escaped.  Those  who  remained  in  health  at- 
tended the  sick,  and  the  sufferers  vied  with  each 
other  in  efforts  often  beyond  their  strength  to  re- 
lieve their  companions  in  misfortune.^  The  disease 
in  no  case  proved  fatal ; but  scarcely  had  health 


1 le  luy  preparay  de  ce  que  nous  anions,  pour  le  receuoir,  mais  quel 
festin ! vne  poignce  de  petit  poisson  sec  auec  vn  pen  de  farine ; i’enuoyay 
chercher  quelqiies  nouueaux  espies,  que  nous  luy  fismes  rostir  a la  fa9on 
du  pays ; mais  il  est  vray  que  dans  son  coeur  et  a I’entendre,  il  ne  fit 
iamais  meilleure  chere.  La  ioye  qui  se  ressent  a ces  entreueues  seinblf 
estre  quelque  image  du  contentement  des  bien-lieureux  a leur  arriuee 
dans  le  Ciel,  tant  elle  est  pleine  de  suauite/’  — Le  Mercier,  Relation  des 
Hurons,  1637,  106. 

2 Lettre  de  Brebeuf  au  T.  R.  P.  Math  Vitelleschi,  20  Mai,  1637,  in 
Carayon,  157.  Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1637,  120,  123. 


1636-37.]  PESTILENCE  AMONG  THE  HURONS. 


87 


begun  to  return  to  their  household,  when  an  unfore- 
seen calamity  demanded  the  exertion  of  all  their 
energies. 

The  pestilence,  which  for  two  years  past  had 
from  time  to  time  visited  the  Huron  towns,  now 
returned  with  tenfold  violence,  and  with  it  soon 
appeared  a new  and  fearful  scourge,  — the  small- 
pox. Terror  was  universal.  The  contagion  in- 
creased as  autumn  advanced ; and  when  winter 
came,  far  from  ceasing,  as  the  priests  had  hoped, 
its  ravages  were  appalling.  The  season  of  Huron 
festivity  was  turned  to  a season  of  mourning ; and 
such  was  the  despondency  and  dismay,  that  suicide 
became  frequent.  The  Jesuits,  singly  or  in  pairs, 
journeyed  in  the  depth  of  winter  from  village  to 
village,  ministering  to  the  sick,  and  seeking  to  com^ 
mend  their  religious  teachings  by  their  efforts  to 
relieve  bodily  distress.  Happily,  perhaps,  for  their 
patients,  they  had  no  medicine  but  a little  senna. 
A few  raisins  were  left,  however ; and  one  or  two 
of  these,  with  a spoonful  of  sweetened  water,  were 
always  eagerly  accepted  by  the  sufferers,  who  thought 
them  endowed  with  some  mysterious  and  sovereign 
efficacy.  No  house  was  left  un visited.  As  the  mis- 
sionary, physician  at  once  to  body  and  soul,  entered 
one  of  these  smoky  dens,  he  saw  the  inmates,  their 
heads  muffled  in  their  robes  of  skins,  seated  around 
the  fires  in  silent  dejection.  Everywhere  was  heard 
the  wail  of  sick  and  dying  children ; and  on  or 
under  the  platforms  at  the  sides  of  the  house 
crouched  squalid  men  and  women,  in  all  the  stages 
of  the  distemper.  The  Father  approached,  made 


88 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


[1636-37 


inquiries,  spoke  words  of  kindness,  administered 
his  harmless  remedies,  or  offered  a boivl  of  broth 
made  from  game  brought  in  by  the  Frenchman 
who  hunted  for  the  mission.^  The  body  cared 
for,  he  next  addressed  himself  to  the  soul.  “ This 
life  is  short,  and  very  miserable.  It  matters  little 
whether  we  live  or  die.”  The  patient  remained 
silent,  or  grumbled  his  dissent.  The  Jesuit,  after 
enlarging  for  a time,  in  broken  Huron,  on  the 
brevity  and  nothingness  of  mortal  weal  or  woe, 
passed  next  to  the  joys  of  Heaven  and  the  pains 
of  Hell,  which  he  set  forth  with  his  best  rhetoric. 
His  pictures  of  infernal  fires  and  torturing  devils 
were  readily  comprehended,  if  the  listener  had 
consciousness  enough  to  comprehend  anything ; 
but  with  respect  to  the  advantages  of  the  French 
Paradise,  he  was  slow  of  conviction.  “ I wish  to 
go  where  my  relations  and  ancestors  have  gone,” 
was  a common  reply.  “ Heaven  is  a good  place 
for  Frenchmen,”  said  another ; but  I wish  to  be 
among  Indians,  for  the  I'rench  will  give  me  nothing 
to  eat  when  I get  there.”  ^ Often  the  patient  was 
stolidly  silent ; sometimes  he  was  hopelessly  per- 
verse and  contradictory.  Again,  Nature  triumplied 
over  Grace.  “ Which  will  you  choose,”  demanded 

1 Game  was  so  scarce  in  the  Huron  country,  that  it  was  greatly  prized 
as  a luxury.  Le  Mercier  speaks  of  an  Indian,  sixty  years  of  ago,  who 
walked  twelve  miles  to  taste  the  wild-fowl  killed  by  the  French  hunter 
The  ordinary  food  was  corn,  beans,  pumpkins,  and  fish. 

2 It  was  scarcely  possible  to  convince  the  Indians,  that  there  was  but 
one  God  for  themselves  and  the  whites.  The  proposition  was  met  by 
such  arguments  as  this  : “ If  we  had  been  of  one  father,  we  should  know 
how  to  make  knives  and  coats  as  well  as  you.”  — Le  Mercier,  Relation  des 
Hurons,  1637,  147. 


1636-37.] 


DEATH-BED  CONVERSIONS 


89 


the  priest  of  a dying  woman,  “ Heaven  or  Hell  ? ” 
“ Hell,  if  my  children  are  there,  as  you  say,”  re- 
turned the  mother.  “ Ho  they  hunt  in  Heaven, 
or  make  war,  or  go  to  feasts '?  ” asked  an  anxious 
inquirer.  “ Oh,  no  ! ” replied  the  Father.  “ Then,” 
returned  the  querist,  “ I will  not  go.  It  is  not 
good  to  be  lazy.”  But  above  all  other  obstacles 
was  the  dread  of  starvation  in  the  regions  of  the 
blest.  Nor,  when  the  dying  Indian  had  been  in- 
duced at  last  to  express  a desire  for  Paradise,  was 
it  an  easy  matter  to  bring  him  to  a due  contri- 
tion for  his  sins ; for  he  would  deny  with  indig- 
nation that  he  had  ever  committed  any.  When 
at  length,  as  sometimes  happened,  all  these  diffi- 
culties gave  way,  and  the  patient  had  been  brought 
to  what  seemed  to  his  instructor  a fitting  frame  for 
baptism,  the  priest,  with  contentment  at  his  heart, 
brought  water  in  a cup  or  in  the  hollow  of  his 
hand,  touched  his  forehead  with  the  mystic  drop, 
and  snatched  him  from  an  eternity  of  woe.  But 
the  convert,  even  after  his  baptism,  did  not  always 
manifest  a satisfactory  spiritual  condition.  “ Why 
did  you  baptize  that  Iroquois  ? ” asked  one  of  the 
dying  neophytes,  speaking  of  the  prisoner  recently 
tortured ; “he  will  get  to  Heaven  before  us,  and, 
when  he  sees  us  coming,  he  will  drive  us  out.”  ^ 

Thus  did  these  worthy  priests,  too  conscientious 
to  let  these  unfortunates  die  in  peace,  follow  them 
with  benevolent  persecutions  to  the  hour  of  their 
death. 

1 Most  of  the  above  traits  are  drawn  from  Le  Mercier’s  report  of  1637 
The  rest  are  from  Brelaeuf. 


8* 


90 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


[1636-37. 


It  was  clear  to  the  Fathers,  that  their  minis- 
trations were  valued  solely  because  their  religion 
was  supposed  by  many  to  be  a “ medicine,”  or 
charm,  efficacious  against  famine,  disease,  and 
death.  They  themselves,  indeed,  firmly  believed 
that  saints  and  angels  were  always  at  hand  with 
temporal  succors  for  the  faithful.  At  their  inter- 
cession, St.  Joseph  had  interposed  to  procure  a 
happy  delivery  to  a squaw  in  protracted  pains  of 
childbirth  ; ^ and  they  never  doubted,  that,  in  the 
hour  of  need,  the  celestial  powers  Avould  confound 
the  unbeliever  with  intervention  direct  and  mani- 
fest. At  the  town  of  Wenrio,  the  people,  after 
trying  in  vain  all  the  feasts,  dances,  and  prepos- 
terous ceremonies  by  which  their  medicine-men 
sought  to  stop  the  pest,  resolved  to  essay  the 
“ medicine  ” of  the  French,  and,  to  that  end,  called 
the  priests  to  a council.  “ What  must  we  do,  that 
your  God  may  take  pity  on  us  'i  ” Brebeuf ’s  an- 
swer was  uncompromising : — 

“ Believe  in  Him  ; keep  . His  commandments  ; 
abjure  your  faith  in  dreams ; take  but  one  wife, 
and  be  true  to  her ; give  up  your  superstitious 
feasts ; renounce  your  assemblies  of  debauchery ; 
eat  no  human  flesh ; never  give  feasts  to  demons ; 
and  make  a vow,  that,  if  God  will  deliver  you  from 
this  pest,  you  will  build  a chapel  to  offer  Him 
thanksgiving  and  praise.”^ 

The  terms  were  too  hard.  They  would  fain  bar- 

1 Br(?beuf,  Relation  des  Hiirons,  1636,  89.  Another  woman  was  deliv- 
ered on  touching  a relic  of  St.  Ignatius.  Ihid.,  90. 

2 Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1637,  114,  116  (Craraoisy) 


1636-37.] 


PRIESTS  AND  SORCERERS. 


91 


gain  to  be  let  off  with  building  the  chapel  alone ; 
but  Brebeuf  would  bate  them  nothing,  and  the 
council  broke  up  in  despair. 

At  Ossossane,  a few  miles  distant,  the  people, 
in  a frenzy  of  terror,  accepted  the  conditions,  and 
promised  to  renounce  their  superstitions  and  reform 
their  manners.  It  was  a labor  of  Hercules,  a 
cleansing  of  Augean  stables ; but  the  scared  sav- 
ages were  ready  to  make  any  promise  that  might 
stay  the  pestilence.  One  of  their  principal  sor- 
cerers proclaimed  in  a loud  voice  through  the 
streets  of  the  town,  that  the  God  of  the  French 
was  their  master,  and  that  thenceforth  all  must 
live  according  to  His  will.  “ What  consolation,” 
exclaims  Le  Mercier,  “ to  see  God  glorified  by  the 
lips  of  an  imp  of  Satan  ! ” ^ 

Their  joy  was  short.  The  proclamation  was  on 
the  twelfth  of  December.  On  the  twenty-first,  a 
noted  sorcerer  came  to  Ossossane.  He  was  of  a 
dwarfish,  hump-backed  figure,  — most  rare  among 
this  symmetrical  people,  — with  a vicious  face,  and 
a dress  consisting  of  a torn  and  shabby  robe  of  bea- 
ver-skin. Scarcely  had  he  arrived,  when,  with  ten 
or  twelve  other  savages,  he  ensconced  himself  in  a 
kennel  of  bark  made  for  the  occasion.  In  the  midst 
were  placed  several  stones,  heated  red-hot.  On 
these  the  sorcerer  threw  tobacco,  producing  a sti- 
fling fumigation ; in  the  midst  of  which,  for  a full 
half-hour,  he  sang,  at  the  top  of  his  throat,  those 
boastful,  yet  meaningless,  rhapsodies  of  which  In- 
dian magical  songs  are  composed.  Then  came 

1 Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Harons,  1637,  127,  128  (Cramoisy). 


92 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


1636-37. 


a grand  “medicine-feast”;  and  the  disappointed 
Jesuits  saw  plainly  that  the  objects  of  their  spir- 
itual care,  unwilling  to  throw  away  any  chance  of 
cure,  were  bent  on  invoking  aid  from  God  and  the 
Devil  at  once. 

The  hump-hacked  sorcerer  became  a thorn  in 
the  side  of  the  Fathers,  who  more  than  half  be- 
lieved his  own  account  of  his  origin.  He  was,  he 
said,  not  a man,  but  an  oH, — a spirit,  or,  as  the 
priests  rendered  it,  a demon,  — and  had  dwelt  with 
other  oMes  under  the  earth,  when  the  whim  seized 
him  to  become  a man.  Therefore  he  ascended  to 
the  upper  world,  in  company  with  a female  spirit. 
They  hid  beside  a path,  and,  when  they  saw  a 
woman  passing,  they  entered  her  womb.  After  a 
time  they  were  born,  but  not  until  the  male  oh% 
had  quarrelled  with  and  strangled  his  female  com- 
panion, who  came  dead  into  the  woiid.^  The 
character  of  the  sorcerer  seems  to  have  comport- 
ed reasonably  well  with  this  story  of  his  origin. 
He  pretended  to  have  an  absolute  control  over 
the  pestilence,  and  his  prescriptions  were  scrupu- 
lously followed. 

He  had  several  conspicuous  rivals,  besides  a 
host  of  humbler  competitors.  One  of  these  ma- 
gician-doctors, who  was  nearly  blind,  made  for 
himself  a kennel  at  the  end  of  his  house,  where  he 
fasted  for  seven  days.^  On  the  sixth  day  the  spir- 
its appeared,  and,  among  other  revelations,  told 

1 Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1637,  72  (Cramoisy).  This  “petit 
sorcier  ” is  often  mentioned  elsewhere. 

2 See  Introduction. 


1636-37.]  INDIAN  DOCTORS  AND  PATIENTS. 


93 


him  that  the  disease  could  be  frightened  away  by 
means  of  images  of  straw,  like  scarecrows,  placed 
on  the  tops  of  the  houses.  Within  forty-eight 
hours  after  this  announcement,  the  roofs  of  Onnen- 
tisati  and  the  neighboring  villages  were  covered 
with  an  army  of  these  effigies.  The  Indians  tried 
to  persuade  the  Jesuits  to  put  them  on  the  mis- 
sion-house ; but  the  priests  replied,  that  the  cross 
before  their  door  was  a better  protector ; and,  for 
further  security,  they  set  another  on  their  roof, 
declaring  that  they  would  rely  on  it  to  save  them 
from  infection.^  The  Indians,  on  their  part,  anx- 
ious that  their  scarecrows  should  do  their  office 
well,  addressed  them  in  loud  harangues  and  burned 
offerings  of  tobacco  to  them.^ 

There  was  another  sorcerer,  wffiose  medical  prac- 
tice was  so  extensive,  that,  unable  to  attend  to  all 
his  patients,  he  sent  substitutes  to  the  surrounding 
towns,  first  imparting  to  them  his  own  mysterious 
power.  One  of  these  deputies  came  to  Ossossane 
while  the  priests  were  there.  The  principal  house 
was  thronged  with  expectant  savages,  anxiously 
waiting  his  arrival.  A chief  carried  before  him  a 
kettle  of  mystic  water,  with  which  the  envoy  sprin- 
kled the  company,^  at  the  same  time  fanning  them 

1 “ Qu’en  vertu  cle  ce  signe  nous  ne  redoutions  point  les  demons,  et 
Bsperions  que  Dieu  preserueroit  nostre  petite  maison  de  cette  maladie 
r.ontagieuse.” — Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1637,  150. 

2 Ibid.,  157. 

^ The  idea  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  the  holy  water  of  the 
French.  Le  Mercier  says  that  a Huron  who  had  been  to  Quebec  once 
asked  him  the  use  of  the  vase  of  water  at  the  door  of  the  chapel.  The 
priest  told  him  that  it  was  “ to  frighten  away  the  devils.  ” On  this,  he 
begged  earnestly  to  have  some  of  it. 


94 


THE  HURON  iVND  THE  JESUIT. 


[1636-37. 


with  the  wing  of  a wild  turkey.  Then  came  a 
grand  medicine-feast,  followed  by  a medicine-dance 
of  women. 

Opinion  was  divided  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
pest ; but  the  greater  number  were  agreed  that  it 
was  a malignant  oM,  who  came  from  Lake  Iluron.^ 
As  it  was  of  the  last  moment  to  conciliate  or 
frighten  him,  no  means  to  these  ends  were  neglect- 
ed. Feasts  were  held  for  him,  at  which,  to  do 
him  honor,  each  guest  gorged  himself  like  a vul- 
ture. A mystic  fraternity  danced  with  firebrands 
in  theh  mouths  ; while  other  dancers  wore  masks, 
and  pretended  to  be  hump-backed.  Tobacco  was 
burned  to  the  Demon  of  the  Pest,  no  less  than  to 
the  scarecrows  which  were  to  frighten  him.  A 
chief  climbed  to  the  roof  of  a house,  and  shouted 
to  the  invisible  monster,  “ If  you  want  fiesh,  go  to 
our  enemies,  go  to  the  Iroquois!”  — while,  to  add 
terror  to  persuasion,  the  crowd  in  the  dwelling 
below  yelled  with  all  the  force  of  their  lungs, 
and  beat  furiously  with  sticks  on  the  walls  of 
bark. 

Besides  these  public  efforts  to  stay  the  pestilence, 
the  sufferers,  each  for  himself,  had  their  own  meth- 
ods of  cure,  dictated  by  dreams  or  prescribed  by 
established  usage.  Thus  two  of  the  priests,  enter- 

1 Many  believed  that  the  country  was  bewitched  by  wicked  sorcerers, 
one  of  whom,  it  was  said,  had  been  seen  at  night  roaming  around  the 
villages,  vomiting  fire.  (Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1637,  134.) 
This  superstition  of  sorcerers  vomiting  fire  was  common  among  the  Iro- 
quois of  New  York.  — Others  held  tliat  a sister  of  fitienne  Brule  caused 
the  evil,  in  revenge  for  the  death  of  her  brother,  murdered  some  years 
before.  She  was  said  to  have  been  seen  flying  over  the  country,  breath- 
ing forth  pestilence. 


1636-37.]  THE  JESUITS  ON  THEIR  ROUNDS. 


9d 


ing  a house,  saw  a sick  man  crouched  in  a corner, 
while  near  him  sat  three  friends.  Before  each  of 
these  was  placed  a huge  portion  of  food,  — enough, 
the  witness  declares,  for  four,  — and  though  all 
were  gorged  to  suffocation,  with  starting  eyeballs 
and  distended  veins,  they  still  held  staunchly  to 
then  task,  resolved  at  all  costs  to  devour  the  whole, 
in  order  to  cure  the  patient,  who  meanwhile  ceased 
not,  in  feeble  tones,  to  praise  their  exertions,  and 
implore  them  to  persevere.^ 

Turning  from  these  eccentricities  of  the  ‘‘noble 
savage  ” ^ to  the  zealots  who  were  toiling,  according 
to  their  light,  to  snatch  him  from  the  clutch  of  Sa- 
tan. we  see  the  irrepressible  Jesuits  roaming  from 
toAvn  to  town  in  restless  quest  of  subjects  for  bap- 
tism. In  the  case  of  adults,  they  thought  some  little 
preparation  essential ; but  their  efforts  to  this  end, 
even  with  the  aid  of  St.  Joseph,  whom  they  con- 
stantly invoked,^  were  not  always  successful;  and, 

1 “ En  fin  il  leur  fallut  rendre  gorge,  ce  qu’ils  firent  ^ diuerses  reprises, 
ne  laissants  pas  pour  cela  de  continuer  a vuider  leur  plat.’’  — Le  Mercier, 
Relation  des  Ilurons,  1637,  142.  — This  beastly  superstition  exists  in  some 
tribes  at  the  present  day.  A kindred  superstition  once  fell  under  the 
writer’s  notice,  in  the  case  of  a wounded  Indian,  who  begged  of  every  one 
he  met  to  drink  a large  bowl  of  water,  in  order  that  he,  the  Indian,  might 
be  cured. 

2 In  the  midst  of  these  absurdities  we  find  recorded  one  of  the  best 
traits  of  the  Indian  character.  At  Ihonatiria,  a house  occupied  by  a 
family  of  orphan  children  was  burned  to  the  ground,  leaving  the  inmates 
destitute.  The  villagers  united  to  aid  them.  Each  contributed  some- 
thing, and  they  were  soon  better  provided  for  than  before. 

3 “ C’est  nostre  refuge  ordinaire  en  semblables  necessitez,  et  d’ordi- 
naire  a lec  tels  succez,  que  nous  auons  sujet  d’en  benir  Dieu  a iamais,  qui 
nous  fait  cognoistre  en  cette  barbarie  le  credit  de  ce  S.  Patriarche  aupres 
de  son  infinie  misericorde.”  — Ibid.,  153.  — In  the  case  of  a woman  at  On- 
nentisati,  “ Dieu  nous  inspira  de  luy  vouer  quelques  Messes  en  I’honneur 
de  S.  Joseph.”  The  effect  was  prompt.  In  half  an  hour  the  woman  was 


96 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


[1636-37. 


cheaply  as  they  offered  salvation,  they  sometimes 
failed  to  find  a purchaser.  With  infants,  however, 
a simple  drop  of  water  sufficed  for  the  transfer 
from  a prospective  Hell  to  an  assured  Paradise. 
The  Indians,  who  at  first  had  sought  baptism  as  a 
cure,  now  began  to  regard  it  as  a cause  of  death ; 
and  when  the  priest  entered  a lodge  where  a sick 
child  lay  in  extremity,  the  scowling  parents  watched 
him  with  jealous  distrust,  lest  unawares  the  deadly 
drop  should  be  applied.  The  Jesuits  were  equal 
to  the  emergency.  Father  Le  Mercier  will  best 
tell  his  own  story. 

“ On  the  third  of  May,  Father  Pierre  Pijart 
baptized  at  Anonatea  a little  child  two  months  old, 
in  manifest  danger  of  death,  without  being  seen 
by  the  parents,  who  would  not  give  their  consent. 
This  is  the  device  which  he  used.  Our  sugar  does 
wonders  for  us.  He  pretended  to  make  the  child 
drink  a little  sugared  water,  and  at  the  same  time 
dipped  a finger  in  it.  As  the  father  of  the  infant 
began  to  suspect  something,  and  called  out  to  him 
not  to  baptize  it,  he  gave  the  spoon  to  a woman 
who  was  near,  and  said  to  her,  ‘ Give  it  to  him 
yourself.’  She  approached  and  found  the  child 
asleep  ; and  at  the  same  time  Father  Pijart,  un- 
der pretence  of  seeing  if  he  w'as  really  asleep, 
touched  his  face  with  his  wet  finger,  and  baptized 
him.  At  the  end  of  forty-eight  hours  he  went  to 
Heaven. 

ready  for  baptism.  On  the  same  page  we  have  another  subject  secured 
to  Heaven,  “ sans  doute  par  les  merites  du  glorieux  Patriarche  S.  Jo- 
eeph.^^ 


1 636-37.  J 


COVERT  BAPTISM. 


97 


“ Some  days  before,  the  missionary  had  used  the 
same  device  {Industrie)  for  baptizing  a little  boy 
six  or  seven  years  old.  His  father,  who  was  very 
sick,  had  several  times  refused  to  receive  baptism ; 
and  when  asked  if  he  would  not  be  glad  to  have 
his  son  baptized,  he  had  answered.  No.  ‘At  least,’ 
said  Father  Pijart,  ‘you  will  not  object  to  my  giving 
liim  a little  sugar.’  ‘No;  but  you  must  not  bap- 
tize him.’  The  missionary  gave  it  to  him  once; 
then  again ; and  at  the  third  spoonful,  before  he 
had  put  the  sugar  into  the  water,  he  let  a drop  of 
it  fall  on  the  child,  at  the  same  time  pronouncing 
the  sacramental  words.  A little  girl,  who  was 
looking  at  him,  cried  out,  ‘ Father,  he  is  baptiz- 
ing him ! ’ The  child’s  father  was  much  disturbed  ; 
but  the  missionary  said  to  him,  ‘ Did  you  not  see 
that  I was  giving  him  sugar  ] ’ The  child  died  soon 
after;  but  God  showed  His  grace  to  the  father, 
who  is  now  in  perfect  health.”^ 

That  equivocal  morality,  lashed  by  the  withering 
satire  of  Pascal,  — a morality  built  on  the  doctrine 
that  all  means  are  permissible  for  saving  souls  from 
perdition,  and  that  sin  itself  is  no  sin  when  its 
object  is  the  “greater  glory  of  God,” — found  far 
less  scope  in  the  rude  wilderness  of  the  Hurons 
than  among  the  interests,  ambitions,  and  passions 
of  civilized  life.  Nor  were  these  men,  chosen  from 
the  purest  of  their  Order,  personally  well  fitted 
to  illustrate  the  capabilities  of  this  elastic  system. 
Yet  now  and  then,  by  the  light  of  their  own  writ- 

1 Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1637,  165.  Various  other  cases  of 
the  kind  are  mentioned  in  the  Relations. 

9 


98 


THE  HURON  AND  THE  JESUIT. 


[1636-37. 


ings,  we  may  observe  that  the  teachings  of  the 
school  of  Loyola  had  not  been  wholly  without 
effect  in  the  formation  of  their  ethics. 

But  when  we  see  them,  in  the  gloomy  February 
of  1637,  and  the  gloomier  months  that  followed, 
toiling  on  foot  from  one  infected  town  to  another, 
wading  through  the  sodden  snow,  under  the  bare 
and  chipping  forests,  drenched  with  incessant  rains, 
till  they  descried  at  length  through  the  storm  the 
clustered  dwellings  of  some  barbarous  hamlet, — 
when  we  see  them  entering,  one  after  another, 
these  wretched  abodes  of  misery  and  darkness,  and 
all  for  one  sole  end,  the  baptism  of  the  sick  and 
dying,  we  may  smile  at  the  futility  of  the  object, 
but  we  must  needs  admire  the  self-sacrificing  zeal 
with  which  it  was  pursued.- 


CHAPTEH  IX. 


1637. 

CHARACTER  OF  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS. 

Jean  de  Bkebeuf.  — Charles  Garnier.  — Joseph  Marie  Chaumo- 
NOT.  — Noel  Chabanel. — -Isaac  Jogues.  — Other  Jesuits. — 
Nature  op  their  Faith.  Supernaturalism.  — Visions.  — 
Miracles. 

Before  pursuing  farther  these  obscure,  but  note- 
Avorthy,  scenes  in  the  drama  of  human  history,  it 
will  be  well  to  indicate,  so  far  as  there  are  means 
of  doing  so,  the  distinctive  traits  of  some  of  the 
chief  actors.  Mention  has  often  been  made  of 
Brebeuf,  — that  masculine  apostle  of  the  Faith,— 
the  Ajax  of  the  mission.  Nature  had  given  him  all 
the  passions  of  a vigorous  manhood,  and  religion 
had  crushed  them,  curbed  them,  or  tamed  them  to 
do  her  work,  — like  a dammed-up  torrent,  sluiced 
and  guided  to  grind  and  saw  and  weave  for  the 
good  of  man.  Beside  him,  in  strange  contrast, 
stands  his  co-laborer,  Charles  Garnier.  Both  were 
of  noble  birth  and  gentle  nurture ; but  here  the 
parallel  ends.  Garnier’s  face  was  beardless,  though 
he  was  above  thirty  years  old.  For  this  he  ’was 
laughed  at  by  his  friends  in  Paris,  but  admired  by 

[991 


100  CHARACTER  OF  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS.  [1637. 

the  Indians,  who  thought  him  handsomed  His 
constitution,  bodily  or  mental,  was  by  no  means 
robust.  From  boyhood,  he  had  shown  a delicate 
and  sensitive  nature,  a tender  conscience,  and  a 
proneness  to  religious  emotion.  He  had  never 
gone  with  his  schoolmates  to  inns  and  other  places 
of  amusement,  but  kept  his  pocket-money  to  give  to 
beggars.  One  of  his  brothers  relates  of  him,  that, 
seeing  an  obscene  book,  he  bought  and  destroyed 
it,  lest  other  boys  should  be  injured  by  it.  He  had 
always  wished  to  be  a Jesuit,  and,  after  a novitiate 
which  is  described  as  most  edifying,  he  became  a 
professed  member  of  the  Order.  The  Church,  in- 
deed, absorbed  the  greater  part,  if  not  the  whole, 
of  this  pious  family,  — one  brother  being  a Carmel- 
ite, another  a Capuchin,  and  a third  a Jesuit,  while 
there  seems  also  to  have  been  a fourth  under  vows. 
Of  Charles  Gamier  there  remain  twenty-four  let- 
ters, written  at  various  times  to  his  father  and  two 
of  his  brothers,  chiefly  during  his  missionary  life 
among  the  Hurons.  They  breathe  the  deepest  and 
most  intense  Homan  Catholic  piety,  and  a spirit 
enthusiastic,  yet  sad,  as  of  one  renouncing  all 
the  hopes  and  prizes  of  the  world,  and  living  for 
Heaven  alone.  The  affections  of  his  sensitive  na- 
ture, severed  from  earthly  objects,  found  relief  in 
an  ardent  adoration  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  With 
none  of  the  bone  and  sinew  of  rugged  manhood, 
he  entered,  not  only  without  hesitation,  but  with 

1 “ C’est  pourquoi  j’ai  bien  gagne  k quitter  la  France,  ou  vous  me 
fesiez  la  guerre  de  n’avoir  point  de  barbe ; car  c’est  ce  qui  me  fait  estimer 
beau  des  Sauvages.”  — Lettres  de  Ga-nier,  MSS. 


1637.] 


JOSEPH  MARIE  CHAUMONOT. 


101 


eagerness,  on  a life  which  would  have  tried  the 
boldest;  and,  sustained  by  the  spirit  within  him, 
he  was  more  than  equal  to  it.  His  fellow-mission- 
aries thought  him  a saint ; and  had  he  lived  a 
century  or  two  earlier,  he  would  perhaps  have 
been  canonized : yet,  while  all  his  life  was  a will- 
ing martyrdom,  one  can  discern,  amid  his  admira- 
ble virtues,  some  slight  lingerings  of  mortal  vanity. 
Thus,  in  three  several  letters,  he  speaks  of  his  great 
success  in  baptizing,  and  plainly  intimates  that  he 
had  sent  more  souls  to  Heaven  than  the  other 
Jesuits.^ 

Next  appears  a young  man  of  about  twenty- 
seven  years,  Joseph  Marie  Chaumonot.  Unlike 
Brebeuf  and  Gamier,  he  was  of  humble  origin , — 
his  father  being  a vine-dresser,  and  his  mother  the 
daughter  of  a poor  village  schoolmaster.  At  an 
early  age  they  sent  him  to  Chatillon  on  the  Seine, 
where  he  lived  with  his  uncle,  a priest,  who  taught 
him  to  speak  Latin,  and  awakened  his  religious  sus- 
ceptibilities, which  were  naturally  strong.  This  did 
not  prevent  him  from  yielding  to  the  persuasions 
of  one  of  his  companions  to  run  off  to  Beaune,  a 
town  of  Burgundy,  where  the  fugitives  proposed  to 

1 The  above  sketch  of  Gamier  is  drawn  from  various  sources.  Obser- 
vations du  P.  Henri  de  St.  Joseph,  Carme,  sur  son  Frere  le  P.  Charles  Gar- 
nier,  MS.  — Ahrecje  de  la  Vie  du  R.  Pere  Charles  Gamier,  MS.  This 
unpublished  sketch  bears  the  signature  of  the  Jesuit  Ragueneau,  with 
the  date  1652.  For  tlie  opportunity  of  consulting  it  I am  indebted  to 
Rev.  Felix  Martin,  S.J. — Lettres  du  P.  Charles  Gamier,  MSS.  These 
embrace  his  correspondence  from  the  Huron  country,  and  are  exceed- 
ingly characteristic  and  striking.  Tliere  is  another  letter  in  Carayon, 
Premiere  Mission.  — Garnier’s  family  was  wealthy,  as  well  as  noble.  Its 
members  seem  to  have  been  strongly  attached  to  each  other,  and  the 
young  priest’s  father  M'as  greatly  distressed  at  his  departure  for  Canada. 

9* 


102  CIIAKACTER  OE  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS.  [1637. 

study  music  under  the  Fathers  of  the  Oratory.  To 
provide  funds  for  the  journey,  he  stole  a sum  of 
about  the  value  of  a dollar  from  his  uncle,  the  priest. 
This  act,  which  seems  to  have  been  a mere  pecca- 
dillo of  boyish  levity,  determined  his  future  career. 
Finding  himself  in  total  destitution  at  Beaune,  he 
wrote  to  his  mother  for  money,  and  received  in 
reply  an  order  from  his  father  to  come  home. 
Stung  with  the  thought  of  being  posted  as  a thief 
in  his  native  village,  he  resolved  not  to  do  so,  but 
to  set  out  forthwith  on  a pilgrimage  to  Eome ; 
and  accordingly,  tattered  and  penniless,  he  took 
the  road  for  the  sacred  city.  Soon  a conflict  began 
within  him  between  his  misery  and  the  pride  which 
forbade  him  to  beg.  The  pride  was  forced  to 
succumb,  fie  begged  from  door  to  door ; slept 
under  sheds  by  the  wayside,  or  in  haystacks ; and 
now  and  then  found  lodging  and  a meal  at  a 
convent.  Thus,  soinetimes  alone,  sometimes  with 
vagabonds  whom  he  met  on  the  road,  he  made  his 
way  through  Savoy  and  Lombardy  in  a pitiable 
condition  of  destitution,  filth,  and  disease.  At 
length  he  reached  Ancona,  when  the  thought  oc- 
cur ed  to  him  of  visiting  the  Holy  House  of  Loretto, 
and  imploring  the  succor  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  Nor 
were  his  hopes  disappointed.  He  had  reached 
that  renowned  shrine,  knelt,  paid  his  devotions, 
and  offered  his  prayer,  when,  as  he  issued  from  the 
door  of  the  chapel,  he  was  accosted  by  a young 
man,  whom  he  conjectures  to  have  been  an  angel 
descended  to  his  relief,  and  who  was  probably  some 
penitent  or  devotee  bent  on  works  of  charity  oi 


1637.] 


CHAUMONOT’S  EARLY  LIIE. 


103 


self-mortification.  With  a voice  of  the  greatest 
kindness,  he  proffered  his  aid  to  the  wretched  boy, 
whose  appearance  was  alike  fitted  to  awaken  pity 
and  disgust.  The  conquering  of  a natural  repug- 
nance to  filth,  in  the  interest  of  charity  and  humil- 
ity, is  a conspicuous  virtue  in  most  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  saints ; and  whatever  merit  may  attach  to 
it  was  acquired  in  an  extraordinary  degree  by  the 
young  man  in  question.  Apparently,  he  was  a 
physician ; for  he  not  only  restored  the  miserable 
wanderer  to  a condition  of  comparative  decency, 
but  cured  him  of  a grievous  malady,  the  result  of 
neglect.  Chaumonot  went  on  his  way,  thankful  to 
his  benefactor,  and  overflowing  with  an  enthusiasm 
of  gratitude  to  Our  Lady  of  Loretto.^ 

As  he  journeyed  towards  Rome,  an  old  burgher, 
at  whose  door  he  had  begged,  employed  him  as  a 
servant.  He  soon  became  known  to  a Jesuit,  to 
whom  he  had  confessed  himself  in  Latin;  and  as 
his  acquirements  were  considerable  for  his  years, 
he  was  eventually  employed  as  teacher  of  a low 


1 “ Si  la  moindre  dame  m’avoit  fkit  rendre  ce  service  par  le  dernier  de 
ses  valets,  n’aurois-je  pas  dus  lui  en  rendre  toutes  les  reconnoissances  pos- 
sibles ? Et  si  apres  line  telle  charite'  elle  s’etoit  offerte  a me  servir  toujours 
de  mesme,  comment  aiirois-je  dd  I’honorer,  lui  obeir,  Taimer  toute  ma 
vie!  Pardon,  Reine  des  Anges  et  des  hornmes  I pardon  de  ce  qu’apres 
avoir  ro^u  de  vous  tant  de  marques,  par  lesquelles  vous  m’avez  convaincu 
que  vous  m’avez  adopte  pour  votre  fils,  j’ai  eu  I’ingratitude  pendant  des 
annees  entieres  de  me  comporter  encore  plutot  en  esclave  de  Satan  qu’en 
enfant  d’une  Mere  Vierge.  O que  vous  etes  bonne  et  charitable ! puisque 
quelques  obstacles  que  rues  peches  ayent  pu  mettre  it  vos  graces,  vous 
n’avez  jamais  cesse'  de  m’attirer  au  bien ; jusque  la  que  vous  m’avez  fait 
admettre  dans  la  Sainte  Compagnie  de  Jesus,  votre  fils.”  — Chaumonot, 
Vie,  20.  The  above  is  from  the  very  curious  autobiography  written  by 
Chaumonot,  at  the  command  of  his  Superior,  in  1688.  The  original 
manuscript  is  at  the  Hotel  Dieu  of  Quebec.  Mr.  Shea  has  printed  it. 


104  CHARACTEE  OF  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS.  [1637. 


class  in  one  of  the  Jesuit  schools.  Nature  had 
inclined  him  to  a life  of  devotion.  He  would  fain 
he  a hermit,  and,  to  that  end,  practised  eating 
green  ears  of  wheat ; but,  finding  he  could  not 
swallow  them,  conceived  that  he  had  mistaken  his 
vocation.  Then  a strong  desire  grew  up  within 
him  to  become  a Recollet,  a Capuchin,  or,  above 
all,  a Jesuit ; and  at  length  the  wish  of  his  heart 
was  answered.  At  the  age  of  twenty-one,  he  was 
admitted  to  the  Jesuit  novitiate.^  Soon  after  its 
close,  a small  duodecimo  volume  was  placed  in  his 
hands.  It  was  a Relation  of  the  Canadian  mission, 
and  contained  one  of  those  narratives  of  Brebeuf 
which  have  been  often  cited  in  the  preceding 
pages.  Its  effect  was  immediate.  Burning  to  share 
those  glorious  toils,  the  young  priest  asked  to  be 
sent  to  Canada ; and  his  request  was  granted. 

Before  embarking,  he  set  out  with  the  Jesuit 
Poncet,  who  was  also  destined  for  Canada,  on  a 
pilgrimage  from  Pome  to  the  shrine  of  Our  Lady 
of  Loretto.  They  journeyed  on  foot,  begging  alms 

1 His  age,  when  he  left  his  uncle,  the  priest,  is  not  mentioned.  But 
he  must  have  been  a mere  child ; for,  at  the  end  of  his  novitiate,  he  had 
forgotten  his  native  language,  and  was  forced  to  learn  it  a second  time. 

“Jamais  y eut-il  hoinme  sur  terre  plus  oblige  que  moi  a la  Sainte 
Eamille  de  Jesus,  de  Marie  et  de  Joseph  ! Marie  en  me  gucTissant  de 
ma  vilaine  galle  ou  teigne,  me  delivra  d’une  infinite  de  peines  et  d’incom- 
modites  corporelles,  que  cette  hideuse  maladie  qui  me  rongeoit  m’avoit 
cause.  Joseph  m’ayant  obtenu  la  grace  d’etre  incorpore  a un  corps  aussi 
saint  qu’est  celui  des  Jesiiites,  m’a  preserve  d’une  infinite  de  miseres 
spirituelles,  de  tentations  tres  dangereuses  et  de  peches  tres  enormes. 
Je'sus  n’ayant  pas  permis  que  j’entrasse  dans  aucun  autre  ordre  qu’en 
celui  qu’il  honore  tout  a la  fois  de  son  beau  nom,  de  sa  douce  presence  et 
de  sa  protection  speciale.  O Jesus ! O Marie ! O Joseph ! qui  meritoit 
moins  que  moi  vos  divines  faveurs,  et  envers  qui  avez  vous  ete  plus  pro- 
digue ? ” — Chaumonot.  Vie,  37. 


1637-47.] 


NOEL  CHABANEL. 


105 


by  the  Avay.  Chaumonot  Avas  soon  seized  Avith  a 
pain  in  the  knee,  so  violent  that  it  seemed  impos- 
sible to  proceed.  At  San  Severino,  Avhere  they 
lodged  Avith  the  Barnabites,  he  bethought  him  of 
asking  the  intercession  of  a certain  poor  Avoman 
of  that  place,  Avho  had  died  some  time  before  Avilli 
the  reputation  of  sanctity.  Accordingly  he  ad- 
dressed to  her  his  prayer,  promising  to  publish 
her  fame  on  every  possible  occasion,  if  she  Avould 
obtain  his  cure  from  God.^  The  intercession  was 
accepted;  the  offending  limb  became  sound  again, 
and  the  tAVO  pilgrims  pursued  their  journey.  They 
reached  Loretto,  and,  kneeling  before  the  Queen 
of  Heaven,  implored  her  favor  and  aid ; Avhile 
Chaumonot,  overfloAAung  Avith  devotion  to  this  celes- 
tial mistress  of  his  heart,  conceived  the  purpose  of 
building  in  Canada  a chapel  to  her  honor,  after 
the  exact  model  of  the  Holy  House  of  Loretto. 
They  soon  afterAvards  embarked  together,  and  ar- 
rived among  the  Hurons  early  in  the  autumn  of 
1639. 

Noel  Chabanel  came  later  to  the  mission ; for  he 
did  not  reach  the  Huron  country  until  1643.  He 
detested  the  Indian  life,  — the  smoke,  the  A^ermin, 
the  filthy  food,  the  impossibility  of  privacy.  He 
could  not  study  by  the  smoky  lodge-fire,  among  the 
noisy  croAvd  of  men  and  squaAVS,  Avith  their  dogs, 
and  their  restless,  screeching  children.  He  had  a 
natural  inaptitude  to  learning  the  language,  and 

1 “ Je  me  recommandai  a elle  en  lui  promettant  de  la  faire  connoitre 
dans  toutes  les  occasions  qiie  j’en  aurois  jamais,  si  elle  m’obtenoit  de  Dieu 
ma  guerison.’^  — Chaumonot,  Vie,  46. 


106  CHARACTEK  OF  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS.  [1637. 

labored  at  it  for  five  years  with  scarcely  a sign  of 
progress.  The  Devil  whispered  a suggestion  into 
his  ear  : Let  him  procure  his  release  from  these 
barren  and  revolting  toils,  and  return  to  France, 
where  congenial  and  useful  employments  awaited 
him.  Chabanel  refused  to  listen ; and  when  the 
temptation  still  beset  him,  he  bound  himself  by  a 
solemn  vow  to  remain  in  Canada  to  the  day  of  his 
death.^ 

Isaac  Jogues  was  of  a character  not  unlike 
Gamier.  Nature  had  given  him  no  especial  force 
of  intellect  or  constitutional  energy,  yet  the  man 
was  indomitable  and  irrepressible,  as  his  history 
will  show.  We  have  but  few  means  of  character- 
izing the  remaining  priests  of  the  mission  otherwise 
than  as  their  traits  appear  on  the  field  of  their 
labors.  Theirs  was  no  faith  of  abstractions  and 
generalities.  For  them,  heaven  was  very  near  to 
earth,  touching  and  mingling  with  it  at  many 
points.  On  high,  God  the  Father  sat  enthroned; 
and,  nearer  to  human  sympathies.  Divinity  incar- 
nate in  the  Son,  with  the  benign  form  of  his  im- 
maculate mother,  and  her  spouse,  St.  Joseph,  the 
chosen  patron  of  New  France.  Interceding  saints 
and  departed  friends  bore  to  the  throne  of  grace  the 
petitions  of  those  yet  lingering  in  mortal  bondage, 
and  formed  an  ascending  chain  from  earth  to  heaven. 

These  priests  lived  in  an  atmosphere  of  super- 
naturalism. Every  day  had  its  miracle.  Divine 

1 Ahr^ge  de,  la  Vie  da  Pere  Noel  Chabanel,  MS.  This  anonymous 
paper  bears  the  signature  of  Ragueneau,  in  attestation  of  its  truth.  See 
also  Ragueneau,  Relation,  1650,  17.  18.  Chabanel’s  vow  is  here  given 
verbatim. 


1637-47.1 


MIRACLES. 


107 


power  declared  itself  in  action  immediate  and 
direct,  controlling,  guiding,  or  reversing  the  laws 
of  Nature.  The  missionaries  did  not  reject  the 
ordinary  cures  for  disease  or  wounds ; but  they 
r(?hed  far  more  on  a prayer  to  the  Vh'gin,  a vow  to 
St.  Joseph,  or  the  promise  of  a neuvaine^  or  nine 
days’  devotion,  to  some  other  celestial  personage ; 
while  the  touch  of  a fragment  of  a tooth  or  bone 
of  some  departed  saint  was  of  sovereign  efficacy 
to  cure  sickness,  solace  pain,  or  relieve  a suffering 
squaw  in  the  throes  of  childbirth.  Once,  Chaumo- 
not,  having  a headache,  remembered  to  have  heard 
of  a sick  man  who  regained  his  health  by  com- 
mending his  case  to  St.  Ignatius,  and  at  the  same 
time  putting  a medal  stamped  with  his  image  into 
his  mouth.  Accordingly  he  tried  a similar  experi- 
ment, putting  into  his  mouth  a medal  bearing  a 
representation  of  the  Holy  Family,  which  was  the 
object  of  his  especial  devotion.  The  next  morning 
found  him  cured.^ 

The  relation  between  this  world  and  the  next 
was  sometimes  of  a nature  curiously  intimate. 
Thus,  when  Chaumonot  heard  of  Garnier’s  death, 
he  immediately  addressed  his  departed  colleague, 
and  promised  him  the  benefit  of  all  the  good  works 
which  he,  Chaumonot,  might  perform  during  the 
next  week,  provided  the  defunct  missionary  would 
make  him  heir  to  his  knowledge  of  the  Huron 
tongue.^  And  he  ascribed  to  the  deceased  Garnier’s 

1 Chaumonot,  Vie,  73. 

2 “ Je  n’eus  pas  plutot  appris  sa  glorieuse  mort,  que  je  lui  prorais  tout 
ce  que  je  ferois  de  bien  pendant  huit  jours,  a condition  qu’il  me  feroit  son 
heritier  dans  la  connoissance  parfaite  qu’il  avoit  du  Huron.”  — Cliaumo 
not,  V7e,  61. 


108  CHARACTEE  OE  THE  CANADIAN  JESUITS.  [163T. 

influence  the  mastery  of  that  language  which  he 
afterwards  acquired. 

The  eflbrts  of  the  missionaries  for  the  conversion 
of  the  savages  were  powerfully  seconded  from  the 
other  world,  and  the  refractory  subject  who  was 
deaf  to  human  persuasions  softened  before  the 
superhuman  agencies  which  the  priest  invoked  to 
his  aid.^ 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that  signs  and 
voices  from  another  world,  visitations  from  Hell 
and  visions  from  Heaven,  were  incidents  of  no  rare 
occurrence  in  the  lives  of  these  ardent  apostles. 
To  Brebeuf,  whose  deep  nature,  like  a furnace 
white  hot,  glowed  with  the  still  intensity  of  his  en- 
thusiasm, they  were  especially  frequent.  Demons 
in  troops  appeared  before  him,  sometimes  in  the 
guise  of  men,  sometimes  as  bears,  wolves,  or  wild- 
cats. He  called  on  God,  and  the  apparitions  van- 
ished. Death,  like  a skeleton,  sometimes  menaced 
him,  and  once,  as  he  faced  it  with  an  un quailing 
eye,  it  fell  powerless  at  his  feet.  A demon,  in  the 
form  of  a woman,  assailed  him  with  the  temptation 
w^hich  beset  St.  Benedict  among  the  rocks  of 
Subiaco ; but  Brebeuf  signed  the  cross,  and  the 
infernal  siren  melted  into  air.  He  saw  the  vision 

i As  these  may  be  supposed  to  be  exploded  ideas  of  the  past,  the 
writer  may  recall  an  incident  of  his  youth,  while  spending  a few  days 
in  the  convent  of  the  Passionists,  near  the  Coliseum  at  Rome.  These 
wortliy  monks,  after  using  a variety  of  arguments  for  his  conversion, 
expressed  the  hope  that  a miraculous  interposition  would  be  vouchsafed  to 
that  end,  and  that  the  Virgin  would  manifest  herself  to  him  in  a nocturnal 
vision.  To  this  end  they  gave  him  a small  brass  medal,  stamped  with 
her  image,  to  be  worn  at  his  neck,  while  they  were  to  repeat  a certain 
number  of  Aves  and  Paters,  in  which  he  was  urgently  invited  to  join ; 
as  the  result  of  which,  it  was  hoped  the  Virgin  would  appear  on  the  same 
night.  No  vision,  however,  occurred. 


1637-47.] 


SELF-DEVOTION. 


109 


of  a vast  and  gorgeous  palace ; and  a miraculous 
voice  assured  him  that  such  was  to  be  the  reward 
of  those  who  dwelt  in  savage  hovels  for  the  cause 
of  God.  Angels  appeared  to  him;  and,  more  than 
once,  St.  Joseph  and  the  Virgin  were  visibly  pres- 
ent before  his  sight.  Once,  when  he  was  among 
the  Neutral  Nation,  in  the  winter  of  1640,  he  be- 
held the  ominous  apparition  of  a great  cross  slowly 
approaching  from  the  quarter  where  lay  the  coun- 
try of  the  Iroquois.  He  told  the  vision  to  his  com- 
rades. “What  was  it  like?  How  large  was  it?” 
they  eagerly  demanded.  “ Large  enough,”  replied 
the  priest,  “to  crucify  us  all.”^  To  explain  such 
phenomena  is  the  province  of  psychology,  and  not 
of  history.  Their  occurrence  is  no  matter  of  sur- 
prise, and  it  would  be  superfluous  to  doubt  that 
they  were  recounted  in  good  faith,  and  with  a full 
belief  in  their  reality. 

In  these  enthusiasts  we  shall  find  striking  ex- 
amples of  one  of  the  morbid  forces  of  human 
nature ; yet  in  candor  let  us  do  honor  to  what 
was  genuine  in  them,  — that  principle  of  self-ab- 
negation which  is  the  life  of  true  religion,  and 
which  is  vital  no  less  to  the  highest  forms  of 
heroism. 

1 Quelques  Remarques  sur  la  Vie  dii  Pere  Jean  de  Breheuf,  MS.  On  the 
margin  of  tliis  paper,  opposite  several  of  the  statements  repeated  above, 
are  the  words,  signed  by  Ragueneau,  “Ex  ipsius  autographo,”  indicating 
that  the  statements  were  made  in  writing  by  Brebeuf  himself. 

Still  other  visions  are  recorded  by  Chamnonot  as  occurring  to  Br6- 
beuf,  when  they  were  together  in  the  Neutral  country.  See  also  the  long 
notice  of  Brebeuf,  written  by  his  colleague,  Ragueneau,  in  the  Relation  of 
1649  ; and  Tanner,  Socieias  Jesu  Militans,  533. 

10 


CHAPTER  X. 


1637-1640. 

PERSECUTION. 

OssossANE.  — The  New  Chapel.  — A Triumph  of  the  1'aith. — 
The  Nether  Powers.  — Signs  of  a Tempest.  — Slanders.— 
Rage  against  the  Jesuits.  — Their  Boldness  and  Persist 
ency.  — Nocturnal  Council.  — Danger  of  the  Priests.  — 
Brebeuf’s  Letter.  — Narrow  Escapes.  — Woes  and  Consola 

TIONS. 


The  town  of  Ossossane,  or  Rochelle,  stood,  as  we 
have  seen,  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Huron,  at  the 
skirts  of  a gloomy  wilderness  of  pine.  Thither,  in 
May,  1637,  repaired  Father  Pijart,  to  found,  in 
this,  one  of  the  largest  of  the  Huron  towns,  the 
new  mission  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.^  The 
Indians  had  promised  Brebeuf  to  build  a house  for 
the  black-robes,  and  Pijart  found  the  work  in  prog 
ress.  There  were  at  this  time  about  fifty  dwellings 
in  the  town,  each  containing  eight  or  ten  families. 
The  quadrangular  fort  already  alluded  to  had  now 
been  completed  by  the  Indians,  under  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  priests.^ 

1 The  doctrine  of  the  immaculate  conception  of  the  Virgin,  recently 
eanctioned  by  the  Pope,  has  long  been  a favorite  tenet  of  the  Jesuits. 

2 Lettres  de  Gamier,  MSS.  It  was  of  upright  pickets,  ten  feet  high, 
with  flanking  towers  at  two  angles. 

[110] 


1637  J 


THE  NEW  CHAPEL. 


Ill 


The  new  mission-house  was  about  seventy  feet 
in  leiif^th.  No  sooner  had  the  savage  workmen 
secured  the  bark  covering  on  its  top  and  sides 
than  the  priests  took  possession,  and  began  their 
preparations  for  a notable  ceremony.  At  the 
farther  end  they  made  an  altar,  and  hung  such 
decorations  as  they  had  on  the  rough  walls  of 
bark  throughout  half  the  length  of  the  structure. 
This  formed  their  chapel.  On  the  altar  was  a 
crucifix,  with  vessels  and  ornaments  of  shining 
metal;  while  above  hung  several  pictures,  — among 
them  a painting  of  Christ,  and  another  of  the  Vir- 
gin, both  of  life-size.  There  was  also  a repre- 
sentation of  the  Last  Judgment,  wherein  dragons 
and  serpents  might  be  seen  feasting  on  the  entrails 
of  the  wicked,  while  demons  scourged  them  into 
the  flames  of  Hell.  The  entrance  was  adorned  with 
a quantity  of  tinsel,  together  with  green  boughs 
skilfully  disposed.^ 

Never  before  were  such  splendors  seen  in  the 
land  of  the  Hurons.  Crowds  gathered  from  afar, 
and  gazed  in  awe  and  admiration  at  the  marvels 
of  the  sanctuary.  A woman  came  from  a distant 
town  to  behold  it,  and,  tremulous  between  curiosity 
and  fear,  thrust  her  head  into  the  mysterious  recess, 
declaring  that  she  would  see  it,  though  the  look 
sliould  cost  her  life.^ 

' “Nostre  Chapelle  estoit  extraordinairement  bien  ornce,  . . nous 
auions  dresse  vn  portique  entortille  de  feiiillage,  mesle  d’oripeau,  en  vn 
mot  nous  auions  estalle  tout  ce  quo  vostre  P.  nous  a enuoie  de  beau,”  etc., 
etc.  — Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Uurons,  1637,  175,  176.  — In  his  Relation 
of  tiie  next  year  lie  recurs  to  the  subject,  and  describes  the  pictures  dis- 
played on  this  memorable  occasion.  — Relation  des  Hurons,  1638,  33, 

2 Ibid.,  1637,  176. 


112 


PERSECUTION. 


[1637 


One  is  forced  to  wonder  at,  if  not  to  admire,  the 
energy  with  which  these  priests  and  their  scarcely 
less  zealous  attendants  ^ toiled  to  carry  their  pic- 
tures and  ornaments  through  the  most  arduous  of 
journeys,  where  the  traveller  was  often  famished 
from  the  sheer  difficulty  of  transporting  provisions. 

A great  event  had  called  forth  all  this  prepara- 
tion. Of  the  many  baptisms  achieved  by  the 
Fathers  in  the  course  of  their  indefatigable  minis 
try,  the  subjects  had  all  been  infants,  or  adults  at 
the  point  of  death ; but  at  length  a Huron,  in 
full  health  and  manhood,  respected  and  influential 
in  his  tribe,  had  been  won  over  to  the  Faith, 
and  was  now  to  be  baptized  with  solemn  cere- 
monial, in  the  chapel  thus  gorgeously  adorned. 
It  was  a strange  scene.  Indians  were  there  in 
throngs,  and  the  house  was  closely  packed:  war- 
riors, old  and  young,  glistening  in  grease  and  sun- 
flower-oil, with  uncouth  locks,  a trifle  less  coarse 
than  a horse’s  mane,  and  faces  perhaps  smeared 
with  paint  in  honor  of  the  occasion ; wenches  in 
gay  attire ; hags  muffled  in  a filthy  discarded  deer- 
skin, their  leathery  visages  corrugated  with  age 
and  malice,  and  their  hard,  glittering  eyes  riveted 
on  the  spectacle  before  them.  The  priests,  no 
longer  in  their  daily  garb  of  black,  but  radiant 
in  their  surplices,  the  genuflections,  the  tinkling 

^ The  Jesuits  on  these  distant  missions  were  usually  attended  by 
followers  who  had  taken  no  vows,  and  could  leave  their  service  at  will, 
but  whose  motives  were  religious,  and  not  mercenary.  ProbaUv  this  was 
the  character  of  tlieir  attendants  in  the  present  case.  The;»  were  known 
as  donnes,  or  “ given  men.”  It  appears  from  a letter  of  the  Jesuit  Du 
Peron,  that  twelve  hired  laborers  were  soon  after  sent  up  to  the  mission. 


1637] 


THE  NETHER  POWERS, 


11  3 

of  the  bell,  the  swinging  of  the  censer,  the 
sweet  odors  so  unlike  the  fumes  of  the  smoky 
lodge-fires,  the  mysterious  elevation  of  the  Host, 
(for  a mass  followed  the  baptism,)  and  the  agita- 
tion of  the  neophyte,  whose  Indian  imperturbability 
fairly  deserted  him, — all  these  combined  to  pro- 
duce on  the  minds  of  the  savage  beholders  an 
impression  that  seemed  to  promise  a rich  harvest 
for  the  Faith.  To  the  Jesuits  it  was  a day  of 
triumph  and  of  hope.  The  ice  had  been  broken ; 
the  wedge  had  entered ; light  had  dawned  at  last 
on  the  long  night  of  heathendom.  But  there  was 
one  feature  of  the  situation  which  in  their  rejoicing 
they  overlooked. 

The  Devil  had  taken  alarm.  He  had  borne 
with  reasonable  composure  the  loss  of  individual 
souls  snatched  from  him  by  former  baptisms  ; but 
here  was  a convert  whose  example  and  influence 
threatened  to  shake  his  Huron  empire  to  its  very 
foundation.  In  fury  and  fear,  he  rose  to  the  con- 
flict, and  put  forth  all  his  malice  and  all  his  hell- 
ish ingenuity.  Such,  at  least,  is  the  explanation 
given  by  the  Jesuits  of  the  scenes  that  followed.* 
Whether  accepting  it  or  not,  let  us  examine  the 
circumstances  which  gave  rise  to  it. 

^ Several  of  the  Jesuits  allude  to  this  supposed  excitement  among 
the  tenants  of  tlie  nether  world.  Thus,  Le  Mercier  says,  “Le  Diable  se 
sentoit  presse  de  pres,  il  ne  pouuoit  supporter  le  Baptesme  solennel  de 
quelques  Sauuages  des  plus  signalez.”  — Relation  cles  Ilurons,  1638,  33. — 
Several  other  baptisms  of  less  note  followed  that  above  described.  Gar- 
nier,  writing  to  his  brother,  repeatedly  alludes  to  the  alarm  excited  in 
Hell  by  the  recent  successes  of  the  mission,  and  adds,  — “ Vous  pouvez 
jugor  quelle  consolation  nous  etoit-ce  de  voir  le  diable  s’armer  centre 
nous  et  se  servir  de  ses  esclaves  pour  nous  attaquer  et  tacher  de  nous 
perdre  en  haine  de  J.  C.” 


10* 


114 


PERSECUTION. 


[1C37-40. 


The  mysterious  strangers,  garbed  in  black,  who 
of  late  years  bad  made  their  abode  among  them, 
from  motives  past  finding  out,  marvellous  in  knowl- 
edge, careless  of  life,  had  awakened  in  the  breasts 
of  the  Hurons  mingled  emotions  of  wonder,  per- 
plexity, fear,  respect,  and  awe.  From  the  first, 
they  had  held  them  answerable  for  the  changes 
of  the  weather,  commending  them  when  the  crops 
were  abundant,  and  upbraiding  them  in  times  of 
scarcity.  They  thought  them  mighty  magicians, 
masters  of  life  and  death ; and  they  came  to  them 
for  spells,  sometimes  to  destroy  their  enemies,  and 
sometimes  to  kill  grasshoppers.  And  now  it  was 
whispered  abroad  that  it  was  they  who  had  be- 
witched the  nation,  and  caused  the  pest  which 
threatened  to  exterminate  it. 

It  was  Isaac  Jogues  who  first  heard  this  ominous 
rumor,  at  the  town  of  Onnentisati,  and  it  proceeded 
from  the  dwarfish  sorcerer  already  mentioned,  who 
boasted  himself  a devil  incarnate.  The  slander 
spread  fast  and  far.  Their  friends  looked  at  them 
askance  ; their  enemies  clamored  for  their  lives. 
Some  said  that  they  concealed  in  their  houses  a 
corpse,  which  infected  the  country,  — a perverted 
notion,  derived  from  some  half-instructed  neophyte, 
concerning  the  body  of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist. 
Others  ascribed  the  evil  to  a serpent,  others  to  a 
spotted  frog,  others  to  a demon  which  the  priests 
were  supposed  to  carry  in  the  barrel  of  a gun. 
Others  again  gave  out  that  they  had  pricked  an 
infant  to  death  with  awls  in  the  forest,  in  order 
to  kill  the  Huron  children  by  magic.  “ Perhaps,’* 


ibo  / — 40.] 


TERROR  OF  TPIE  HURONS. 


115 


observes  Father  Le  Mercier,  the  Devil  was  en- 
raged because  we  had  placed  a great  many  of  these 
little  innocents  in  Heaven.”  ^ 

The  picture  of  the  Last  Judgment  became  an 
object  of  the  utmost  terror.  It  was  regarded  as  a 
charm.  The  dragons  and  serpents  were  supposed 
to  be  the  demons  of  the  pest,  and  the  sinners  whom 
they  were  so  busily  devouring  to  represent  its  vic- 
tims. On  the  top  of  a spruce-tree,  near  their  house 
at  Ihonatiria,  the  priests  had  fastened  a small 
streamer,  to  show  the  direction  of  the  wind.  This, 
too,  was  taken  for  a charm,  throwing  off  disease 
and  death  to  all  quarters.  The  clock,  once  an 
object  of  harmless  wonder,  now  excited  the  wildest 
alarm;  and  the  Jesuits  were  forced  to  stop  it, 
since,  when  it  struck,  it  was  supposed  to  sound  the 
signal  of  death.  At  sunset,  one  would  have  seen 
knots  of  Indians,  their  faces  dark  with  dejection 
and  terror,  listening  to  the  measured  sounds  which 
issued  from  within  the  neighboring  house  of  the 
mission,  where,  with  bolted  doors,  the  priests  were 
singing  litanies,  mistaken  for  incantations  by  the 
awe-struck  savages. 

Had  the  objects  of  these  charges  been  Indians, 
their  term  of  life  would  have  been  very  short. 
The  blow  of  a hatchet,  stealthily  struck  in  the 
dusky  entrance  of  a lodge,  would  have  promptly 
a^^enged  the  victims  of  their  sorcery,  and  delivered 
the  country  from  peril.  But  the  priests  inspired 

1 “ Le  diable  enrageoit  peutestre  de  ce  que  nous  avions  place  dans  le 
del  quantite'  de  ces  petits  innocens.”  — Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Harms, 
1638,,  12  (Cramoisv). 


J16 


PERSECUTION. 


^ [1637-40. 


a strange  awe.  Nocturnal  councils  were  held; 
their  death  was  decreed ; and,  as  they  walked  their 
rounds,  whispering  groups  of  children  gazed  after 
them  as  men  doomed  to  die.  But  who  should 
be  the  executioner?  They  were  reviled  and  up- 
braided. The  Indian  boys  threw  sticks  at  them 
as  they  passed,  and  then  ran  behind  the  houses. 
When  they  entered  one  of  these  pestiferous  dens, 
this  impish  crew  clambered  on  the  roof,  to  pelt 
them  with  snowballs  through  the  smoke-holes 
The  old  squaw  who  crouched  by  the  fire  scowled 
on  them  with  mingled  anger  and  fear,  and  cried 
out,  “ Begone  ! there  are  no  sick  ones  here.”  The 
invalids  wrapped  their  heads  in  their  blankets ; 
and  when  the  priest  accosted  some  dejected  war- 
rior, the  savage  looked  gloomily  on  the  ground,  and 
answered  not  a word. 

Yet  nothing  could  divert  the  Jesuits  from  their 
ceaseless  quest  of  dying  subjects  for  baptism,  and 
above  all  of  dying  children.  They  penetrated  every 
house  in  turn.  When,  through  the  thin  walls  of 
bark,  they  heard  the  wail  of  a sick  infant,  no 
menace  and  no  insult  could  repel  them  from  the 
threshold.  They  pushed  boldly  in,  asked  to  buy 
some  trifle,  spoke  of  late  neAvs  of  Iroquois  forays, 
— -of  anything,  in  short,  except  the  pestilence  and 
the  sick  child ; conversed  for  a while  till  suspicion 
was  partially  lulled  to  sleep,  and  then,  pretending 
to  observe  the  sufferer  for  the  first  time,  approached 
it,  felt  its  pulse,  and  asked  of  its  health,  Noav, 
while  apparently  fanning  the  heated  brow,  the 
dexterous  visitor  touched  it  with  a corner  of  his 


1637.] 


THE  GREAT  COUNCIL. 


in 


handkerchief,  which  he  had  previously  dipped  in 
water,  murmured  the  baptismal  words  with  motion- 
less lips^  and  snatched  another  soul  from  the  fangs 
of  the  “ Infernal  Wolf.”  ^ Thus,  with  the  patience 
of  saints,  the  courage  of  heroes,  and  an  intent  truly 
charitable,  did  the  Fathers  put  forth  a nimble-fin- 
gered adroitness  that  would  have  done  credit  to  the 
profession  of  which  the  function  is  less  to  dispense 
the  treasures  of  another  world  than  to  grasp  those 
which  pertain  to  this. 

Tlie  Huron  chiefs  were  summoned  to  a great 
council,  to  discuss  the  state  of  the  nation.  The 
crisis  demanded  all  their  wisdom ; for,  while  the 
continued  ravages  of  disease  threatened  them  with 
annihilation,  the  Iroquois  scalping-parties  infested 
the  outskirts  of  their  towns,  and  murdered  them 
in  their  fields  and  forests.  The  assembly  met  in 
August,  163.7  ; and  the  Jesuits,  knowing  their  deep 
stake  in  its  deliberations,  failed  not  to  be  present, 
with  a liberal  gift  of  wampum,  to  show  their 
sympathy  in  the  public  calamities.  In  private, 
they  sought  to  gain  the  good-will  of  the  deputies, 
one  by  one  ; but  though  they  were  successful  in 
some  cases,  the  result  on  the  whole  was  far  from 
hopeful. 

In  the  intervals  of  the  council,  Brebeuf  dis- 

1 Ce  hup  infernal  is  a title  often  bestowed  in  the  Relations  on  the 
Devil.  The  above  details  are  gathered  from  the  narratives  of  Brebeuf, 
Le  Mercier,  and  Lalemant,  and  letters,  published  and  unpublished,  of 
several  other  Jesuits. 

In  another  case,  an  Indian  girl  was  carrying  on  her  back  a sick  child^ 
two  months  old.  Two  Jesuits  approached,  and  while  one  of  them  amused 
the  girl  with  his  rosary,  “ I’autre  le  baptise  lestement ; le  pauure  petit 
n’attendoit  que  ceste  faueur  du  Ciel  i)our  s’y  enuoler.” 


118 


PERSECUTIOii. 


[1637 


coursed  to  the  crowd  of  chiefs  on  the  wonders  of 
the  Ausible  heavens,  — the  sun,  the  moon,  the  stars, 
and  the  planets.  They  were  inclined  to  believe 
what  he  told  them;  for  he  had  lately,  to  their 
great  amazement,  accurately  predicted  an  eclipse. 
From  the  fires  above  he  passed  to  the  fires  be- 
neath, till  the  listeners  stood  aghast  at  his  hideous 
pictures  of  the  flames  of  perdition,  — the  only  spe- 
cies of  Christian  instruction  which  produced  any 
perceptible  effect  on  this  unpromising  auditory. 

The  council  opened  on  the  evening  of  the  fourth 
of  August,  with  all  the  usual  ceremonies ; and  the 
night  was  spent  in  discussing  questions  of  treaties 
and  alliances,  with  a deliberation  and  good  sense 
which  the  Jesuits  could  not  help  admiring.^  A 
few  days  after,  the  assembly  took  up  the  more 
exciting  question  of  the  epidemic  and  its  causes. 
Deputies  from  three  of  the  four  Huron  nations 
were  present,  each  deputation  sitting  apart.  The 
Jesuits  were  seated  with  the  Nation  of  the  Bear, 
in  whose  towns  their  missions  were  established. 
Like  all  important  councils,  the  session  was  held 
at  night.  It  was  a strange  scene.  The  light  of 
the  fires  flickered  aloft  into  the  smoky  vault  and 
among  the  soot-begrimed  rafters  of  the  great  coun- 
cil-house,^ and  cast  an  uncertain  gleam  on  the  wild 
and  dejected  throng  that  filled  the  platforms  and 
the  floor.  “ I think  I never  saw  anything  more 
lugubrious,”  writes  Le  Mercier : “ they  looked  at 

1 Le  Mercier,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1638,  38. 

2 It  must  have  been  the  house  of  a chief.  The  Hurons,  unlike  some 
other  tribes,  had  no  houses  set  apart  for  public  occasions. 


1637  J THE  JESUITS  IMPEACHED.  119 

each  otlier  like  so  many  corpses,  or  like  men  who 
already  feel  the  terror  of  death.  When  they  spoke, 
it  was  only  with  sighs,  each  reckoning  up  the  sick 
and  dead  of  his  own  family.  All  this  was  to  excite 
each  other  to  vomit  poison  against  us.” 

A grisly  old  chief,  named  Ontitarac,  withered 
with  age  and  stone-blind,  but  renowned  in  past 
years  for  eloquence  and  counsel,  opened  the  debate 
in  a loud,  though  tremulous  voice.  First  he  saluted 
each  of  the  three  nations  present,  then  each  of  the 
chiefs  in  turn,  — congratulated  them  that  all  were 
there  assembled  to  deliberate  on  a subject  of  the 
last  importance  to  the  public  welfare,  and  exhorted 
them  to  give  it  a mature  and  calm  consideration. 
Next  rose  the  chief  whose  office  it  was  to  preside 
over  the  Feast  of  the  Dead.  He  painted  in  dis- 
mal colors  the  woful  condition  of  the  country,  and 
ended  with  charging  it  all  upon  the  sorceries  of 
the  Jesuits.  Another  old  chief  followed  him. 
“My  brothers,”  he  said,  “you  know  well  that  I 
am  a war-chief,  and  very  rarely  speak  except  in 
councils  of  war ; but  I am  compelled  to  speak 
now,  since  nearly  all  the  other  chiefs  are  dead,  and 
I must  utter  what  is  in  my  heart  before  I follow 
them  to  the  grave.  Only  two  of  my  family  are 
left  alive,  and  perhaps  even  these  will  not  long 
escape  the  fury  of  the  pest.  I have  seen  other 
diseases  ravaging  the  country,  but  nothing  that 
coidd  compare  with  this.  In  two  or  three  moons 
we  saw  their  end : but  now  we  have  suffered  for  a 
year  and  more,  and  yet  the  evil  does  not  abate. 
And  what  is  worst  of  all,  we  have  not  yet  discov- 


i20 


PERSECUTION. 


1./637 


ered  its  source.”  Then,  with  words  of  studied  mod- 
eration, alternating  with  bursts  of  angry  invective, 
he  proceeded  to  accuse  the  Jesuits  of  causing,  by 
their  sorceries,  the  unparalleled  calamities  that  af- 
flicted them ; and  in  support  of  his  charge  he  ad- 
duced a prodigious  mass  of  evidence.  AVhen  he 
had  spent  his  eloquence,  Brebeuf  rose  to  reply, 
and  in  a few  words  exposed  the  absurdities  of  his 
statements ; whereupon  another  accuser  brought  a 
new  array  of  charges.  A clamor  soon  arose  from 
the  whole  assembly,  and  they  called  upon  Brebeuf 
with  one  voice  to  give  up  a certain  charmed  cloth 
which  was  the  cause  of  their  miseries.  In  vain  the 
missionary  protested  that  he  had  no  such  cloth. 
The  clamor  increased. 

‘ If  you  will  not  believe  me,”  said  Brebeuf,  “ go 
to  our  hous-e  ; search  everywhere  ; and  if  you  are 
not  sure  which  is  the  charm,  take  all  our  clothing 
and  all  our  cloth,  and  throw  them  into  the  lake.” 

“ Sorcerers  always  talk  in  that  way,”  was  the 
reply. 

‘^Then  what  will  you  have  me  say'?”  demanded 
Brebeuf. 

“ Tell  us  the  cause  of  the  pest.” 

Brebeuf  replied  to  the  best  of  his  power,  min- 
gling his  explanations  with  instructions  in  Christian 
doctrine  and  exhortations  to  embrace  the  Faith, 
lie  was  continually  interrupted ; and  the  old  chief, 
Ontitarac,  still  called  upon  him  to  produce  the 
charmed  cloth.  Thus  the  debate  continued  till  af- 
ter midnight,  when  several  of  the  assembly,  seeing 
no  prospect  of  a termination,  fell  asleep,  and  oth- 


1637.1 


DANGER  OF  THE  PRIESTS. 


121 


ers  went  away.  One  old  chief,  as  he  passed  out 
said  to  Brebeuf,  “ If  some  young  man  should  split 
your  head,  we  should  have  nothing  to  say.”  The 
priest  still  continued  to  harangue  the  diminished 
conclave  on  the  necessity  of  obeying  God  and  the 
danger  of  offending  Him,  when  the  chief  of  Ossos- 
sane  called  out  impatiently,  “ What  sort  of  men 
are  these  ] They  are  always  saying  the  same  thing, 
and  repeating  the  same  words  a hundred  times. 
They  are  never  done  with  telling  us  about  their 
and  what  he  demands  and  what  he  forbids, 
and  Paradise  and  Hell.”  ^ 

“ Here  was  the  end  of  this  miserable  council,” 
writes  Le  Mercier;  . . . “and  if  less  evil  came  of 
it  than  was  designed,  we  owe  it,  after  God,  to  the 
Most  Holy  Virgin,  to  whom  we  had  made  a vow 
of  nine  masses  in  honor  of  her  immaculate  con- 
ception.” 

The  Fathers  had  escaped  for  the  time ; but  they 
were  still  in  deadly  peril.  They  had  taken  pains 
to  secure  friends  in  private,  and  there  were  those 
wTio  were  attached  to  their  interests ; yet  none 
dared  openly  take  their  part.  The  few  converts 
they  had  lately  made  came  to  them  in  secret,  and 
warned  them  that  their  death  was  determined  upon. 
Their  house  was  set  on  fire ; in  public,  every  face 
was  averted  from  them ; and  a new  council  was 
called  to  pronounce  the  decree  of  death.  They 
appeared  before  it  with  a front  of  such  unflinching 
assurance,  that  their  judges,  Indian-like,  postponed 

1 The  above  account  of  the  council  is  drawn  from  Le  Mercier,  Rela^ 
tion  des  Hurons,  1638,  Chap.  II.  See  also  Bressani,  Relation  Ahrdgdi^  163. 

11 


122 


PERSECUTION. 


[1637. 


the  sentence.  Yet  it  seemed  impossible  that  they 
should  much  longer  escape.  Brebeuf,  therefore, 
wrote  a letter  of  farewell  to  his  Superior,  Le  Jeune, 
at  Quebec,  and  confided  it  to  some  converts  whom 
he  could  trust,  to  be  carried  by  them  to  its  desti- 
nation. 

“We  are  perhaps,”  he  says,  “ about  to  give  our 
blood  and  our  lives  in  the  cause  of  our  Master, 
Jesus  Christ.  It  seems  that  His  goodness  will 
accept  this  sacrifice,  as  regards  me,  in  expiation  of 
my  great  and  numberless  sins,  and  that  He  will 
thus  crown  the  past  services  and  ardent  desires  of 
all  our  Fathers  here.  . . . Blessed  be  His  name 
forever,  that  He  has  chosen  us,  among  so  many 
better  than  we,  to  aid  Him  to  bear  His  cross  in 
this  land  ! In  all  things.  His  holy  will  be  done  ! ” 
He  then  acquaints  Le  Jeune  that  he  has  directed 
the  sacred  vessels,  and  all  else  belonging  to  the 
service  of  the  altar,  to  be  placed,  in  case  of  his 
death,  in  the  hands  of  Pierre,  the  convert  whose 
baptism  has  been  described,  and  that  especial  care 
will  be  taken  to  preserve  the  dictionary  and  other 
writings  on  the  Huron  language.  The  letter  closes 
with  a request  for  masses  and  prayers.^ 

1 Tlie  following  is  the  conclusion  of  the  letter.  (Le  Mercier,  Relation 
des  llurons,  1638,  43.) 

“ En  tout,  sa  sainte  volonte  soit  faite ; s’il  veut  que  des  ceste  heure 
nous  mourions,  6 la  bonne  heure  pour  nous ! s’il  veut  nous  reseruer  a 
d’autres  trauaux,  qu’il  soit  beny ; si  voiis  entendez  que  Dieu  ait  cou- 
ronne  nos  petits  trauaux,  ou  plustost  nos  desirs,  benissez-le  : car  c’est  pour 
luy  que  nous  desirous  viure  et  mourir,  et  c’est  luy  qui  nous  en  donne 
la  grace.  Au  reste  si  quelques-vns  suruiuent,  i’ay  donne  ordre  de  tout  ce 
qu’ils  doiuent  faire.  I’ay  este  d’aduis  que  nos  Peres  et  nos  domestiques 
se  retirent  chez  ceux  qu’ils  croyront  estre  leurs  mei’.leurs  amis ; i’ay 
donne  charge  qu’on  porte  chez  Pierre  nostre  premier  Dhrestien  tout  ce 


1637.1 


THE  FAREWELL  FEAST. 


123 


The  imperilled  Jesuits  now  took  a singular,  but 
certainly  a very  wise  step.  They  gave  one  of  those 
farewell  feasts  — festins  cT adieu  — which  Huron 
custom  enjoined  on  those  about  to  die,  whether  in 
the  course  of  Nature  or  by  public  execution.  Be- 
ing interpreted,  it  was  a declaration  that  the  priests 
knew  their  danger,  and  did  not  shrink  from  it. 
It  might  have  the  effect  of  changing  overawed 
friends  into  open  advocates,  and  even  of  awakening 
a certain  sympathy  in  the  breasts  of  an  assembly 
on  whom  a bold  bearing  could  rarely  fail  of  influ- 
ence. The  house  was  packed  with  feasters,  and 
Brebeuf  addressed  them  as  usual  on  his  unfailing 
themes  of  God,  Paradise,  and  Hell.  The  throng 
listened  in  gloomy  silence ; and  each,  when  he 
had  emptied  his  bowl,  rose  and  departed,  leaving 
his  entertainers  in  utter  doubt  as  to  his  feelings 
and  intentions.  From  this  time  forth,  however, 
the  clouds  that  overhung  the  Fathers  became  less 

qui  est  de  la  Sacristie,  sur  tout  qu’on  ait  vn  soin  particulier  de  mettre  en 
lieu  d’asseurance  le  Dictionnaire  et  tout  ce  que  nous  auons  de  la  langue. 
Pour  moy,  si  Dieu  me  fait  la  grace  d’aller  au  Ciel,  ie  prieray  Dieu  pour 
eux,  pour  les  pauures  Hurons,  et  n’oublieray  pas  Vostre  Reuerence. 

“ Apres  tout,  nous  supplions  V.  R.  et  tous  nos  Peres  de  ne  nous 
oublier  en  leurs  saincts  Sacrifices  et  prieres,  afin  qu’en  la  vie  et  apres  la 
mort,  il  nous  fasse  misericorde ; nous  sommes  tous  en  la  vie  et  a TEter- 
nite, 

“ De  vostre  Reuerence  tres-liumbles  et  tres-affectionnez  seruiteurs  en 
Nostre  Seigneur, 

“Iean  de  Brebevf. 

Francois  Ioseph  Le  Mercieu 
Pierre  Ciiastellain 
Charles  Garnier. 

Pavl  Ragveneav. 

“ En  la  Residence  de  la  Conception,  i Ossossane, 
ce  28  Octobre. 

“ I’ay  laissd  en  la  Residence  de  sainct  Joseph  les  Peres  Pierre  Piiart, 
et  Isaac  logves,  dans  les  mesmes  sentimens.’^ 


124 


PEKSECUTION. 


[1637-40. 


dark  and  threatening.  Voices  were  heard  in  their 
defence,  and  looks  were  less  constantly  averted. 
They  ascribed  the  change  to  the  intercession  of 
St  Joseph,  to  whom  they  had  vowed  a nine  days’ 
devotion.  By  whatever  cause  produced,  the  lapse 
of  a week  wrought  a hopeful  improvement  in  their 
prospects ; and  when  they  went  out  of  doors  in  the 
morning,  it  was  no  longer  with  the  expectation  of 
having  a hatchet  struck  into  their  brains  as  they 
crossed  the  threshold.^ 

The  persecution  of  the  Jesuits  as  sorcerers  con- 
tinued, in  an  intermittent  form,  for  years ; and 
several  of  them  escaped  very  narrowly.  In  a 
house  at  Ossossane,  a young  Indian  rushed  sud- 
denly upon  Francois  Du  Peron,  and  lifted  his  toma- 
hawk to  brain  him,  when  a squaw  caught  his  hand. 
Paul  Pagueneau  wore  a crucifix,  from  which  hung 
the  image  of  a skull.  An  Indian,  thinking  it  a 
charm,  snatched  it  from  him.  The  priest  tried  to 
recover  it,  when  the  savage,  his  eyes  glittering  with 
murder,  brandished  his  hatchet  to  strike.  Pague- 
neau  stood  motionless,  waiting  the  blow.  His 
assailant  forbore,  and  withdrew,  muttering.  Pierre 
Chaumonot  was  emerging  from  a house  at  the 
Huron  town  called  by  the  Jesuits  St.  Michel, 
where  he  had  just  baptized  a dying  girl,  when  her 
orother,  standing  hidden  in  the  doorway,  struck 
him  on  the  head  with  a stone.  Chaumonot,  se 

1 “ Tant  y a que  depuis  le  6.  de  Nouembre  que  nous  acheuasnies  nos 
Messes  votiues  k son  honneur,  nous  auons  iouy  d’vn  repos  incroyable, 
nous  nous  en  enierueillons  nous-mesmes  de  iour  en  iour,  quand  nous  con- 
eiderons  en  quel  estat  estoient  nos  affaires  il  n’y  a que  huict  ioui6.'”--Lo 
Mercier,  Relation  des  Ilarons,  1638,  44. 


1637-40.] 


BOLDNESS  OF  THE  JESUITS. 


125 


verely  wounded,  staggered  without  falling,  when 
the  Indian  sprang  upon  him  with  his  tomahawk. 
The  bystanders  arrested  the  blow.  Francois  Le 
Mercier,  in  the  midst  of  a crowd  of  Indians  in  a 
house  at  the  town  called  St.  Louis,  was  assailed  by 
a noted  chief,  who  rushed  in,  raving  like  a mad- 
man, and,  in  a torrent  of  words,  charged  upon  him 
all  the  miseries  of  the  nation.  Then,  snatching  a 
brand  from  the  fire,  he  shook  it  in  the  Jesuit’s  face, 
and  told  him  that  he  should  be  burned  alive.  Le 
Mercier  met  him  with  looks  as  determined  as  his 
own,  till,  abashed  at  his  undaunted  front  and  bold 
denunciations,  the  Indian  stood  confounded.^ 

The  belief  that  their  persecutions  were  owing 
to  the  fury  of  the  Devil,  driven  to  desperation 
by  the  home-thrusts  he  had  received  at  their 
hands,  was  an  unfailing  consolation  to  the  priests. 
“ Truly,”  writes  Le  Mercier,  “it  is  an  unspeakable 
happiness  for  us,  in  the  midst  of  this  barbarism,  to 
hear  the  roaring  of  the  demons,  and  to  see  Earth 
and  Hell  raging  against  a handful  of  men  who 
will  not  even  defend  themselves.”  ^ In  all  the  copi- 
ous records  of  this  dark  period,  not  a line  gives  oc 
casion  to  suspect  that  one  of  this  loyal  band  flinched 
or  hesitated.  The  iron  Brebeuf,  the  gentle  Gamier, 

^ The  above  incidents  are  from  Le  Mercier,  Lalemant,  Bressani,  the 
autobiography  of  Chaumonot,  the  unpublished  writings  of  Gamier,  and 
the  ancient  manuscript  volume  of  memoirs  of  the  early  Canadian  mission- 
aries, at  St.  Mary’s  College,  Montreal. 

2 “ C’est  veritablement  un  bonheur  indicible  pour  nous,  au  milieu  de 
cette  barbarie,  d’entendre  les  rugissemens  des  demons,  & de  voir  tout 
I’Enfer  & quasi  tous  les  hommes  animez  & remplis  de  fureur  centre  une 
petite  poignee  de  gens  qui  ne  voudroient  pas  se  defendre.”  — Relation  dea 
Hurons,  1640,  31  (Cramoisv). 


11* 


126 


PEKSECUTION. 


[1637-40 


the  all-enduring  Jogues,  the  enthusiastic  Chau- 
monot,  Lalemant,  Le  Mercier,  Chatelain,  Daniel, 
Pijart,  Pagueneau,  Du  Peron,  Poncet,  Le  Moyne, 

— one  and  all  bore  themselves  with  a tranquil  bold- 
ness, which  amazed  the  Indians  and  enforced  their 
respect. 

Father  Jerome  Lalemant,  in  his  journal  of  1639, 
is  disposed  to  draw  an  evil  augury  for  the  mission 
from  the  fact  that  as  yet  no  priest  had  been  put  to 
death,  inasmuch  as  it  is  a received  maxim  that  the 
blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  Church.^ 
He  consoles  himself  with  the  hope  that  the  daily 
life  of  the  missionaries  may  be  accepted  as  a living 
martyrdom ; since  abuse  and  threats  without  end, 
the  smoke,  fleas,  tilth,  and  dogs  of  the  Indian 
lodges, — which  are,  he  says,  little  images  of  Hell, 

— cold,  hunger,  and  ceaseless  anxiety,  and  all  these 
continued  for  years,  are  a portion  to  which  many 
might  prefer  the  stroke  of  a tomahawk.  Peason- 
able  as  the  Father’s  hope  may  be,  its  expression 
proved  needless  in  the  sequel ; for  the  Huron  church 
was  not  destined  to  suffer  from  a lack  of  martyrdom 
in  any  form. 

1 “ Nous  auons  quelque  fois  doute,  s^auoir  si  on  pouuoit  esperer  la  con- 
uersion  do  ce  pais  sans  qu’il  y oust  effusion  de  sang : le  principe  re^eu  ce 
rfemble  dans  I’Eglise  de  Dieu,  que  le  sang  des  Martyrs  est  la  semence  des 
CliresticMis,  me  faisoit  conclure  pour  lors,  que  cela  n’estoit  pas  a esperer, 
voire  mesme  qu’il  n’e'toit  pas  a souhaiter,  considere  la  gloire  qui  reuient 
a Dieu  de  la  Constance  des  Martyrs,  du  sang  desquels  tout  le  reste  de  la 
terre  ayant  tantost  este'  abreuue,  ce  seroit  vne  espece  de  malediction,  que 
ce  quartier  du  monde  ne  participast  point  au  bonheur  d’auoir  contribue  h 
I’esclat  (le  ceste  gloire.”  — Lalemant,  Relation  des  llurons,  1639,  56,  57- 


CHAPTER  XI. 


1638-1640. 

PRIEST  AND  PAGAN. 


Do  Peron’s  Journey.  — Daily  Life  of  the  Jesuits.  — Their  Mis- 
sionary Excursions.  — Converts  at  Ossossane.  — Machinery 
OP  Conversion.  — Conditions  of  Baptism.  — Backsliders.— 
The  Converts  and  their  Countrymen.  — The  Cannibals  at 
St.  Joseph. 

We  have  already  touched  on  the  domestic  life 
of  the  Jesuits.  That  we  may  the  better  know  them, 
we  will  follow  one  of  their  number  on  his  journey 
towards  the  scene  of  his  labors,  and  observe  what 
awaited  him  on  his  arrival. 

Father  Francois  Du  Peron  came  up  the  Ottawa 
in  a Huron  canoe  in  September,  1638,  and  was 
well  treated  by  the  Indian  owner  of  the  vessel. 
Lalemant  and  Le  Moyne,  who  had  set  out  from 
Three  Rivers  before  him,  did  not  fare  so  well.  The 
former  was  assailed  by  an  Algonquin  of  Allumette 
Island,  who  tried  to  strangle  him  in  revenge  for 
the  death  of  a child,  which  a Frenchman  in  the 
employ  of  the  Jesuits  had  lately  bled,  but  had 
failed  to  restore  to  health  by  the  operation.  Le 


128 


PRIEST  AND  PAGAN. 


[1638, 


Moyne  was  abandoned  by  his  Huron  conductors, 
and  remained  for  a fortnight  by  the  bank  of  the 
river,  with  a French  attendant  who  supported  him 
by  hunting.  Another  Huron,  belonging  to  the  flo- 
tilla that  carried  Hu  Peron,  then  took  him  into  his 
canoe ; but,  becoming  tired  of  him,  was  about  to 
leave  him  on  a rock  in  the  river,  when  his  brother 
priest  bribed  the  savage  with  a blanket  to  carry 
him  to  his  journey’s  end. 

It  was  midnight,  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  Sep- 
tember, when  Hu  Peron  landed  on  the  shore  of 
'’lliunder  Bay,  after  paddling  without  rest  since  one 
o’clock  of  the  preceding  morning.  The  night  was 
rainy,  and  Ossossane  was  about  fifteen  miles  dis 
taut.  His  Indian  companions  were  impatient  to 
reach  their  towns  ; the  rain  prevented  the  kindling 
of  a fire ; while  the  priest,  who  for  a long  time  had 
not  heard  mass,  was  eager  to  renew  his  communion 
as  soon  as  possible.  Hence,  tired  and  hungry  as 
he  was,  he  shouldered  his  sack,  and  took  the  path 
for  Ossossane  without  breaking  his  fast.  He  toiled 
on,  half-spent,  amid  the  ceaseless  pattering,  trick- 
ling, and  whispering  of  innumerable  drops  among 
innumerable  leaves,  till,  as  day  dawned,  he  reached 
a clearing,  and  descried  through  the  mists  a cluster 
of  Huron  houses.  Faint  and  bedrenched,  he  en- 
tered the  principal  one,  and  was  greeted  with  the 
monosyllable  “ Shay  ! ” — - Welcome  ! ” A squaw 
spread  a mat  for  him  by  the  fire,  roasted  four  ears 
of  Indian  corn  before  the  coals,  baked  two  squashes 
in  the  embers,  ladled  from  her  kettle  a dish  of 
sagamite,  and  offered  them  to  her  famished  guest. 


1638.] 


JESUIT  DAILY  LIFE. 


129 


Missionaries  seem  to  have  been  a novelty  at  this 
place  ; for,  while  the  Father  breakfasted,  a crowd, 
chiefly  of  children,  gathered  about  him,  and  stared 
at  him  in  silence.  One  examined  the  texture  of 
his  cassock  ; another  put  on  his  hat ; a third  took 
the  shoes  from  his  feet,  and  tried  them  on  her  own. 
Du  Peron  requited  his  entertainers  with  a few  trin- 
kets, and  begged,  by  signs,  a guide  to  Ossossane. 
An  Indian  accordingly  set  out  with  him,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  the  mission-house,  which  he  reached 
at  six  o’clock  in  the  evening. 

Here  he  found  a warm  welcome,  and  little  other 
refreshment.  In  respect  to  the  commodities  of 
life,  the  Jesuits  were  but  a step  in  advance  of  the 
Indians.  Their  house,  though  well  ventilated  by 
numberless  crevices  in  its  bark  walls,  always  smelt 
of  smoke,  and,  when  the  wind  was  in  certain  quar- 
ters, was  tilled  with  it  to  suffocation.  At  their 
meals,  the  Fathers  sat  on  logs  around  the  fire,  over 
which  their  kettle  was  slung  in  the  Indian  fashion. 
Each  had  his  wooden  platter,  which,  from  the 
difficulty  of  transportation,  was  valued,  in  the  Hu- 
ron country,  at  the  price  of  a robe  of  beaver-skin, 
or  a hundred  francs.^  Their  food  consisted  of  sag- 
amite,  or  “ mush,”  made  of  pounded  Indian-corn, 
boiled  with  scraps  of  smoked  fish.  Chaumonot 
compares  it  to  the  paste  used  for  papering  the  walls 
of  houses.  The  repast  was  occasionally  varied  by 
a pumpkin  or  squash  baked  in  the  ashes,  or,  in  the 

1 “ Nos  plats,  quoyqiie  cle  bois,  nous  content  plus  cber  que  los  votres  j 
ils  sont  cle  la  valeur  d’une  robe  cle  castor,  c’est  a dire  cent  francs.”  — Let- 
tre  du  P.  Du  Peron  a son  Frere,  27  Avril,  1639.  • — The  Father’s  appraise 
ment  seerus  a little  questionable. 


180 


PRIEST  AND  PAGAN. 


[1638-40 


season,  by  Indian  corn  roasted  in  tlie  ear.  They 
used  no  salt  wliatever.  They  could  bring  their  cum- 
brous pictures,  ornaments,  and  vestments  through 
the  savage  journey  of  the  Ottawa ; but  they  could 
not  bring  the  common  necessaries  of  life.  By  day, 
the}'  read  and  studied  by  the  light  that  streamed 
in  through  the  large  smoke-holes  in  the  roof,  — at 
night,  by  the  blaze  of  the  fire.  Their  only  candles 
were  a few  of  wax,  for  the  altar.  They  cultivated 
a patch  of  ground,  but  raised  nothing  on  it  except 
wdieat  for  making  the  sacramental  bread.  Their 
food  Avas  supplied  by  the  Indians,  to  Avhom  they 
gave,  in  return,  cloth,  knives,  aAvls,  needles,  and 
various  trinkets.  Their  supply  of  Avine  for  the 
Eucharist  was  so  scanty,  that  they  limited  them- 
selves to  four  or  five  drops  for  each  mass.^ 

Their  life  Avas  regulated  Avith  a conventual  strict- 
ness. At  four  in  the  morning,  a bell  roused  them 

from  the  sheets  of  bark  on  Avhich  they  slept. 
Masses,  private  devotions,  reading  religious  books, 
and  breakfasting,  filled  the  time  until  eight,  Avhen 
they  opened  their  door  and  admitted  the  Indians. 
As  many  of  these  proved  intolerable  nuisances, 
they  took  Avhat  Lalemant  calls  the  honnete  liberty 
of  turning  out  the  most  intrusiA^e  and  impractica- 

1 The  above  particulars  are  drawn  from  a long  letter  of  Pran^ois  Du 
Peron  to  his  brother,  Joseph-Imbert  Du  Peron,  dated  at  La  Conception 
(Ossossane),  April  27, 1639,  and  from  a letter,  equally  long,  of  Chaumonot 
to  l ather  Philippe  Nappi,  dated  Du  Pays  des  Hurons,  May  26,  1640.  Both 
are  in  Carayon.  These  private  letters  of  the  Jesuits,  of  which  many  are 
extant,  in  some  cases  written  on  birch-bark,  are  invaluable  as  illustrations 
of  the  subject. 

The  Jesuits  soon  learned  to  make  wine  from  wild  grapes.  Those  in 
Maine  and  Acadia,  at  a later  period,  made  good  candles  from  the  waxy 
fruit  of  the  shrub  known  locally  as  the  “ bayberrv.’’ 


1638-40.] 


MISSIONARY  EXCURSIONS. 


13] 


ble,  — an  act  performed  with  all  tact  and  courtesy, 
and  rarely  taken  in  dudgeon.  Having  thus  win- 
noAved  their  company,  they  catechized  those  that 
remained,  as  opportunity  offered.  In  the  intervals, 
the  guests  squatted  by  the  fire  and  smoked  their 
pipes. 

As  among  the  Spartan  virtues  of  the  Hurons 
that  of  thieving  was  especially  conspicuous,  it  was 
necessary  that  one  or  more  of  the  Fathers  should 
remain  on  guard  at  the  house  all  day.  The  rest 
went  forth  on  their  missionary  labors,  baptizing 
and  instructing,  as  Ave  have  seen.  To  each  priest 
AA'ho  could  speak  Huron  ^ Avas  assigned  a certain 
number  of  houses,  — in  some  instances,  as  many  as 
forty ; and  as  these  often  had  five  or  six  fires,  Avith 
tAvo  families  to  each,  his  spiritual  flock  Avas  as 
numerous  as  it  Avas  intractable.  It  Avas  his  care  to 
see  that  none  of  the  number  died  Avithout  baptism, 
and  by  every  means  in  his  poAver  to  commend  the 
doctrines  of  his  faith  to  the  acceptance  of  those  in 
health. 

At  dinner,  which  was  at  tAVO  o’clock,  grace  Avas 
said  in  Huron,  — for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians 
present,  — and  a chapter  of  the  Bible  Avas  read 
aloud  during  the  meal.  At  four  or  five,  according 
to  the  season,  the  Indians  AA^ere  dismissed,  the  door 
closed,  and  the  evening  spent  in  Avriting,  reading, 
studying  the  language,  devotion,  and  conversation 
on  tlie  affairs  of  the  mission. 

The  local  missions  here  referred  to  embraced 

1 xVt  the  end  of  the  year  1638,  there  were  seven  priests  who  spoke 
Huron,  and  three  who  had  begun  to  learn  it. 


132 


PRIEST  AND  PAGAN. 


[1638-40. 


Ossossane  and  the  villages  of  the  neighborhood; 
but  the  priests  by  no  means  confined  themselves 
within  these  limits.  They  made  distant  excursions, 
two  in  company,  until  every  house  in  every  Huron 
town  had  heard  the  annunciation  of  the  new  doc- 
trine. On  these  journeys,  they  carried  blankets 
or  large  mantles  at  their  backs,  for  sleeping  in  at 
night,  besides  a supply  of  needles,  awls,  beads,  and 
other  small  articles,  to  pay  for  their  lodging  and 
entertainment : for  the  Hurons,  hospitable  without 
stint  to  each  other,  expected  full  compensation 
from  the  Jesuits. 

At  Ossossane,  the  house  of  the  Jesuits  no  longer 
served  the  double  purpose  of  dwelling  and  chapel. 
In  1638,  they  had  in  their  pay  twelve  artisans  and 
laborers,  sent  up  from  Quebec,^  who  had  built, 
before  the  close  of  the  year,  a chapel  of  wood.^ 
Hither  they  removed  their  pictures  and  ornaments ; 
and  here,  in  winter,  several  fires  were  kept  burning, 
for  the  comfort  of  the  half-naked  converts.^  Of 
these  they  now  had  at  Ossossane  about  sixty, — 
a large,  though  evidently  not  a very  solid  nucleus 
for  the  Huron  church,  — and  they  labored  hard 
and  anxiously  to  confirm  and  multiply  them.  Of 
a Sunday  morning  in  winter,  one  could  have  seen 
them  coming  to  mass,  often  from  a considerable 
distance,  “ as  naked,”  says  Lalemant,  “ as  your 
hand,  except  a skin  over  their  backs  like  a mantle, 
and,  in  the  coldest  weather,  a few  skins  around 

1 Du  Peron  in  Carayon,  173. 

2 “La  cliapelle  est  faite  d’une  charpente  bien  jolie,  semblable  presque 
en  fa9on  et  grandeur,  k notre  chapelle  de  St.  Julien.”  — Ibid.,  183 

2 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1639,  62. 


1638-40.1  CONDITIONS  OF  BAPTISM.  133 

their  feet  and  legs.”  They  knelt,  mingled  with 
the  French  mechanics,  before  the  altar,  — very 
awkwardly  at  first,  for  the  posture  was  new  to 
them,  — and  all  received  the  sacrament  together: 
a spectacle  which,  as  the  missionary  chronicler 
declares,  repaid  a hundred  times  all  the  labor  of 
tlieir  conversion.^ 

Some  of  the  principal  methods  of  conversion  are 
cunously  illustrated  in  a letter  written  by  Gar- 
nier  to  a friend  in  France.  “ Send  me,”  he  says, 
‘^a  picture  of  Christ  without  a beard.”  Several 
Virgins  are  also  requested,  together  with  a variety 
of  souls  in  perdition  — dmes  damnees  — most  of 
them  to  be  mounted  in  a portable  form.  Particular 
directions  are  given  with  respect  to  the  demons, 
dragons,  flames,  and  other  essentials  of  these  works 
of  art.  Of  souls  in  bliss  — dmes  hienheureuses  — 
he  thinks  that  one  will  be  enough.  All  the  pic- 
tures must  be  in  full  face,  not  in  profile ; and  they 
must  look  directly  at  the  beholder,  with  open  eyes. 
The  colors  should  be  bright ; and  there  must  be  no 
flowers  or  animals,  as  these  distract  the  attention 
of  the  Indians.^ 

The  first  point  with  the  priests  was  of  course  to 
bring  the  objects  of  their  zeal  to  an  acceptance  of 
the  fundamental  doctrines  of  the  Roman  Church ; 
but,  as  the  mind  of  the  savage  was  by  no  means 


1 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1639,  62. 

2 Gamier,  Lettre  MS.  These  directions  show  an  excellent 

knowledge  of  Indian  peculiarities.  The  Indian  dislike  of  a beard  is  well 
known.  Gatlin,  tlie  painter,  once  caused  a fatal  quarrel  among  a party  of 
Sioux,  by  representing  one  of  them  in  profile,  whereupon  he  was  jibed 
by  a rival  as  being  but  half  a man. 


12 


134 


PRIEST  AND  PAGAN. 


[1G38-40. 


that  beautiful  blank  which  some  have  represented 
it,  there  was  much  to  be  erased  as  well  as  to  be 
written.  They  must  renounce  a host  of  supersti- 
tions, to  which  they  were  attached  with  a strange 
tenacity,  or  which  may  rather  be  said  to  have  been 
ingrained  in  their  very  natures.  Certain  points  of 
Christian  morality  were  also  strongly  urged  by  the 
missionaries,  who  insisted  that  the  convert  should 
take  but  one  wffe,  and  not  cast  her  off  without 
grave  cause,  and  that  he  should  renounce  the  gross 
license  almost  universal  among  the  Hurons.  Mur- 
der, cannibalism,  and  several  other  offences,  were 
also  forbidden.  Yet,  while  laboring  at  the  work  of 
conversion  with  an  energy  never  surpassed,  and 
battling  against  the  powers  of  darkness  with  the 
mettle  of  paladins,  the  Jesuits  never  had  the  folly 
to  assume  towards  the  Indians  a dictatorial  or  over- 
bearing tone.  Gentleness,  kindness,  and  patience 
were  the  rule  of  their  intercourse.^  They  studied 
the  nature  of  the  savage,  and  conformed  themselves 
to  it  with  an  admirable  tact.  Far  from  treating 
the  Indian  as  an  alien  and  barbarian,  they  would 
fain  have  adopted  him  as  a countryman ; and  they 

1 The  following  passage  from  the  “ Divers  Sentimens,”  before  cited, 
■will  illustrate  this  point.  “ Pour  conuertir  les  Sauuages,  il  nV  faut  pas  tant 
de  science  que  de  bonte  et  vertu  bien  solide.  Les  quatre  Elemens  d’vn 
homme  Apostolique  en  la  Nouuelle  France  sont  I’AfFabilite,  rHurailite, 
la  Patience  et  vne  Charite  genereuse.  Le  zele  trop  ardent  brusle  plus 
qu’il  n'eschauffe,  et  gaste  tout;  il  faut  vne  grande  magnanimite  et  conde- 
scendance,  pour  attirer  peu  a peu  ces  Sauuages.  Us  n’entendent  pas  bien 
nostre  Theologie,  mais  ils  entendent  parfaictement  bien  nostre  humilite 
et  nostre  affabilite,  et  se  laissent  gaigner.” 

So  too  Brebeuf,  in  a letter  to  Vitelleschi,  General  of  the  Jesuits 
(see  Garay  on,  163):  “ Ce  qu’il  faut  deman  der,  avant  tout,  des  ouvriers 
destines  a cette  mission,  c’est  une  douceur  inalterable  et  une  patience  a 
toute  epreuve.” 


1638-40.] 


BACKSLIDERS. 


135 


proposed  to  the  Hurons  that  a number  of  young 
Frenchmen  should  settle  among  them,  and  marry 
their  daughters  in  solemn  form.  The  listeners 
were  gratified  at  an  overture  so  flattering.  ‘‘  But 
what  is  the  use,”  they  demanded,  “of  so  much  cer- 
emony ? If  the  Frenchmen  want  our  women,  they 
are  welcome  to  come  and  take  them  whenever  they 
please,  as  they  always  used  to  do.”  ^ 

The  Fathers  are  well  agreed  that  their  difficulties 
did  not  arise  from  any  natural  defect  of  under- 
standing on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  who,  accord- 
ing to  Chaumonot,  were  more  intelligent  than  the 
French  peasantry,  and  who,  in  some  instances, 
showed  in  their  way  a marked  capacity.  It  was 
the  inert  mass  of  pride,  sensuality,  indolence,  and 
superstition  that  opposed  the  march  of  the  Faith, 
and  in  which  the  Devil  lay  intrenched  as  behind 
impregnable  breastworks.^ 

It  soon  became  evident  that  it  was  easier  to 
make  a convert  than  to  keep  him.  Many  of  the 
Indians  clung  to  the  idea  that  baptism  was  a safe- 
guard against  pestilence  and  misfortune ; and  when 

1 Le  Meicier,  Relation  des  ITurons,  1637,  160. 

2 In  tills  connection,  the  following  specimen  of  Indian  reasoning  is 
worth  noting.  At  the  height  of  the  pestilence,  a Huron  said  to  one  of  the 
priests,  “I  see  plainly  that  your  God  is  angry  with  us  because  we  will 
not  believe  and  obey  him.  Ihonatiria,  where  you  first  taught  his  word, 
is  entirely  ruined.  Then  you  came  here  to  Ossossane,  and  we  would  not 
listen ; so  Ossossane  is  ruined  too.  This  year  you  have  been  all  through 
our  country,  and  found  scarcely  any  who  would  do  what  God  commands ; 
therefore  the  pestilence  is  everywhere.”  After  premises  so  hopeful,  the 
Fathers  looked  for  a satisfactory  conclusion  ; but  the  Indian  proceeded  — ■ 
“ My  opinion  is,  that  we  ought  to  shut  you  out  from  all  the  houses,  and 
stop  our  ears  when  you  speak  of  God,  so  that  we  cannot  hear.  Then  we 
shall  not  be  so  guilty  of  rejecting  the  truth,  and  he  will  not  punish  us  so 
cruelly.”  — Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1640,  80. 


136 


PKIEST  AND  PAGAN. 


[1638-40. 


the  fallacy  of  this  notion  was  made  apparent,  their 
zeal  cooled.  Their  only  amusements  consisted  of 
feasts,  dances,  and  'games,  many  of  which  were,  to 
a greater  or  less  degree,  of  a superstitious  charac- 
ter ; and  as  the  Fathers  could  rarely  prove  to  then* 
own  satisfaction  the  absence  of  the  diabolic  element 
in  any  one  of  them,  they  proscribed  the  whole  in- 
discriminately, to  the  extreme  disgust  of  the  neo- 
phyte. His  countrymen,  too,  beset  him  with  dismal 
prognostics : as,  “ You  will  kill  no  more  game,” 
— ‘‘All  your  hair  will  come  out  before  sj)ring,” 
and  so  forth.  Various  doubts  also  assailed  him 
with  regard  to  the  substantial  advantages  of  his 
new  profession ; and  several  converts  were  filled 
with  anxiety  in  view  of  the  probable  want  of 
tobacco  in  Heaven,  saying  that  they  could  not  do 
without  it.^  Nor  was  it  pleasant  to  these  incipient 
Christians,  as  they  sat  in  class  listening  to  the 
instructions  of  their  teacher,  to  find  themselves  and 
him  suddenly  made  the  targets  of  a shower  of 
sticks,  snowballs,  corn-cobs,  and  other  rubbish, 
fiung  at  them  by  a screeching  rabble  of  vagabond 
boys.^ 

Yet,  while  most  of  the  neophytes  demanded  an 
anxious  and  diligent  cultivation,  there  were  a few 
of  excellent  promise  ; and  of  one  or  two  especially, 
the  Fathers,  in  the  fulness  of  their  satisfaction, 
assure  us  again  and  again  “ that  they  w^ere  savage 
only  in  name.”^ 

1 Laleraant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1639,  80. 

2 Ibid.,  78. 

3 From  June,  1639,  to  June,  1640,  about  a thousand  persons  were 
baptized.  Of  these,  two  hundred  and  sixty  were  inflints,  and  many  more 


1638-40.]  THE  CANNIBALS  AT  ST.  JOSEPH. 


137 


As  the  town  of  Ihonatiria,  where  the  Jesuits  had 
made  their  fh’st  abode,  was  ruined  by  the  pestilence, 
the  mission  established  there,  and  known  by  the 
name  of  St.  Joseph,  was  removed,  in  the  summer 
of  1638,  to  Teanaustaye,  a large  town  at  the  foot 
of  a range  of  hills  near  the  southern  borders  of 
the  Huron  territory.  The  Hurons,  this  year,  had 
had  unwonted  successes  in  their  war  with  the  Iro- 
quois, and  had  taken,  at  various  times,  nearly  a 
hundred  prisoners.  Many  of  these  were  brought 
to  the  seat  of  the  new  mission  of  St.  Joseph,  and 
put  to  death  with  frightful  tortures,  though  not 
before  several  had  been  converted  and  baptized. 
The  torture  was  followed,  in  spite  of  the  remon- 
strances of  the  priests,  by  those  cannibal  feasts 
customary  with  the  Hurons  on  such  occasions. 
Once,  when  the  Tathers  had  been  strenuous  in 
their  denunciations,  a hand  of  the  victim,  duly 
prepared,  was  flung  in  at  their  door,  as  an  invi- 
tation to  join  in  the  festivity.  As  the  owner  of 
the  severed  member  had  been  baptized,  they  dug 
a hole  in  their  chapel,  and  buried  it  with  solemn 
rites  of  sepulture.^ 


were  children.  Very  many  died  soon  after  baptism.  Of  the  whole  num- 
ber, less  than  twenty  were  baptized  in  health,  — a number  much  below 
that  of  the  preceding  year. 

The  following  is  a curious  case  of  precocious  piety.  It  is  that  of  a 
child  at  St.  Joseph.  “Elle  n’a  que  deux  ans,  et  fait  joliment  le  signe  de 
la  croix,  et  prend  elle-meme  de  I’eau  benite ; et  une  fois  se  mit  a crier, 
sortant  de  la  Chapelle,  a cause  que  sa  mere  qui  la  portoit  ne  lui  avoit 
donne  le  loisir  d’en  prendre.  II  I’a  fallu  reporter  en  prendre.”  — Lettres 
de  Gamier,  MSS. 

^ Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1639,  70. 

12* 


CHAPTER  XII. 

1639,  1640. 

THE  TOBACCO  NATION. THE  NEUTRALS. 

A Change  of  Plan.  — Sainte  Marie.  — Mission  of  the  Tobacco 
Nation. — ^AVinter  Journeying.  — Reception  of  the  Mission- 
aries.— Superstitious  Terrors. — Peril  of  Garnier  and 
JoGUES.  — Mission  of  the  Neutrals. — Huron  Intrigues. — 
Miracles. — Fury'  of  the  Indians.  — Intervention  of  Saint 
Michael.  — Return  to  Sainte  Marie.  — Intrepidity  of  the 
Priests.  — Their  Mental  Exaltation. 

It  had  been  the  first  purpose  of  the  Jesuits  to 
form  permanent  missions  in  each  of  the  principal 
Huron  towns ; but,  before  the  close  of  the  year 
1639,  the  difficulties  and  risks  of  this  scheme  had 
become  fully  apparent.  They  resolved,  therefore, 
to  establish  one  central  station,  to  be  a base  of 
operations,  and,  as  it  were,  a focus,  whence  the 
light  of  the  Faith  should  radiate  through  all  the 
Avilderness  around.  It  was  to  serve  at  once  as 
residence,  fort,  magazine,  hospital,  and  convent. 
Hence  the  priests  would  set  forth  on  missionary 
expeditions  far  and  near;  and  hither  they  might 
retire,  as  to  an  asylum,  in  times  of  sickness  or 
extreme  peril.  Here  the  neophytes  could  be  gath 

r 138  1 


1639.] 


SAINTE  MARIE, 


139 


ered  together,  safe  from  perverting  influences  ; and 
here  in  time  a Christian  settlement,  Ilurons  min- 
gled with  Frenchmen,  might  spring  up  and  thrive 
under  the  shadow  of  the  cross. 

The  site  of  the  new  station  was  admirably  chosen. 
The  little  river  Wye  flows  from  the  southward  into 
the  Matchedash  Bay  of  Lake  Huron,  and,  at  about 
a mile  from  its  mouth,  passes  through  a small 
lake.  The  Jesuits  made  choice  of  the  right  bank 
of  the  Wye,  where  it  issues  from  this  lake, — 
gained  permission  to  build  from  the  Indians,  though 
not  without  difficulty, — and  began  their  labors  with 
an  abundant  energy,  and  a very  deficient  supply 
of  workmen  and  tools.  The  new  establishment 
was  called  Sainte  Marie.  The  house  at  Teanaus- 
taye,  and  the  house  and  chapel  at  Ossossane,  were 
abandoned,  and  all  was  concentrated  at  this  spot 
On  one  hand,  it  had  a short  water  communication 
with  Lake  Huron ; and  on  the  other,  its  central 
position  gave  the  readiest  access  to  every  part  of 
the  Huron  territory. 

During  the  summer  before,  the  priests  had  made 
a survey  of  their  field  of  action,  visited  all  the 
Huron  towns,  and  christened  each  of  them  with 
the  name  of  a saint.  This  heavy  draft  on  the  cal- 
endar was  followed  by  another,  for  the  designation 
of  the  nine  towns  of  the  neighboring  and  kindred 
people  of  the  Tobacco  Nation.^  The  Fluron  towns 
were  portioned  into  four  districts,  while  those  of 
the  Tobacco  Nation  formed  a fifth,  and  each  dis- 
trict was  assigned  to  the  charge  of  two  or  more 

1 See  Introduction. 


uo 


THE  TOBACCO  NATION. 


[1639. 


priests.  In  November  and  December,  they  began 
their  missionary  excursions,  — for  the  Indians  were 
now  gathered  in  their  settlements,  — and  journeyed 
on  foot  through  the  denuded  forests,  in  mud  and 
snow,  bearing  on  their  backs  the  vessels  and  uten- 
sils necessary  for  the  service  of  the  altar. 

The  new  and  perilous  mission  of  the  Tobacco 
Nation  fell  to  Gamier  and  Jogues.  They  were 
well  chosen ; and  yet  neither  of  them  was  robust 
by  nature,  in  body  or  mind,  though  Jogues  was 
noted  for  personal  activity.  The  Tobacco  Nation 
lay  at  the  distance  of  a two  days’  journey  from  the 
Huron  towns,  among  the  mountains  at  the  head  of 
Nottawassaga  Bay.  The  two  missionaries  tried  to 
find  a guide  at  Ossossane;  but  none  would  go  with 
them,  and  they  set  forth  on  their  wild  and  un- 
known pilgrimage  alone. 

The  forests  were  full  of  snow ; and  the  soft,  moist 
flakes  were  still  falling  thickly,  obscuring  the  air, 
beplastering  the  gray  trunks,  weighing  to  the  earth 
the  boughs  of  spruce  and  pine,  and  hiding  every 
footprint  of  the  narrow  path.  The  Fathers  missed 
their  way,  and  toiled  on  till  night,  shaking  down  at 
every  step  from  the  burdened  branches  a shower 
of  fleecy  white  on  their  black  cassocks.  Night 
overtook  them  in  a spruce  swamp.  Here  they 
made  a fire  with  great  difficulty,  cut  the  evergreen 
boughs,  piled  them  for  a bed,  and  lay  down.  The 
storm  presently  ceased;  and,  “praised  be  God,” 
writes  one  of  the  travellers,  “ we  passed  a very 
good  night.”  ^ 

1 Jogues  and  Gamier  in  Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1640,  96. 


1639.] 


RECEPTION. 


141 


In  the  morning  they  breakfasted  on  a morsel  of 
corn  bread,  and,  resuming  their  journey,  fell  in 
with  a small  party  of  Indians,  whom  they  followed 
all  day  without  food.  At  eight  in  the  evening  they 
reached  the  first  Tobacco  town,  a miserable  cluster 
of  bark  cabins,  hidden  among  forests  and  half 
buried  in  snow-drifts,  where  the  savage  children, 
seeing  the  two  black  apparitions,  screamed  that 
Famine  and  the  Pest  were  coming.  Their  evil 
fame  had  gone  before  them.  They  were  unwel- 
come guests ; nevertheless,  shivering  and  famished 
as  they  were,  in  the  cold  and  darkness,  they  boldly 
pushed  their  way  into  one  of  these  dens  of  bar- 
barism. It  was  precisely  like  a Huron  house. 
Five  or  six  fires  blazed  on  the  earthen  fioor,  and 
around  them  were  huddled  twice  that  number  of 
families,  sitting,  crouching,  standing,  or  fiat  on 
the  ground ; old  and  young,  women  and  men, 
children  and  dogs,  mingled  pell-mell.  The  scene 
would  have  been  a strange  one  by  daylight : it  was 
doubly  strange  by  the  flicker  and  glare  of  the 
lodge-fires.  Scowling  brows,  sidelong  looks  of  dis- 
trust and  fear,  the  screams  of  scared  children,  the 
scolding  of  squawks,  the  growling  of  wolfish  dogs,-— 
this  was  the  greeting  of  the  strangers.  The  chief 
man  of  the  household  treated  them  at  first  with  the 
decencies  of  Indian  hospitality ; but  when  he  saw 
them  kneeling  in  the  litter  and  ashes  at  their  devo- 
tions, his  suppressed  fears  foimd  vent,  and  he  began 
a loud  harangue,  addressed  half  to  them  and  half 
to  the  Indians.  “ Now,  what  are  these  oMes  doing? 
They  are  making  charms  to  kill  us,  and  destroy  all 


142 


THE  NEUTRALS. 


[1640. 


that  the  pest  has  spared  in  this  house.  I heard 
that  they  were  sorcerers ; and  now,  when  it  is  too 
late,  I believe  it.”  ^ It  is  wonderful  that  the  priests 
escaped  the  tomahawk.  Nowhere  is  the  power  of 
courage,  faith,  and  an  unflinching  purpose  more 
strikingly  displayed  than  in  the  record  of  these 
missions. 

In  other  Tobacco  towns  their  reception  was  much 
the  same ; but  at  the  largest,  called  by  them  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul,  they  fared  worse.  They 
reached  it  on  a winter  afternoon.  Every  door 
of  its  capacious  bark  houses  was  closed  against 
them ; and  they  heard  the  squaws  within  calling 
on  the  young  men  to  go  out  and  split  their  heads, 
while  children  screamed  abuse  at  the  black-robed 
sorcerers.  As  night  approached,  they  left  the 
town,  when  a band  of  young  men  followed  them, 
hatchet  in  hand,  to  put  them  to  death.  Darkness, 
the  forest,  and  the  mountain  favored  them ; and, 
eluding  their  pursuers,  they  escaped.  Thus  began 
the  mission  of  the  Tobacco  Nation. 

In  the  following  November,  a yet  more  distant 
and  perilous  mission  was  begun.  Brebeuf  and 
Chaumonot  set  out  for  the  Neutral  Nation.  This 
fierce  people,  as  we  have  already  seen,  occupied 
that  part  of  Canada  which  lies  immediately  north 
of  Lake  Erie,  while  a wing  of  their  territory 
extended  across  the  Niagara  into  Western  New 
\^ork.^  In  their  athletic  proportions,  the  ferocity 

1 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1640,  96. 

2 Introduction.  — The  river  Niagara  was  at  this  time,  1640,  well  known 
to  the  Jesuits,  tliough  none  of  them  had  visited  it.  Lalemant  speaks  of 
it  as  the  “famous  river  of  this  nation”  (the  Neutrals).  The  following 


1640.] 


PERILS. 


143 


of  their  manners,  and  the  extravagance  of  their 
superstitions,  no  American  tribe  has  ever  exceeded 
them.  They  carried  to  a preposterous  excess  the 
Indian  notion,  that  insanity  is  endowed  with  a 
mysterious  and  superhuman  power.  Their  country 
was  full  of  pretended  maniacs,  who,  to  propitiate 
their  guardian  spirits,  or  okies^  and  acquire  the 
mystic  virtue  which  pertained  to  madness,  raved 
stark  naked  through  the  villages,  scattering  the 
brands  of  the  lodge-fires,  and  upsetting  everything 
in  their  way. 

The  two  priests  left  Sainte  Marie  on  the  second 
of  November,  found  a Huron  guide  at  St.  Joseph, 
and,  after  a dreary  march  of  five  days  through  the 
forest,  reached  the  first  Neutral  town.  Advancing 
thence,  they  visited  in  turn  eighteen  others  ; and 
their  progress  was  a storm  of  maledictions.  Bre- 
beuf  especially  was  accounted  the  most  pestilent 
of  sorcerers.  The  Hurons,  restrained  by  a super- 
stitious awe,  and  unwilling  to  kill  the  priests,  lest 
they  should  embroil  themselves  with  the  French  at 


translation,  from  his  Relation  of  1641,  shows  that  both  Lake  Ontario  and 
Lake  Erie  had  already  taken  their  present  names. 

“This  river”  (the  Niagara)  “is  tlie  same  by  which  our  great  lake 
of  the  Hurons,  or  Fresh  Sea,  discharges  itself,  in  the  first  place,  into  Lake 
Erie  {le  lac  d'Erie'),  or  the  Lake  of  the  Cat  Nation.  Then  it  enters  the 
territories  of  the  Neutral  Nation,  and  takes  the  name  of  Onguiaahra 
(Niagara),  until  it  discharges  itself  into  Ontario,  or  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis ; 
whence  at  last  issues  the  river  which  passes  before  Quebec,  and  is  called 
the  St.  Lawrence.”  lie  makes  no  allusion  to  the  cataract,  which  is  first 
mentioned  as  follows  by  Ragueneau,  in  the  Relation  of  1648. 

“Nearly  south  of  this  same  Neutral  Nation  there  is  a great  lake, 
about  two  hundred  leagues  in  circuit,  named  Erie  (Erie),  which  is  formed 
by  the  discharge  of  the  Fresh  Sea,  and  which  precipitates  itself  by  a cab 
aract  of  frightful  height  into  a third  lake,  named  Ontario,  which  we  call 
Lake  St.  Louis.”  - - Relation  des  Hurons,  1648,  46. 


144 


THE  NEUTRALS. 


[1640. 


Quebec,  conceived  tbat  their  object  might  be  safely 
gained  by  stirring  up  the  Neutrals  to  become  their 
executioners.  To  that  end,  they  sent  two  emissaries 
to  the  Neutral  towns,  who,  calling  the  chiefs  and 
young  warriors  to  a council,  denounced  the  Jesuits 
as  destroyers  of  the  human  race,  and  made  their 
auditors  a gift  of  nine  French  hatchets  on  condi- 
tion that  they  would  put  them  to  death.  It  was 
now  that  Brebeuf,  fully  conscious  of  the  danger, 
half  starved  and  half  frozen,  driven  with  revilings 
from  every  door,  struck  and  spit  upon  by  pretended 
maniacs,  beheld  in  a vision  that  great  cross,  which, 
as  we  have  seen,  moved  onward  through  the  air, 
above  the  wintry  forests  that  stretched  towards  the 
land  of  the  Iroquois.^ 

Chaumonot  records  yet  another  miracle.  “ One 
evening,  when  all  the  chief  men  of  the  town  were 
deliberating  in  council  whether  to  put  us  to  death. 
Father  Brebeuf,  while  making  his  examination  of 
conscience,  as  we  were  together  at  prayers,  saw 
the  vision  of  a spectre,  full  of  fury,  menacing  us 
both  with  three  javelins  which  he  held  in  his 
hands.  Then  he  hurled  one  of  them  at  us  ; but 
a more  powerful  hand  caught  it  as  it  flew : and 
this  took  place  a second  and  a third  time,  as  he 
hurled  his  two  remaining  javelins.  . . . Late  at 
night  our  host  came  back  from  the  council,  where 
the  two  Huron  emissaries  had  made  their  gift  of 
hatchets  to  have  us  killed.  He  wakened  us  to 
say  that  three  times  we  had  been  at  the  point  of 
death ; for  the  young  men  had  offered  three  times 

1 See  ante,  p.  109. 


1640.J 


THE  ARCHANGEL  MICHAEL. 


145 


to  strike  the  blow,  and  three  times  the  old  men 
had  dissuaded  them.  This  explained  the  meaning 
of  Father  Brebeuf ’s  vision.”  ^ 

They  had  escaped  for  the  time ; but  the  Indians 
agreed  among  themselves,  that  thenceforth  no  one 
should  give  them  shelter.  At  night,  pierced  with 
cold  and  faint  with  hunger,  they  found  every  door 
closed  against  them.  They  stood  and  watched, 
saw  an  Indian  issue  from  a house,  and,  by  a quick 
movement,  pushed  through  the  half-open  door  into 
this  abode  of  smoke  and  filth.  The  inmates,  aghast 
at  their  boldness,  stared  in  silence.  Then  a mes- 
senger ran  out  to  carry  the  tidings,  and  an  angry 
crowd  collected. 

“ Go  out,  and  leave  our  country,”  said  an  old 
chief,  “ or  we  will  put  you  into  the  kettle,  and 
make  a feast  of  you.” 

“ I have  had  enough  of  the  dark-colored  flesh 
of  our  enemies,”  said  a young  brave ; I wish  to 
know  the  taste  of  white  meat,  and  I will  eat 
yours.” 

A warrior  rushed  in  like  a madman,  drew  his 
bow,  and  aimed  the  arrow  at  Chaumonot.  “ 1 
looked  at  him  fixedly,”  writes  the  Jesuit,  “ and 
commended  myself  in  full  confidence  to  St.  Mi- 
chael. Without  doubt,  this  great  archangel  saved 
us ; for  almost  immediately  the  fury  of  the  warrior 
was  appeased,  and  the  rest  of  our  enemies  soon 
began  to  listen  to  the  explanation  we  gave  them 
of  our  visit  to  their  country.”^ 

The  mission  was  barren  of  any  other  fruit  than 

1 Chaumonot,  Vie,  55.  2 Ihid.,  57. 

13 


146 


THE  NEUTRALS. 


[1640. 


hardship  and  danger,  and  after  a stay  of  four 
months  the  two  priests  resolved  to  return.  On 
the  way,  they  met  a genuine  act  of  kindness.  A 
heavy  snow-storm  arresting  their  progress,  a Neu- 
tral woman  took  them  into  her  lodge,  entertained 
them  for  two  weeks  with  her  best  fare,  persuaded 
her  father  and  relatives  to  befriend  them,  and  aided 
them  to  make  a vocabulary  of  the  dialect.  Bid- 
ding their  generous  hostess  farewell,  they  jour- 
neyed northward,  through  the  melting  snows  of 
spring,  and  reached  Sainte  Marie  in  safety.^ 

The  Jesuits  had  borne  all  that  the  human  frame 
seems  capable  of  bearing.  They  had  escaped  as 
by  miracle  from  torture  and  death.  Did  their  zeal 
flag  or  their  courage  fail  ] A fervor  intense 
and  unquenchable  urged  them  on  to  more  distant 
and  more  deadly  ventures.  The  beings,  so  near 
to  mortal  sympathies,  so  human,  yet  so  divine, 
in  whom  their  faith  impersonated  and  dramatized 
the  great  principles  of  Christian  truth,  — virgins, 
saints,  and  angels,  — hovered  over  them,  and  held 
before  their  raptured  sight  crowns  of  glory  and 
garlands  of  immortal  bliss.  They  burned  to  do,  to 
suffer,  and  to  die ; and  now,  from  out  a living  mar- 
tyrdom, they  turned  their  heroic  gaze  towards  an 

1 Lalemant,  in  liis  Relation  of  1641,  gives  tlie  narrative  of  this  mission 
at  length.  His  account  coincides  perfectly  with  the  briefer  notice  of 
Chaumonot  in  his  Autobiography.  Chauinonot  describes  the  difficulties 
of  the  journey  very  graphically  in  a letter  to  his  friend,  Father  Nappi, 
dated  Aug.  3,  1640,  preserved  in  Carayon.  See  also  the  next  letter, 
Rreheuf  au  T.  R.  P.  Mutio  ViteUeschi,  20  Aout,  1641. 

The  Rccollet  La  Roche  Dallion  had  visited  the  Neutrals  fourteen 
years  before,  (see  Introduction,  note,)  and,  like  his  two  successors,  had 
been  seriously  endangered  by  Huron  intrigues. 


1640.J 


MENTAL  EXALTATION. 


147 


horizon  dark  with  perils  yet  more  appalling, 
and  saw  in  hope  the  day  when  they  should  bear 
the  cross  into  the  blood-stained  dens  of  the  Iro- 
quois.^ 

But,  in  this  exaltation  and  tension  of  the  powers, 
was  there  no  moment  when  the  recoil  of  Nature 
claimed  a temporary  sway '?  When,  an  exile  from 
his  kind,  alone,  beneath  the  desolate  rock  and 
the  gloomy  pine-trees,  the  priest  gazed  forth  on  the 
pitiless  wilderness  and  the  hovels  of  its  dark  and 
ruthless  tenants,  his  thoughts,  it  may  be,  flew  long- 
ingly beyond  those  wastes  of  forest  and  sea  that 
lay  between  him  and  the  home  of  his  boyhood . 
or  rather,  led  by  a deeper  attraction,  they  revisited 
the  ancient  centre  of  his  faith,  and  he  seemed  to 
stand  once  more  in  that  gorgeous  temple,  where, 
shrined  in  lazuli  and  gold,  rest  the  hallowed  bones 
of  Loyola.  Column  and  arch  and  dome  rise  upon 
his  vision,  radiant  in  painted  light,  and  trembling 
with  celestial  music.  Again  he  kneels  before  the 
altar,  from  whose  tablature  beams  upon  him  that 
loveliest  of  shapes  in  which  the  imagination  of 
man  has  embodied  the  spirit  of  Christianity.  The 
illusion  overpowers  him.  A thrill  shakes  his  frame, 
and  he  boAVs  in  reverential  rapture.  No  longer  a 
memory,  no  longer  a dream,  but  a visioned  pres- 
ence, distinct  and  luminous  in  the  forest  shades, 
the  Virgin  stands  before  him.  Prostrate  on  the 
rocky  earth,  he  adores  the  benign  angel  of  his 

1 This  zeal  was  in  no  degree  due  to  success ; for  in  1641,  after  seven 
years  of  toil,  the  mission  counted  only  about  fifty  living  converts,  — a 
falling  off  from  former  years. 


U8 


THE  NEUTRALS. 


[1C40 


ecstatic  faith,  then  turns  with  rekindled  fervors  to 
his  stern  apostleship. 

Now,  by  the  shores  of  Thunder  Bay,  the  Huron 
traders  freight  their  bhch  vessels  for  their  yearly 
voyage ; and,  embarked  with  them,  let  us,  too, 
revisit  the  rock  of  Quebec. 


CHAPTEK  XIII. 


1636-1646. 

QUEBEC  AJs^D  ITS  TENANTS. 

The  New  Governor.— Edifying  Examples.  — Le  Jeune’s  Corre- 
spondents. — Kank  and  Devotion.  — Nuns.  — Priestly  Au- 
thority.— Condition  of  Quebec.  — The  Hundred  Associates. 

— Church  Discipline.  — Plays.  — Fireworks.  — Processions. 

— Catechizing.  — Terrorism.  — Pictures.  — The  Converts.  — 
The  Society  of  Jesus.  — The  Eoresters. 

I HAVE  traced,  in  another  volume,  the  life  and 
death  of  the  noble  founder  of  New  France,  Samuel 
de  Champlain.  It  was  on  Christmas  Day,  1635, 
that  his  heroic  spirit  bade  farewell  to  the  frame  it 
had  animated,  and  to  the  rugged  cliff  where  he  had 
toiled  so  long  to  lay  the  corner-stone  of  a Christian 
empire. 

Quebec  was  without  a governor.  Who  should 
succeed  Champlain?  and  would  his  successor  be 
found  equally  zealous  for  the  Faith,  and  friendly  to 
the  mission?  These  doubts,  as  he  himself  tells  us, 
agitated  the  mind  of  the  Father  Superior,  Le 
Jeune ; but  they  were  happily  set  at  rest,  when,  on 
a morning  in  June,  he  saw  a ship  anchoring  in  the 
basin  below,  and,  hastening  with  his  brethren  to 
the  landing-place,  was  there  met  by  Charles  Huault 

13*  [149] 


150 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1636. 


de  Montmagny,  a Kniglit  of  Malta,  followed  by 
a train  of  officers  and  gentlemen.  As  they  all 
climbed  the  rock  together,  Montmagny  saw  a cru- 
cifix planted  by  the  path.  He  instantly  fell  on 
his  knees  before  it ; and  nobles,  soldiers,  sailors, 
and  priests  imitated  his  example.  The  Jesuits 
sang  Te  Deum  at  the  church,  and  the  cannon 
roared  from  the  adjacent  fort.  Here  the  new 
governor  was  scarcely  installed,  when  a Jesuit 
came  in  to  ask  if  he  would  be  godfather  to  an 
Indian  about  to  be  baptized.  “ Most  gladly,”  re- 
plied the  pious  Montmagny.  He  repaired  on  the 
instant  to  the  convert’s  hut,  with  a company  of 
gayly  apparelled  gentlemen;  and  while  the  inmates 
stared  in  amazement  at  the  scarlet  and  embroidery, 
he  bestowed  on  the  dying  savage  the  name  of  Jo- 
seph, in  honor  of  the  spouse  of  the  Virgin  and  the 
patron  of  New  France.^  Three  days  after,  he  was 
told  that  a dead  proselyte  was  to  be  buried ; on 
Avhich,  leaving  the  lines  of  the  new  fortification  he 
was  tracing,  he  took  in  hand  a torch,  De  Lisle, 
his  lieutenant,  took  another,  Eepentigny  and  St. 
Jean,  gentlemen  of  his  suite,  with  a band  of  sol- 
diers followed,  two  priests  bore  the  corpse,  and 
thus  all  moved  together  in  procession  to  the  place 
of  burial.  The  Jesuits  were  comforted.  Champlain 
himself  had  not  displayed  a zeal  so  edifying.^ 

1 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1636,  5 (Cramoisy).  “Monsieur  le  Gouverneur 
ge  transporte  aux  Cabanes  de  ces  pauures  barbares,  suivy  d’une  leste 
Noblesse.  Je  vous  laisse  a penser  quel  estonnement  a ces  Peuples  de 
voir  tant  d’ecarlate,  tant  de  porsonnes  bieii  faites  sous  leurs  toits 
d’ecorce ! ” 

2 Ibid.,  83  (Cramoisy). 


1636.] 


FERVORS  FOR  TPIE  MISSION. 


151 


A considerable  reinforcement  came  out  with 
Montmagny,  and  among  the  rest  several  men  of 
birth  and  substance,  with  their  families  and  de- 
pendants. “ It  was  a sight  to  thank  God  for,” 
exclaims  Father  Le  Jeune,  “to  behold  these  deli- 
cate young  ladies  and  these  tender  infants  issuing 
from  their  wooden  prison,  like  day  from  the  shades 
of  night.”  The  Father,  it  will  be  remembered,  had 
for  some  years  past  seen  nothing  but  squaws,  with 
papooses  swathed  like  mummies  and  strapped  to  a 
board. 

He  was  even  more  pleased  with  the  contents 
of  a huge  packet  of  letters  that  was  placed  in 
his  hands,  bearing  the  signatures  of  nuns,  priests, 
soldiers,  courtiers,  and  princesses.  A great  in- 
terest in  the  mission  had  been  kindled  in  France. 
Le  Jeune’s  printed  Relations  had  been  read  with 
avidity;  and  his  Jesuit  brethren,  who,  as  teachers, 
preachers,  and  confessors,  had  spread  themselves 
through  the  nation,  had  successfully  fanned  the  ris- 
ing flame.  The  Father  Superior  flnds  no  words  for 
his  joy.  “ Heaven,”  he  exclaims,  “ is  the  conductor 
of  this  enterprise.  Nature’s  arms  are  not  long 
enough  to  touch  so  many  hearts.”^  He  reads  how 
in  a single  convent,  thirteen  nuns  have  devoted 
themselves  by  a vow  to  the  work  of  converting  the 
Indian  women  and  children ; how,  in  the  clmrch 
of  Montmartre,  a nun  lies  prostrate  day  and  night 
before  the  altar,  praying  for  the  mission ; ^ how 

1 “ C’est  Dieu  qui  conduit  cette  entreprise.  La  Nature  n’a  pas  lea 
bras  assez  longs,”  etc.  — Relation,  1636,  3. 

2 Brebeuf  Relation  des  Hurons,  1636,  76. 


152 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1636. 


“ the  Carmelites  are  all  on  fire,  the  Ursulines  full 
of  zeal,  the  sisters  of  the  Visitation  have  no  words 
to  speak  their  ardor  ” ; ^ how  some  person  unknown, 
but  blessed  of  Heaven,  means  to  found  a school 
for  Huron  children;  how  the  Duchesse  d’Aiguillon 
has  sent  out  six  workmen  to  build  a hospital  for 
the  Indians ; how,  in  every  house  of  the  Jesuits, 
young  priests  turn  eager  eyes  towards  Canada ; and 
how,  on  the  voyage  thither,  the  devils  raised  a 
tempest,  endeavoring,  in  vain  fury,  to  drown  the 
invaders  of  their  American  domain.^ 

Great  was  Le  Jeune’s  delight  at  the  exalted 
rank  of  some  of  those  who  gave  their  patronage 
to  the  mission ; and  again  and  again  his  satisfac- 
tion flow^s  from  his  pen  in  mysterious  allusions  to 
these  eminent  persons.^  In  his  eyes,  the  vicious 
imbecile  who  sat  on  the  throne  of  France  was  the 
anointed  champion  of  the  Faith,  and  the  cruel  and 
ambitious  priest  who  ruled  king  and  nation  alike 
was  the  chosen  instrument  of  Heaven.  Church 
and  State,  linked  in  alliance  close  and  potential, 
played  faithfully  into  each  other’s  hands ; and  that 
enthusiasm,  in  which  the  Jesuit  saw  the  direct 
inspiration  of  God,  was  fostered  by  all  the  prestige 

1 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1636,  6.  Compare  “Divers  Sentimens,”  aph 
pended  to  the  Relation  of  1635. 

2 “ L’Enfer  enrageant  de  nous  veoir  aller  en  la  Nouuelle  France  pour 
conuertir  les  infidelles  et  diminuer  sa  puissance,  par  depit  il  sousleuoit 
tous  les  Elemens  contre  nous,  et  vouloit  abysmer  la  flotte.”  — Divers  Sen- 
timens. 

3 Among  his  correspondents  was  the  young  Due  d’Enghien,  after- 
wards the  Great  Conde,  at  this  time  fifteen  years  old.  “ Dieu  soit  loiie  ! 
tout  le  del  de  nostre  chere  Patrie  nous  promet  de  fauorables  infiuences, 
iusques  a ce  nouuel  astre,  qui  commence  a paroistre  parmy  ceux  de  la 
premiere  grandeur.”  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1636,  3,  4. 


1636-46.] 


PRIESTLY  AUTHORITY. 


153 


of  royalty  and  all  the  patronage  of  power.  And, 
as  often  happens  where  the  interests  of  a hierarchy 
are  identified  with  the  interests  of  a ruling  class, 
religion  was  become  a fashion,  as  graceful  and  as 
comforting  as  the  courtier’s  embroidered  mantle  or 
the  court  lady’s  robe  of  fur. 

Such,  we  may  well  believe,  was  the  complexion 
of  the  enthusiasm  which  animated  some  of  Le 
Jeune’s  noble  and  princely  correspondents.  But 
there  were  deeper  fervors,  glowing  in  the  still 
depths  of  convent  cells,  and  kindling  the  breasts 
of  their  inmates  with  quenchless  longings.  Yet 
we  hear  of  no  zeal  for  the  mission  among  religious 
communities  of  men.  The  Jesuits  regarded  the 
field  as  their  own,  and  desired  no  rivals.  They 
looked  forward  to  the  day  when  Canada  should 
be  another  Paraguay.^  It  was  to  the  combustible 
hearts  of  female  recluses  that  the  torch  was  most 
busily  applied ; and  here,  accordingly,  blazed  forth 
a prodigious  and  amazing  flame.  If  all  had  their 
pious  will,”  writes  Le  Jeune,  Quebec  would  soon 
be  flooded  with  nuns.”  ^ 

Both  Montmagny  and  De  Lisle  were  half 
churchmen,  for  both  were  Knights  of  Malta. 
More  and  more  the  powers  spiritual  engrossed  the 
colony.  As  nearly  as  might  be,  the  sword  itself 
was  in  priestly  hands.  The  Jesuits  were  all  in 
all.  Authority,  absolute  and  without  appeal,  was 

1 “ Que  si  celuy  qui  a escrit  cette  lettre  a leu  la  Relation  de  ce  qui  se 
passe  au  Paraguais,  qu’il  a veu  ce  qui  se  fera  un  jour  en  la  Nouuelle 
Prance.”  — Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1637,  304  (Cramoisy). 

2 Chaulmer,  Le  Nouveau  Monde  Chrestien,  41,  is  eloquent  on  inia 
tbeme 


154 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1640. 


vested  in  a council  composed  of  tlie  governor,  Le 
Jeune,  and  the  syndic,  an  official  supposed  to  rep- 
resent the  interests  of  the  inhabitants.^  There  was 
no  tribunal  of  justice,  and  the  governor  pronou?iced 
summarily  on  all  complaints.  The  church  adjoined 
the  fort ; and  before  it  was  planted  a stake  bearing 
a placard  with  a prohibition  against  blasphemy, 
drunkenness,  or  neglect  of  mass  and  other  relig- 
ious rites.  To  the  stake  was  also  attached  a 
chain  and  iron  collar ; and  hard  by  was  a wooden 
horse,  whereon  a culprit  was  now  and  then  mounted 
by  way  of  example  and  warning.^  In  a community 
so  absolutely  priest-governed,  overt  offences  were, 
however,  rare ; and,  except  on  the  annual  arrival 
of  the  ships  from  France,  when  the  rock  swarmed 
with  godless  sailors,  Quebec  was  a model  of  deco- 
rum, and  wore,  as  its  chroniclers  tell  us,  an  aspect 
unspeakably  edifying. 

In  the  year  1640,  various  new  establishments 
of  religion  and  charity  might  have  been  seen  at 
Quebec.  There  was  the  beginning  of  a college 
and  a seminary  for  Huron  children,  an  embryo  Ur- 
suline  convent,  an  incipient  hospital,  and  a new 
Algonquin  mission  at  a place  called  Sillery,  four 
miles  distant.  Champlain’s  fort  had  been  enlarged 
and  partly  rebuilt  in  stone  by  Montmagny,  who 
had  also  laid  out  streets  on  the  site  of  the  future 
city,  though  as  yet  the  streets  had  no  houses. 
Behind  the  fort,  and  very  near  it,  stood  the  church 
and  a house  for  the  Jesuits.  Both  were  of  pine 

1 Le  Clerc,  Etablissement  de  la  Foy,  Chap.  XV. 

2 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1636,  153,  154  (Cramoisy) 


1640.J 


THE  HUNDRED  ASSOCIATES. 


155 


wood;  and  this  }^ear,  1640,  both  were  burned  to 
the  ground,  to  be  afterwards  rebuilt  in  stone.  The 
Jesuits,  however,  continued  to  occupy  their  rude 
mission-house  of  Notre-Dame  des  Anges,  on  the 
St.  Charles,  where  we  first  found  them. 

The  country  around  Quebec  was  still  an  un- 
broken wilderness,  with  the  exception  of  a small 
clearing  made  by  the  Sieur  Giffard  on  his  seigniory 
of  Beauport,  another  made  by  M.  de  Puiseaux 
between  Quebec  and  Sillery,  and  possibly  one  or 
two  feeble  attempts  in  other  quarters.^  The  total 
population  did  not  much  exceed  two  hundred,  in- 
cluding women  and  children.  Of  this  number, 
by  far  the  greater  part  were  agents  of  the  fur  com- 
pany known  as  the  Hundred  Associates,  and  men 
in  their  employ.  Some  of  these  had  brought  over 
their  families.  The  remaining  inhabitants  were 
priests,  nuns,  and  a very  few  colonists. 

The  Company  of  the  Hundred  Associates  was 
bound  by  its  charter  to  send  to  Canada  four  thou- 
sand colonists  before  the  year  1643.^  It  had  nei- 
ther the  means  nor  the  will  to  fulfil  this  engage- 
ment. Some  of  its  members  were  willing  to  make 
personal  sacrifices  for  promoting  the  missions,  and 
building  up  a colony  purely  Catholic.  Others 
thought  only  of  the  profits  of  trade ; and  the  prac- 
tical affairs  of  the  company  had  passed  entirely 

1 For  Giffard,  Puiseaux,  and  other  colonists,  compare  Langevin,  Notes 
bur  les  Archives  de  Notre-Dame  de  Beauport,  5,  6,  7 ; Ferland,  Notes  sur  les 
Archives  de  N.  D.  de  Quebec,  22,  24  (1863)  ; Ibid.,  Cours  d’llistoire  du 
Canada,  I.  266  ; Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1636,  45;  Faillon,  Histoire  de  la  Colo 
me  Franqaise,  I.  c.  iv.,  v. 

2 See  “ Pioneers  of  France,”  399. 


156 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1640. 


into  the  hands  of  this  portion  of  its  members. 
They  sought  to  evade  obligations  the  fulfilment 
of  which  would  have  ruined  them.  Instead  of 
sending  out  colonists,  they  granted  lands  with  the 
condition  that  the  grantees  should  furnish  a cer- 
tain number  of  settlers  to  clear  and  till  them,  and 
these  were  to  be  credited  to  the  Company.^  The 
grantees  took  the  land,  but  rarely  fulfilled  the 
condition.  Some  of  these  grants  were  corrupt  and 
iniquitous.  Thus,  a son  of  Lauson,  president  of 
the  Company,  received,  in  the  name  of  a third 
person,  a tract  of  land  on  the  south  side  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  of  sixty  leagues  front.  To  this  were 
added  all  the  islands  in  that  river,  excepting  those 
of  Montreal  and  Orleans,  together  with  the  exclu- 
sive right  of  fishing  in  it  through  its  whole  extent.^ 
Lauson  sent  out  not  a single  colonist  to  these  vast 
concessions. 

There  was  no  real  motive  for  emigration.  No 
persecution  expelled  the  colonist  from  his  home ; 
for  none  but  good  Catholics  were  tolerated  in  New 
Trance.  The  settler  could  not  trade  with  the 
Indians,  except  on  condition  of  selling  again  to 
the  Company  at  a fixed  price.  He  might  hunt, 
but  he  could  not  fish ; and  he  was  forced  to  beg 

1 This  appears  in  many  early  grants  of  the  Company.  Thus,  in  a 
grant  to  Simon  Le  Maitre,  Jan.  15,  1636,  “que  les  hommes  que  le  dit 
. . . fera  passer  en  la  N.  E.  tourneront  a la  decharge  de  la  dite  Com- 
pagnie,”  etc.,  etc.  — See  Pieces  sur  la  Tenure  Seigneuriale,  published  by  the 
Canadian  government,  passim. 

2 Archives  du  Se'minaire  de  Villemarie,  cited  by  Faillon,  I.  350.  Lau- 
Bon’s  father  owned  Montreal.  The  son’s  grant  extended  from  the  Eiver 
St.  Francis  to  a point  far  above  Montreal.  — La  Fontaine,  Mdmoire  sur  la 
Famille  de  Lauson. 


1640.] 


CONVENTS.  — HOSPITA  LS. 


157 


or  buy  food  for  years  before  he  could  obtain  it  from 
that  rude  soil  in  sufficient  quantity  for  the  wants 
of  his  family.  The  Company  imported  provisions 
every  year  for  those  in  its  employ ; and  of  these 
supplies  a portion  was  needed  for  the  relief  of 
starving  settlers.  Giffard  and  his  seven  men  on  his 
seigniory  of  Beauport  were  for  some  time  the  only 
settlers  — excepting,  perhaps,  the*  Hebert  family- — 
who  could  support  themselves  throughout  the 
year.  The  rigor  of  the  climate  repelled  the  emi- 
grant; nor  were  the  attractions  which  Father  Le 
Jeune  held  forth  — “ piety,  freedom,  and  inde- 
pendence”— of  a nature  to  entice  him  across  the 
sea,  when  it  is  remembered  that  this  freedom  con- 
sisted in  subjection  to  the  arbitrary  will  of  a priest 
and  a soldier,  and  in  the  liability,  should  he  forget 
to  go  to  mass,  of  being  made  fast  to  a post  with  a 
collar  and  chain,  like  a dog. 

Aside  from  the  fur  trade  of  the  Company,  the 
whole  life  of  the  colony  was  in  missions,  convents, 
religious  schools,  and  hospitals.  Here  on  the  rock 
of  Quebec  were  the  appendages,  useful  and  other- 
wise, of  an  old-established  civilization.  While  as 
yet  there  were  no  inhabitants,  and  no  immediate 
hope  of  any,  there  were  institutions  for  the  care 
of  children,  the  sick,  and  the  decrepit.  All  these 
were  supported  by  a charity  in  most  cases  precari 
ous.  The  Jesuits  relied  chiefly  on  the  Company, 
who,  by  the  terms  of  their  patent,  were  obliged  to 
maintain  religious  worship.^  Of  the  origin  of  the 

1 It  is  a principle  of  the  Jesuits,  that  each  of  its  establishments  sliall 
find  a support  of  its  own,  and  not  be  a burden  on  the  general  funds  of 

14 


158 


QUEJ3EC  AJ^D  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1640. 


convent,  hospital,  and  seminary  I shall  soon  have 
occasion  to  speak. 

Quebec  wore  an  aspect  half  military,  half  mo- 
nastic. At  sunrise  and  sunset,  a squad  of  soldiers 
in  the  pay  of  the  Company  paraded  in  the  fort; 
and,  as  in  Champlain’s  time,  the  bells  of  the  church 
rang  morning,  noon,  and  night.  Confessions,  mass- 
es, and  penances  were  punctiliously  observed ; and, 
from  the  governor  to  the  meanest  laborer,  the 
Jesuit  watched  and  guided  all.  The  social  atmos- 
phere of  New  England  itself  was  not  more  suffo- 
cating. By  day  and  by  night,  at  home,  at  church, 
or  at  his  daily  work,  the  colonist  lived  under  the 
eyes  of  busy  and  over-zealous  priests.  At  times, 
the  denizens  of  Quebec  grew  restless.  In  1639, 
deputies  were  covertly  sent  to  beg  relief  in  France, 
and  “ to  represent  the  hell  in  which  the  consciences 
of  the  colony  were  kept  by  the  union  of  the  tem- 
poral and  spiritual  authority  in  the  same  hands.”  ^ 
In  1642,  partial  and  ineffective  measures  were 
taken,  with  the  countenance  of  Bichelieu,  for  in- 
troducing into  New  France  an  Order  less  greedy 
of  seigniories  and  endowments  than  the  Jesuits, 

the  Society.  The  Relations  are  full  of  appeals  to  the  charity  of  devout 
persons  in  behalf  of  the  missions. 

“ Of  what  use  to  the  country  at  this  period  could  have  been  two  com- 
munities of  cloistered  nuns  ? ” asks  the  modern  historian  of  the  Ursu- 
lines  of  Quebec.  And  he  answers  by  citing  the  words  of  Pope  Gregory 
the  Great,  who,  when  Pome  was  ravaged  by  famine,  pestilence,  and  the 
barbarians,  declared  that  his  only  hope  was  in  the  prayers  of  the  three 
thousand  nuns  then  assembled  in  the  holy  city. — -Les  Ursulines  de  Qudbea. 
Introd.,  XI. 

1 “ Pour  leur  representer  la  gehenne  oil  estoient  les  consciences  de  la 
Colonie,  de  se  voir  gouverne  par  les  mesmes  personnes  pour  le  spiiituel 
et  pour  le  temporel.’^  — Le  Clerc,  I.  478. 


1636-46.] 


THE  PRIEST  AS  A RULER. 


159 


and  less  prone  to  political  encroacliment.'  No  fa- 
vorable result  followed ; and  the  colony  remained 
as  before,  in  a pitiful  state  of  cramping  and  dwarf- 
ing vassalage. 

Tliis  is  the  view  of  a heretic.  It  was  the  aim 
of  the  founders  of  New  France  to  build  on  a 
foundation  purely  and  supremely  Catholic.  What 
this  involved  is  plain ; for  no  degree  of  personal 
virtue  is  a guaranty  against  the  evils  which  attach 
to  the  temporal  rule  of  ecclesiastics.  Burning  with 
love  and  devotion  to  Christ  and  his  immaculate 
Mother,  the  fervent  and  conscientious  priest  re- 
gards with  mixed  pity  and  indignation  those  who 
fail  in  this  supreme  allegiance.  Piety  and  charity 
alike  demand  that  he  should  bring  back  the  rash 
wanderer  to  the  fold  of  his  divine  Master,  and 
snatch  him  from  the  perdition  into  which  his  guilt 
must  otherwise  plunge  him.  And  while  he,  the 
priest,  himself  yields  reverence  and  obedience  to 
the  Superior,  in  whom  he  sees  the  representative 
of  Deity,  it  behooves  him,  in  his  degree,  to  require 
obedience  from  those  whom  he  imagines  that  God 
has  contided  to  his  guidance.  His  conscience,  then, 
acts  in  perfect  accord  with  the  love  of  power 
innate  in  the  human  heart.  These  allied  forces 
mingle  with  a perplexing  subtlety ; pride,  dis- 
guised even  from  itself,  walks  in  the  likeness  of 
love  and  duty ; and  a thousand  times  on  the  pages 

1 Declaration  de  Pierre  Breant,par  devant  les  Notaires  du  Roy,  MS  The 
Order  that  of  the  Capuchins,  who,  like  the  Recollets,  are  a branch  of 
the  Franciscans.  Their  introduction  into  Canada  was  prevented;  but 
they  established  themselves  in  Maine. 


160 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1636-46. 


of  history  we  find  Hell  beguiling  the  virtues  of 
Heaven  to  do  its  work.  The  instinct  of  domi- 
nation is  a weed  that  grows  rank  in  the  shadow 
of  the  temple,  climbs  over  it,  possesses  it,  covers 
its  ruin,  and  feeds  on  its  decay.  The  unchecked 
sway  of  priests  has  always  been  the  most  mischiev 
ous  of  tyrannies ; and  even  were  they  all  well- 
meaning  and  sincere,  it  would  be  so  still. 

To  the  Jesuits,  the  atmosphere  of  Quebec  was 
well-nigh  celestial.  “ In  the  climate  of  New 
France,”  they  write,  ‘‘  one  learns  perfectly  to  seek 
only  God,  to  have  no  desire  but  God,  no  purpose 
but  for  God.”  And  again : “To  live  in  New 
France  is  in  truth  to  live  in  the  bosom  of  God.” 
“ If,”  adds  Le  Jeune,  “ any  one  of  those  who  die 
in  this  country  goes  to  perdition,  I think  he  will 
be  doubly  guilty.”  ^ 

The  very  amusements  of  this  pious  community 
were  acts  of  religion.  Thus,  on  the  fete-day  of  St. 
Joseph,  the  patron  of  New  France,  there  was  a 
show  of  fireworks  to  do  him  honor.  In  the  forty 
volumes  of  the  Jesuit  Relations  there  is  but  one 
pictorial  illustration ; and  this  represents  the  pyro- 
technic contrivance  in  question,  together  with  a fig- 
ure of  the  Governor  in  the  act  of  touching  it  off.^ 

1 “ La  Nouuelle  France  est  yn  vray  climat  ou  on  apprend  parfaicto- 
iiient  bien  a ne  chercher  que  Dieu,  ne  desirer  qne  Dieu  seul,  auoir  Tinten- 
tion  pureinent  k Dieu,  etc.  . . . Viure  en  la  Nouuelle  France,  c’est  a vray 
dire  viure  dans  le  sein  de  Dieu,  et  ne  respirer  que  Fair  de  sa  Diuine  con- 
duite.’’  — Divers  Sentimens.  “ Si  quelqu’un  de  ceux  qui  meurent  en  cea 
contrees  se  damne,  je  croy  qu’il  sera  doublement  coupable.”  — Relation, 
1640,  5 (Cramoisy). 

2 Relation,  1637,  8.  The  Relations,  as  originally  published,  comprised 
about  forty  volumes. 


1636-46.] 


PLAYS.  — PROCESSIONS. 


161 


But,  what  is  more  curious,  a Catholic  writer  of 
the  pi-esent  day,  the  Abbe  Faillon,  in  an  elabo- 
rate and  learned  work,  dilates  at  length  on  the 
details  of  the  display  ; and  this,  too,  with  a gravity 
which  evinces  his  conviction  that  squibs,  rockets, 
blue-lights,  and  serpents  are  important  instruments 
for  the  saving  of  souls. ^ On  May-Day  of  the  same 
year,  1637,  Montmagny  planted  before  the  church 
a May-pole  surmounted  by  a triple  crown,  beneath 
which  were  three  symbolical  circles  decorated  with 
wreaths,  and  bearing  severally  the  names,  lesus^ 
Maria,  Joseph  ; the  soldiers  drew  up  before  it,  and 
saluted  it  with  a volley  of  musketry.^ 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  Dauphin’s  birtli  there 
was  a dramatic  performance,  in  which  an  unbe- 
liever, speaking  Algonquin  for  the  profit  of  the 
Indians  present,  was  hunted  into  Hell  by  fiends.*'^ 
Beligious  processions  were  frequent.  In  one  of 
them,  the  Governor  in  a court  dress  and  a baptized 
Indian  in  beaver-skins  were  joint  supporters  of  the 
canopy  which  covered  the  Host.^  In  another,  six 
Indians  led  the  van,  arrayed  each  in  a velvet  coat 
of  scarlet  and  gold  sent  them  by  the  King.  Then 
came  other  Indian  converts,  two  and  two ; then  the 
foundress  of  the  Ursuline  convent,  with  Indian  chil- 
dren in  French  gowns ; then  all  the  Indian  girls 
and  women,  dressed  after  their  own  way ; then  the 
priests ; then  the  Governor ; and  finally  the  whole 
French  population,  male  and  female,  except  the 
artillery-men  at  the  fort,  who  saluted  with  their 

1 Histoire  de  la  Colonic  Franqaise,  I.  291,  292.  2 Relation,  1637,  82 

3 Viinont,  Relation,  1640,  6.  4 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1638,  6 


14* 


162 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS 


[163G-46. 


cannon  tlie  cross  and  banner  borne  at  the  head  of 
the  procession.  When  all  was  over,  the  Governor 
and  the  Jesuits  rewarded  the  Indians  with  a feast. ^ 

Now  let  the  stranger  enter  the  church  of  Notre- 
Dame  de  la  Hecouvrance,  after  vespers.  It  is  full, 
to  the  very  porch:  officers  in  slouched  hats  and 
plumes,  musketeers,  pikemen,  mechanics,  and  la- 
borers. Here  is  Montmagny  himself ; E-epentigny 
and  Poterie,  gentlemen  of  good  birth ; damsels  of 
nurture  ill  fitted  to  the  Canadian  woods ; and,  min- 
gled with  these,  the  motionless  Indians,  wrapped  to 
the  throat  in  embroidered  moose-hides.  Le  Jeune, 
not  in  priestly  vestments,  but  in  the  common  black 
dress  of  his  Order,  is  before  the  altar  ; and  on  either 
side  is  a row  of  small  red-skinned  children  listening 
with  exemplary  decorum,  while,  with  a cheerful, 
smiling  face,  he  teaches  them  to  kneel,  clasp  their 
hands,  and  sign  the  cross.  All  the  principal  mem- 
bers of  this  zealous  community  are  present,  at  once 
amused  and  edified  at  the  grave  deportment,  and 
the  prompt,  slnill  replies  of  the  infant  catechu- 
mens ; while  their  parents  in  the  crowd  grin  de- 
light at  the  gifts  of  beads  and  trinkets  with  which 
Le  Jeune  rewards  his  most  proficient  pupils.^ 

We  have  seen  the  methods  of  conversion  prac- 
tised among  the  Hurons.  They  were  much  the 
same  at  Quebec.  The  principal  appeal  was  to 
fear.^  “You  do  good  to  your  friends,”  said  Le 
Jeune  to  an  Algonquin  chief,  “ and  you  burn  your 

1 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1639,  3. 

2 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1637,  122  (Cramoisy). 

3 Ibid.,  1636,  119,  and  1637,  32  (Cramoisy).  “La  crainte  est  I’auan 
oouriere  de  la  foy  dans  ces  esprits  barbares.’' 


1686-46.] 


CONVERTS. 


163 


enemies.  God  does  the  same.”  And  he  painted 
Hell  to  the  startled  neophyte  as  a place  where, 
when  he  was  hungry,  he  would  get  nothing  to  eat 
but  frogs  and  snakes,  and,  when  thirsty,  nothing  to 
drink  but  flames.^  Pictures  were  found  invaluable. 
“ These  holy  representations,”  pursues  the  Father 
Superior,  “ are  half  the  instruction  that  can  be 
given  to  the  Indians.  I wanted  some  pictures  of 
Hell  and  souls  in  perdition,  and  a few  were  sent  us 
on  paper ; but  they  are  too  confused.  The  devils 
and  the  men  are  so  mixed  up,  that  one  can  make 
out  nothing  without  particular  attention.  If  three, 
four,  or  five  devils  were  painted  tormenting  a soul 
with  different  punishments,  — one  applying  fire, 
another  serpents,  another  tearing  him  with  pincers, 
and  another  holding  him  fast  with  a chain,  — this 
wordd  have  a good  effect,  especially  if  everything 
were  made  distinct,  and  misery,  rage,  and  despe- 
ration appeared  plainly  in  his  face.”  ^ 

The  preparation  of  the  convert  for  baptism  was 
often  very  slight.  A dying  Algonquin,  who,  though 

1 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1637,  80-82  (Cramoisy).  Avoir  faim  et  ne 
manger  que  des  serpens  et  des  crapaux,  avoir  soif  et  ne  boire  que  des 
flammes.” 

2 “ Les  heretiques  sont  grandement  blasmables,  de  condamner  et  de 
briser  les  images  qui  ont  de  si  bons  effets.  Ces  sainctes  figures  sont  la 
moitie  de  I’instruction  qu’on  pent  donner  aux  Sauiiages.  I’auois  desire 
qiielques  portraits  de  I’enfer  et  de  Tame  damnee ; on  nous  en  a enuoye 
quelques  vns  en  papier,  inais  cela  est  trop  confus.  Les  diables  sont  tene- 
ment rneslez  auec  les  liommes,  qu’on  n’y  pent  rien  recognoistre,  qu’auec 
vne  particuliere  attention.  Qui  depeindroit  trois  ou  quatre  ou  cinq 
demons,  tourmentans  vne  ame  de  diuers  supplices,  I’vn  luy  appliquant 
des  feux,  I’autre  des  serpens,  I’autre  la  tenaillant,  I’autre  la  tenant  lie'e 
auec  des  ebaisnes,  cela  auroit  vn  bon  effet,  notamment  si  tout  estoit  bien 
distingue,  et  que  la  rage  et  la  tristesse  parussent  bien  en  la  face  de  cette 
ame  desesperee.” — Relation,  1637,  32  (Cramoisy). 


164 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1636-46. 


meagre  as  a skeleton,  had  thrown  himself,  with  a 
last  effort  of  expiring  ferocity,  on  an  Iroquois  pris- 
oner, and  torn  off  his  ear  with  his  teeth,  was  bap- 
tized almost  immediately.^  In  the  case  of  converts 
in  health  there  was  far  more  preparation ; yet  these 
often  apostatized.  The  various  objects  of  instruc- 
tion may  all  be  included  in  one  comprehensive 
word,  submission,  — an  abdication  of  will  and  judg- 
ment in  favor  of  the  spiritual  director,  who  was  the 
interpreter  and  vicegerent  of  God.  The  director’s 
function  consisted  in  the  enforcement  of  dogmas 
by  which  he  had  himself  been  subdued,  in  which 
he  believed  profoundly,  and  to  which  he  often 
clung  with  an  absorbing  enthusiasm.  The  Jesuits, 
an  Order  thoroughly  and  vehemently  reactive,  had 
revived  in  Europe  the  mediseval  type  of  Christianity, 
with  all  its  attendant  superstitions.  Of  these*  the 
Canadian  missions  bear  abundant  marks.  Yet,  on 
the  whole,  the  labors  of  the  missionaries  tended 
greatly  to  the  benefit  of  the  Indians.  Eeclaimed, 
as  the  Jesuits  tried  to  reclaim  them,  from  their 
wandering  life,  settled  in  habits  of  peaceful  indus- 
try, and  reduced  to  a passive  and  childlike  obedi- 

1 “ Ce  seroit  vne  estrange  cruaiite  de  voir  descendre  vne  ame  toute 
viuante  dans  les  enfers,  par  le  refus  d’vn  bien  que  lesus  Christ  luy  a 
acquis  au  prix  de  son  sang.'’  — Relation,  1637,  66  (Cramoisy). 

“ Considerez  d’aiitre  cote  la  grande  apprehension  que  nous  avions  sujet 
de  redouter  la  guerison ; pour  autant  que  bien  souvent  etant  gueris  il  ne 
leur  reste  du  St.  Bapteme  que  le  caractere.”  — Lettres  de  Gamier,  MSS. 

It  was  not  very  easy  to  make  an  Indian  comprehend  the  nature  of 
baptism.  An  Iroquois  at  Montreal,  hearing  a missionary  speaking  of  the 
water  which  cleansed  the  soul  from  sin,  said  that  he  was  well  acquainted 
with  it,  as  the  Dutch  had  once  given  him  so  much  that  they  were  forced 
to  tie  him,  hand  and  foot,  to  prevent  him  from  doing  mischief.  — Eaillon, 
II.  43. 


1636-46.] 


FORESTERS. 


1G5 


ence,  they  would  have  gained  more  than  eiiough 
to  compensate  them  for  the  loss  of  their  ferocious 
and  miserable  independence.  At  least,  they  would 
have  escaped  annihilation.  The  Society  of  Jesus 
aspired  to  the  mastery  of  all  New  France ; but  the 
methods  of  its  ambition  were  consistent  with  a 
Christian  benevolence.  Had  this  been  otherwise, 
it  would  have  employed  other  instruments.  It 
would  not  have  chosen  a Jogues  or  a Gamier. 
The  Society  had  men  for  every  work,  and  it  used 
them  wisely.  It  utilized  the  apostolic  virtues  of 
its  Canadian  missionaries,  fanned  then  enthusiasm, 
and  decorated  itself  with  their  martyr  crowns.  With 
joy  and  gratulation,  it  saw  them  rival  in  another 
hemisphere  the  noble  memory  of  its  saint  and  hero, 
Francis  Xavier.^ 

I have  spoken  of  the  colonists  as  living  in  a 
state  of  temporal  and  spiritual  vassalage.  To  this 
there  was  one  exception,  - — a small  class  of  men 
whose  home  was  the  forest,  and  their  companions 
savages.  They  followed  the  Indians  in  their  roam- 
ings, lived  with  them,  grew  familiar  with  their 
language,  allied  themselves  with  their  women,  and 
often  became  oracles  in  the  camp  and  leaders  on  the 
war-path.  Champlain’s  bold  interpreter,  Etienne 
Brule,  whose  adventures  I have  recounted  else- 
where,^ may  be  taken  as  a type  of  this  class.  Of 
the  rest,  the  most  conspicuous  were  Jean  Nicollet, 
Jacques  Ilertel,  Francois  Marguerie,  and  Nicolas 

1 Enemies  of  the  Jesuits,  while  denouncing  them  in  unmeasured 
terms,  speak  in  strong  eulogy  of  many  of  the  Canadian  missionaries. 
See,  for  example,  Steinmetz,  History  of  the  Jesuits,  II.  415. 

2 “ Pioneers  of  France,”  377. 


166 


QUEBEC  AND  ITS  TENANTS. 


[1636-46. 


Marsolet.^  Doubtless,  when  they  returned  from 
then:  rovings,  they  often  had  pressing  need  of 
penance  and  absolution;  yet,  for  the  most  part, 
they  were  good  Catholics,  and  some  of  them  were 
zealous  for  the  missions.  Nicollet  and  others  were 
at  times  settled  as  interpreters  at  Three  Kivers  and 
Quebec.  Several  of  them  were  men  of  great  intelli- 
gence and  an  invincible  courage.  From  hatred  of 
restraint,  and  love  of  a wild  and  adventurous  inde- 
pendence, they  encountered  privations  and  dangers 
scarcely  less  than  those  to  which  the  Jesuit  exposed 
himself  from  motives  widely  different,  — he  from 
religious  zeal,  charity,  and  the  hope  of  Paradise ; 
they  simply  because  they  liked  it.  Some  of  the 
best  families  of  Canada  claim  descent  from  this 
vigorous  and  hardy  stock. 

i See  Eerland,  Notes  sur  les  Registres  de  N.  D.  de  Quebec,  30. 

Nicollet,  especially,  was  a remarkable  man.  As  early  as  1639,  he 
ascended  the  Green  Bay  of  Lake  Michigan,  and  crossed  to  the  waters  of 
the  Mississippi.  This  was  first  shown  by  the  researches  of  Mr.  Shea. 
See  his  Discovery  and  Exploration  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  XX. 


CHAPTEH  XIV. 

1636-1652. 

DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 

The  Huron  Seminary.  — Madame  de  la  Peltrie. — Her  Pious 
Schemes.  — Her  Sham  Marriage.  — She  visits  the  Ursulines 
OP  Tours.  — Marie  de  Saint  Bernard.  — Marie  de  lTncar- 
NATiON.  — Her  Enthusiasm.  — Her  Mystical  Marriage.  — Her 
Dejection.  — Her  Mental  Conflicts.  — Her  Vision.  — Made 
Superior  of  the  Ursulines.  — The  Hotel-Dieu.  — The  Voy- 
age TO  Canada.  — Sillery.  — Labors  and  Sufferings  of  the 
Nuns.  — Character  op  Marie  de  lTncarnation.  — Of  Madame 
DE  LA  Peltrie. 

Quebec,  as  we  have  seen,  had  a seminary,  a 
hospital,  and  a convent,  before  it  had  a population. 
It  will  be  well  to  observe  the  origin  of  these  insti- 
tutions. 

The  Jesuits  from  the  first  had  cherished  the 
plan  of  a seminary  for  Huron  boys  at  Quebec. 
The  Governor  and  the  Company  favored  the  de- 
sign ; since  not  only  would  it  be  an  efficient  means 
of  spreading  the  Faith  and  attaching  the  tribe  to 
the  French  interest,  but  the  children  would  be 
pledges  for  the  good  behavior  of  the  parents,  and 
hostages  for  the  safety  of  missionaries  and  traders 

[1671 


168 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1620-36 


in  the  Indian  towns.^  In  the  summer  of  1636, 
Father  Daniel,  descending  from  the  Huron  country, 
worn,  emaciated,  his  cassock  patched  and  tattered, 
and  his  shirt  in  rags,  brought  with  him  a hoy,  to 
whom  two  others  were  soon  added;  and  through 
the  influence  of  the  interpreter,  Nicollet,  the  num- 
ber was  afterwards  increased  by  several  more.  One 
of  them  ran  away,  two  ate  themselves  to  death, 
a fourth  was  carried  home  by  his  father,  while 
three  of  those  remaining  stole  a canoe,  loaded  it 
with  all  they  could  lay  their  hands  upon,  and 
escaped  in  triumph  with  their  plunder.^ 

The  beginning  was  not  hopeful ; but  the  Jesuits 
persevered,  and  at  length  established  their  seminary 
on  a firm  basis.  The  Maixpiis  de  Gamache  had 
given  the  Society  six  thousand  crowns  for  founding 
a college  at  Quebec.  In  1637,  a year  before  the 
building  of  Harvard  College,  the  Jesuits  began  a 
wooden  structure  in  the  rear  of  the  fort ; and  here, 
within  one  in  closure,  was  the  Huron  seminary  and 
the  college  for  French  boys. 

Meanwhile  the  female  children  of  both  races 
were  without  instructors ; but  a remedy  was  at 
hand.  At  Alen^on,  in  1603,  was  born  Marie  Made- 
leine de  Chauvigny,  a scion  of  the  haute  nohlesse 
of  Normandy.  Seventeen  years  later  she  was  a 
young  lady,  abundantly  wilful  and  superabundantly 
enthusiastic,  — one  who,  in  other  circumstances, 
might  perhaps  have  made  a romantic  elopement 

1 “ M.  de  Moiitmagny  c&gnoit  bien  rimportance  de  ce  Serainaire  pour 
la  gloire  de  Nostre  Seigneur,  et  pour  le  Commerce  de  ces  Messieurs.’^  — 
Relation,  1637,  209  (Cramoisy). 

2 Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1637,  55-59.  Ibid.,  Relation,  1638,  23. 


1626-36.] 


MADAME  DE  LA  PELTEIE. 


169 


and  a rnesalliance}  But  her  impressible  and  ardent 
nature  was  absorbed  in  other  objects.  Beligion 
and  its  ministers  possessed  her  wholly,  and  all  her 
enthusiasm  was  spent  on  works  of  charity  and 
devotion.  Her  father,  passionately  fond  of  her, 
resisted  her  inclination  for  the  cloister,  and  sought 
to  wean  her  back  to  the  world ; but  she  escaped 
from  the  chateau  to  a neighboring  convent,  where 
she  resolved  to  remain.  Her  father  followed,  car- 
ried her  home,  and  engaged  her  in  a round  of 
fetes  and  hunting  parties,  in  the  midst  of  which 
she  found  herself  surprised  into  a betrothal  to  M. 
de  la  Peltrie,  a young  gentleman  of  rank  and  char- 
acter. The  marriage  proved  a happy  one,  and 
Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  with  an  excellent  grace,  bore 
her  part  in  the  world  she  had  wished  to  renounce. 
After  a union  of  five  years,  her  husband  died,  and 
she  was  left  a widow  and  childless  at  the  age  of 
twenty-two.  She  returned  to  the  religious  ardors 
of  her  girlhood,  again  gave  all  her  thoughts  to 
devotion  and  charity,  and  again  resolved  to  be  a 
nun.  She  had  heard  of  Canada ; and  when  Le 
Jeune’s  first  Relations  appeared,  she  read  them 
with  avidity.  “ Alas ! ” wrote  the  Father,  “ is  there 
no  charitable  and  virtuous  lady  who  will  come  to 
this  country  to  gather  up  the  blood  of  Christ,  by 
teaching  His  word  to  the  little  Indian  girls  ? ” 

1 Tliere  is  a portrait  of  her,  taken  at  a later  period,  of  which  a photo- 
graph is  before  me.  Slie  has  a semi-religious  dress,  hands  clasped  in 
prayer,  large  dark  eyes,  a smiling  and  mischievous  mouth,  and  a face 
somewhat  pretty  and  very  coquettish.  An  engraving  from  the  portrait 
is  prefixed  to  the  “ Notice  Biographique  de  Madame  de  la  Peltrie  ” in  I.es 
UrsuUnes  de  Quebec,  I.  348. 


15 


170 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1626-56 


His  appeal  found  a prompt  and  vehement  response 
from  the  breast  of  Madame  de  la  Peltrie.  Thence- 
forth she  thought  of  nothing  but  Canada.  In  the 
midst  of  her  zeal,  a fever  seized  her.  The  physi- 
cians despaired  ; but,  at  the  height  of  the  disease, 
the  patient  made  a vow  to  St.  Joseph,  that,  should 
God  restore  her  to  health,  she  would  build  a house 
in  honor  of  Him  in  Canada,  and  give  her  life  and 
her  wealth  to  the  instruction  of  Indian  girls.  On 
the  following  morning,  say  her  biographers,  the 
fever  had  left  her. 

Meanwhile  her  relatives,  or  those  of  her  husband, 
had  confirmed  her  pious  purposes  by  attempting  to 
thwart  them.  They  pronounced  her  a romantic  vis- 
ionary, incompetent  to  the  charge  of  her  property. 
Her  father,  too,  whose  fondness  for  her  increased 
with  his  advancing  age,  entreated  her  to  remain 
with  him  while  he  lived,  and  to  defer  the  execution 
of  her  plans  till  he  should  be  laid  in  his  grave. 
From  entreaties  he  passed  to  commands,  and  at 
length  threatened  to  disinherit  her,  if  she  persisted. 
The  virtue  of  obedience,  for  which  she  is  extolled 
by  her  clerical  biographers,  however  abundantly 
exhibited  in  respect  to  those  who  held  charge  of 
her  conscience,  was  singularly  wanting  towards  the 
parent  who,  in  the  way  of  Nature,  had  the  best 
claim  to  its  exercise;  and  Madame  de  la  Peltrie 
was  more  than  ever  resolved  to  go  to  Canada.  Her 
father,  on  his  part,  was  urgent  that  she  should  marry 
again.  On  this  she  took  counsel  of  a Jesuit,^  who. 


1 “ Partagee  ainsi  entre  I’amour  filial  et  la  religion,  en  proie  aux  plus 
poignaiitcs  angoisses,  elie  s’adressa  a un  religieux  de  la  Compagnie  de 


1638.] 


A SHAM  MARRIAGE. 


171 


“ having  seriously  reflected  before  God,”  suggested 
a device,  which  to  the  heretical  mind  is  a little 
startling,  but  which  commended  itself  to  Madame 
de  la  Peltrie  as  fitted  at  once  to  soothe  the  troubled 
spirit  of  her  father,  and  to  save  her  from  the  sin 
involved  in  the  abandonment  of  her  pious  designs. 

Among  her  acquaintance  was  M.  de  Bernieres^ 
a gentleman  of  high  rank,  great  wealth,  and  zeal- 
ous devotion.  She  wrote  to  him,  explained  the 
situation,  and  requested  him  to  feign  a marriage 
with  her.  His  sense  of  honor  recoiled  : moreover, 
in  the  fulness  of  his  zeal,  he  had  made  a vow  of 
chastity,  and  an  apparent  breach  of  it  would  cause 
scandal.  He  consulted  his  spiritual  director  and 
a few  intimate  friends.  All  agreed  that  the  glory 
of  God  was  concerned,  and  that  it  behooved  him 
to  accept  the  somewhat  singular  overtures  of  the 
young  widoAv,^  and  request  her  hand  from  her  fa- 
ther. M.  de  Chauvigny,  who  greatly  esteemed  Ber- 
nieres,  was  delighted ; and  his  delight  was  raised 
to  transport  at  the  dutiful  and  modest  acquiescence 
of  his  daughter.^  A betrothal  took  place  ; all  was 

Jesus,  dont  elle  connaissait  la  prudence  consommee,  et  le  supplia  de 
I’eclairer  de  ses  lumieres.  Ce  religieux,  apres  y avoir  serieusement 
rcflechi  devant  Dieu,  lui  repondit  qu’il  croyait  avoir  trouve  un  moyen  de 
tout  concilier.”  — Casgrain,  Vie  de  Marie  de  V Incarnation,  243. 

1 Enfin  apres  avoir  longtemps  implore  les  lumieres  du  cie4,  il  remit 
toute  I’affaire  entre  les  mains  de  son  directeur  et  de  quelques  amis  intimes. 
Tons,  d’un  commun  accord,  lui  declarerent  que  la  gloire  de  Dieu  y etait 
interessee,  et  qu’il  devait  accepter.”  — Ibid.,  244. 

2 “ The  prudent  young  widow  answered  him  with  much  res])ect  and 
m'  desty,  that,  as  she  knew  M.  de  Bernieres  to  be  a favorite  with  him, 
s/<e  also  preferred  him  to  all  others.” 

The  above  is  from  a letter  of  Marie  de  I’lncarnation,  translated  by 
Mother  St.  Thomas,  of  the  Ursuline  convent  of  Quebec,  in  lier  Life  of 
Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  41.  Compare  Les  Ursulines  de  Quebec,  10,  and  tha 
“ Xotice  Biographique  ” in  the  same  volume. 


1T2 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1638. 


harmony,  and  for  a time  no  more  was  said  of  dis- 
inheriting Madame  de  la  Pel  trie,  or  putting  her  in 
wardship. 

Bernieres’s  scruples  returned.  Divided  between 
honor  and  conscience,  he  postponed  the  marriage, 
until  at  length  M.  de  Chauvigny  conceived  mis- 
givings, and  again  began  to  speak  of  disinheriting 
his  daughter,  unless  the  engagement  was  fulfilled.^ 
Bernieres  yielded,  and  went  with  Madame  de  la 
Peltrie  to  consult ‘‘the  most  eminent  divines.”^  A 
sham  marriage  took  place,  and  she  and  her  accom- 
plice appeared  in  public  as  man  and  wife.  Her 
relatives,  however,  had  already  renewed  their  at- 
tempts to  deprive  her  of  the  control  of  her  prop- 
erty. A suit,  of  what  nature  does  not  appear,  had 
been  decided  against  her  at  Caen,  and  she  had 
appealed  to  the  Parliament  of  Normandy.  Her 
lawyers  were  in  despair;  but,  as  her  biographer 
justly  observes,  “ the  saints  have  resources  which 
others  have  not.”  A vow  to  St.  Joseph  secured 
his  intercession  and  gained  her  case.  Another 
thought  now  filled  her  with  agitation.  Her  plans 
were  laid,  and  the  time  of  action  drew  near.  How 
could  she  endure  the  distress  of  her  father,  when 
be  learned  that  she  had  deluded  him  with  a false 

1 “ Our  virtuous  widow  did  not  lose  courage.  As  she  had  given  her 
confidence  to  M.  de  Bernieres,  she  informed  him  of  all  that  passed,  while 
ihe  flattered  her  father  each  day,  telling  him  that  this  nobleman  was  too 
honorable  to  fail  in  keeping  his  word.” — St.  Thomas,  Life  of  Madame  de 
la  Peltrie,  42. 

2 “He”  (Bernieres)  “went  to  stay  at  the  house  of  a mutual  friend, 
where  they  had  frequent  opportunities  of  seeing  each  other,  and  consult- 
ing the  most  eminent  divines  on  the  means  of  etfecting  this  pretended 
marriage.” — Ibid.,  43. 


1639.] 


THE  URSULINES  OF  TOURS. 


173 


marriage,  and  that  she  and  all  that  was  hers  were 
bound  for  the  wilderness  of  Canada  ] Happily  for 
him,  he  fell  ill,  and  died  in  ignorance  of  the  deceit 
that  had  been  practised  upon  him.^ 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  quality  of 
Madame  de  la  Pel  trie’s  devotion,  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  of  its  sincerity  or  its  ardor;  and 
yet  one  can  hardly  fail  to  see  in  her  the  signs  of 
that  restless  longing  for  edat^  which,  with  some 
women,  is  a ruling  passion.  When,  in  company 
with  Bernieres,  she  passed  from  Alen^on  to  Tours, 
and  from  Tours  to  Paris,  an  object  of  attention 
to  nuns,  priests,  and  prelates,  — when  the  Queen 
herself  summoned  her  to  an  interview.  — it  may 
be  that  the  profound  contentment  of  soul  ascribed 
to  her  had  its  origin  in  sources  not  exclusively  of 
the  spirit.  At  Tours,  she  repaired  to  the  Ursuline 
convent.  The  Superior  and  all  the  nuns  met  her 

1 It  will  be  of  interest  to  observe  the  view  taken  of  this  pretended 
marriage  by  Madame  de  la  Peltrie’s  Catholic  biographers.  Charlevoix 
tells  the  story  without  comment,  but  with  apparent  approval.  Sainte- 
Foi,  in  his  Premieres  (JrsuUnes  de  France,  says,  that,  as  God  had  taken  her 
under  His  guidance,  we  should  not  venture  to  criticize  her.  Casgrain,  in 
his  Vie  de  Marie  de  V Incarnation,  remarks  : — 

“ Une  telle  conduite  pent  encore  aujourd’hui  paraitre  etrange  a bien 
des  personnes ; mais  outre  que  I’avenir  fit  bien  voir  que  c’e'tait  une  inspi- 
ration du  ciel,  nous  pouvons  repondre,  avec  un  savant  et  pieux  auteur, 
que  nous  ne  devons  point  juger  ceux  que  Dieu  se  charge  lui-meme  de 
oonduire.”  — p.  247. 

Mother  St.  Thomas  highly  approves  the  proceeding,  and  says : — 

“ Thus  ended  the  pretended  engagement  of  this  virtuous  lady  and 
gentleman,  which  caused,  at  the  time,  so  much  inquiry  and  excitement 
among  the  nobility  in  France,  and  which,  after  a lapse  of  two  hundred 
years,  cannot  fail  exciting  feelings  of  admiration  in  the  heart  of  every 
virtuous  woman ! ” 

Surprising  as  it  may  appear,  the  book  from  which  the  above  is  taken 
was  written  a few  years  since,  in  so-called  English,  for  the  instruction  of 
the  pupils  in  the  Ursuline  Convent  at  Quebec. 

15* 


174 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1639. 


at  the  entrance  of  the  cloister,  and,  separating 
into  two  rows  as  she  appeared,  sang  the  Veni 
Creator^  while  the  bell  of  the  monastery  sounded 
its  loudest  peal.  Then  they  led  her  in  triumph  to 
their  church,  sang  Te  Deum^  and,  while  the  hon- 
ored guest  knelt  before  the  altar,  all  the  sisterhood 
knelt  around  her  in  a semicircle.  Their  hearts 
beat  high  within  them.  That  day  they  were  to 
know  who  of  their  number  were  chosen  for  the  new 
convent  of  Quebec,  of  which  Madame  de  la  Peltrie 
was  to  be  the  foundress ; and  when  their  devotions 
were  over,  they  flung  themselves  at  her  feet,  each 
begging  with  tears  that  the  lot  might  fall  on  her. 
Aloof  from  this  throng  of  enthusiastic  suppliants 
stood  a young  nun,  Marie  de  St.  Bernard,  too  timid 
and  too  modest  to  ask  the  boon  for  which  her  fer- 
vent heart  was  longing.  It  was  granted  without 
asking.  This  delicate  girl  was  chosen,  and  chosen 
wisely.^ 

There  was  another  nun  who  stood  apart,  silent 
and  motionless,  — a stately  flgure,  with  features 
strongly  marked  and  perhaps  somewhat  mascu- 
line;^ but,  if  so,  they  belied  her,  for  Marie  de 
ITncarnation  was  a woman  to  the  core.  For  her 
there  was  no  need  of  entreaties;  for  she  knew  that 

1 (]!as"rain,  Vie  de  Marie  de  I’ Incarnation,  271-273.  There  is  a long 
account  of  Marie  de  St.  Bernard,  by  Ragueneau,  in  the  Relation  of  1652. 
Here  it  is  said  tliat  she  showed  an  unaccountable  indifference  as  to 
whether  she  went  to  Canada  or  not,  which,  however,  was  followed  by  an 
ardent  desire  to  go. 

2 There  is  an  engraved  portrait  of  her,  taken  some  years  later,  of 
which  a pliotograph  is  before  me.  When  she  was  “ in  the  world,”  her 
stately  proportions  are  said  to  have  attracted  general  attention.  Her 
fiimily  name  was  Marie  Guyard.  She  was  born  on  the  eighteenth  of 
October,  1599. 


1620-38.] 


A MYSTICAL  MARRIAGE. 


175 


tlie  Jesuits  had  made  her  their  choice,  as  Supe- 
rior of  the  new  convent.  She  was  born,  forty 
years  before,  at  Tours,  of  a good  bourgeois  family. 
As  she  grew  up  towards  maturity,  her  qualities 
soon  declared  themselves.  She  had  uncommon 
talents  and  strong  religious  susceptibilities,  joined 
to  a vivid  imagination,  — an  alliance  not  always 
desirable  under  a form  of  faith  where  both  are 
excited  by  stimulants  so  many  and  so  powerful. 
Like  Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  she  married,  at  the 
desire  of  her  parents,  in  her  eighteenth  year.  The 
marriage  was  not  happy.  Her  biographers  say 
that  there  was  no  fault  on  either  side.  Apparently, 
it  was  a severe  case  of  ^‘incompatibility.”  She 
sought  her  consolation  in  the  churches ; and,  kneel- 
ing in  dim  chapels,  held  communings  with  Christ 
and  the  angels.  At  the  end  of  two  years  her  hus- 
band died,  leaving  her  with  an  infant  son.  She 
gave  him  to  the  charge  of  her  sister,  abandoned 
herself  to  solitude  and  meditation,  and  became  a 
mystic  of  the  intense  and  passional  school.  Yet 
a strong  maternal  instinct  battled  painfully  in  her 
breast  with  a sense  of  religious  vocation.  Dreams, 
visions,  interior  voices,  ecstasies,  revulsions,  periods 
of  rapture  and  periods  of  deep  dejection,  made  up 
the  agitated  tissue  of  her  life.  She  fasted,  wore 
hair-cloth,  scourged  herself,  washed  dishes  among 
the  servants,  and  did  their  most  menial  work.  She 
heard,  in  a trance,  a miraculous  voice.  It  was 
that  of  Christ,  promising  to  become  her  spouse. 
Months  and  years  passed,  full  of  troubled  hopes 
and  fears,  when  again  the  voice  sounded  in  her 


176 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1620-38. 


ear,  with  assurance  that  the  promise  was  fulfilled, 
and  that  she  was  indeed  his  bride.  Now  ensued 
phenomena  which  are  not  infrequent  among  Ko- 
man  Catholic  female  devotees,  when  unmarried,  or 
married  unhappily,  and  which  have  their  source 
in  the  necessities  of  a woman’s  nature.  To  her 
excited  thought,  her  divine  spouse  became  a living 
presence  ; and  her  language  to  him,  as  recorded 
by  herself,  is  that  of  the  most  intense  passion.  She 
went  to  prayer,  agitated  and  tremulous,  as  if  to  a 
meeting  with  an  earthly  lover.  my  Love!”  she 
exclaimed,  ‘‘  when  shall  I embrace  you  ? Have 
you  no  pity  on  me  in  the  torments  that  I suffer? 
Alas ! alas ! my  Love,  my  Beauty,  my  Life ! instead 
of  healing  my  pain,  you  take  pleasure  in  it.  Come, 
let  me  embrace  you,  and  die  in  your  sacred  arms ! ” 
And  again  she  writes : Then,  as  I was  spent  with 

fatigue,  I was  forced  to  say,  ‘ My  divine  Love, 
since  you  wish  me  to  live,  I pray  you  let  me  rest 
a little,  that  I may  the  better  serve  you’;  and  I 
promised  him  that  afterward  I would  suffer  myself 
to  consume  in  his  chaste  and  divine  embraces.”  ^ 

1 “ Allant  Toraison,  je  tressaillois  en  moi-raerae,  et  disois ; Allons 
dans  la  solitude,  mon  cher  amour,  afin  que  je  vous  embrasse  a mon  aise, 
et  que,  respirant  mon  ame  en  vous,  elle  ne  soit  plus  que  vous-meme  par 
union  d’amour.  . . . Puis,  mon  corps  etant  brise  de  fatigues,  j’etois  con- 
trainte  de  dire  : Mon  divin  amour,  je  vous  prie  de  me  laisser  prendre  un 
peu  de  repos,  afin  que  je  puisse  mieux  vous  servir,  puisque  vous  voulez 
que  je  vive.  . . . Je  le  priois  de  me  laisser  agir;  lui  promettant  de  me 
laisser  apres  cela  consumer  dans  ses  cbastes  et  divins  embrassemens. 

. . O amour ! quand  vous  embrasserai-je  ? N’avez-vous  point  pi  tie  de 
moi  dans  le  tourment  que  je  souffre  1 helas ! helas ! mon  amour,  ma 
beaute,  ma  vie ! au  lieu  de  me  guerir,  vous  vous  plaisez  a mes  maux. 
Venez  done  que  je  vous  embrasse,  et  que  je  meure  entre  vos  bras 
sacrez ! ” 

The  above  passages,  from  various  pages  of  her  journal,  will  suffice, 


1620-38.] 


CONFESSORS. 


177 


Clearly,  here  is  a case  for  the  physiologist  as 
well  as  the  theologian ; and  the  ‘‘  holy  widow,” 
as  her  biographers  call  her,  becomes  an  example, 
and  a lamentable  one,  of  the  tendency  of  the  erotic 
principle  to  ally  itself  with  high  religions  excite- 
ment. 

But  the  wings  of  imagination  will  tire  and  droop, 
the  brightest  dream-land  of  contemplative  fancy 
grow  dim,  and  an  abnormal  tension  of  the  faculties 
find  its  inevitable  reaction  at  last.  From  a condi- 
tion of  highest  exaltation,  a mystical  heaven  of 
light  and  glory,  the  unhappy  dreamer  fell  back  to 
a dreary  earth,  or  rather  to  an  abyss  of  darkness 
and  misery.  Her  biographers  tell  us  that  she 
became  a prey  to  dejection,  and  thoughts  of  infi- 
delity, despair,  estrangement  from  God,  aversion 
to  mankind,  pride,  vanity,  impurity,  and  a supreme 
disgust  at  the  rites  of  religion.  Exhaustion  pro- 
duced common-sense,  and  the  dreams  which  had 
been  her  life  now  seemed  a tissue  of  illusions. 
Her  confessor  became  a weariness  to  her,  and  his 
words  fell  dead  on  her  ear.  Indeed,  she  conceived 
a repugnance  to  the  holy  man.  Her  old  and 


though  they  give  but  an  inadequate  idea  of  these  strange  extravagances. 
What  is  most  astonisliing  is,  that  a man  of  sense  like  Charlevoix,  in  his 
Life  of  Marie  de  rincarnation,  should  extract  them  in  full,  as  matter  of 
edification  and  evidence  of  saintship.  Her  recent  biographer,  the  Abbe 
Casgrain,  refrains  from  quoting  them,  though  he  mentions  them  approv- 
ingly as  evincing  fervor.  The  Abbe  Racine,  in  his  Discours  a V Occasion 
du  Anniversaire  cle  I’heureuse  Mort  de  Ja  Ven.  Mere  de  V Incarnation, 

delivered  at  Quebec  in  1864,  speaks  of  them  as  transcendent  proofs  of 
the  supreme  favor  of  Heaven.  — Some  of  the  pupils  of  Marie  de  ITncar- 
nation  also  had  mystical  marriages  with  Christ ; and  the  impassioned 
rhapsodies  of  one  of  them  being  overheard,  she  nearly  lost  her  character, 
as  it  was  thought  that  she  was  apostrophizing  an  earthly  lover. 


178 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


11620-38. 


favorite  confessor,  her  oracle,  guide,  and  comforter, 
had  lately  been  taken  from  her  by  promotion  in 
the  Church,  — which  may  serve  to  explain  her 
dejection;  and  the  new  one,  jealous  of  his  prede- 
cessor, told  her  that  all  his  counsels  had  been 
visionary  and  dangerous  to  her  soul.  Having  over- 
whelmed her  with  this  announcement,  he  left  her, 
apparently  out  of  patience  with  her  refractory  and 
gloomy  mood  ; and  she  remained  for  several  months 
deprived  of  spiritual  guidance.^  Two  years  elapsed 
before  her  mind  recovered  its  tone,  when  she  soared 
once  more  in  the  seventh  heaven  of  imaginative 
devotion. 

Marie  de  ITncarnation,  we  have  seen,  was  unre- 
lenting in  every  practice  of  humiliation ; dressed 
in  mean  attire,  did  the  servants’  work,  nursed  sick 
beggars,  and,  in  her  meditations,  taxed  her  brain 
with  metaphysical  processes  of  self-annihilation. 
And  yet,  when  one  reads  her  ‘‘  Spiritual  Letters,” 
the  conviction  of  an  enormous  spiritual  pride  in  the 
writer  can  hardly  be  repressed.  She  aspired  to 
that  inner  circle  of  the  faithful,  that  aristocracy  of 
devotion,  which,  while  the  common  herd  of  Chris- 
tians are  busied  with  the  duties  of  life,  eschews  the 
visible  and  the  present,  and  claims  to  live  only  for 
God.  In  her  strong  maternal  affection  she  saw 
a lure  to  divert  her  from  the  path  of  perfect  saint- 
ship.  Love  for  her  child  long  withheld  her  from 
becoming  a nun ; but  at  last,  fortified  by  her  con- 
fessor, she  left  him  to  his  fate,  took  the  vows,  and 
immured  herself  with  the  Ilrsulines  of  Tours.  The 

1 Casgrain,  195-197. 


1620-38.] 


BUSINESS  TALENTS  OF  MARIE. 


179 


boy,  frenzied  by  his  desertion,  and  urged  on  by 
indignant  relatives,  watched  his  opportunity,  and 
made  his  way  into  the  refectory  of  the  convent, 
screaming  to  the  horrified  nuns  to  give  him  back 
his  mother.  As  he  grew  older,  her  anxiety  in- 
creased ; and  at  length  she  heard  in  her  seclusion 
that  he  had  fallen  into  bad  company,  had  left  the 
relative  who  had  sheltered  him,  and  run  off,  no 
one  knew  Avhither.  The  wretched  mother,  torn 
with  anguish,  hastened  for  consolation  to  her  con- 
fessor, who  met  her  with  stern  upbraidings.  Yet, 
even  in  this  her  intensest  ordeal,  her  enthusiasm 
and  her  native  fortitude  enabled  her  to  maintain  a 
semblance  of  calmness,  till  she  learned  that  the  boy 
had  been  found  and  brought  back. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  this  woman,  whose 
habitual  state  was  one  of  mystical  abstraction,  was 
gifted  to  a rare  degree  with  the  faculties  most 
useful  in  the  practical  affairs  of  life.  She  had 
spent  several  years  in  the  house  of  her  brother-in- 
law.  Here,  on  the  one  hand,  her  vigils,  visions, 
and  penances  set  utterly  at  nought  the  order  of  a 
well-governed  family;  while,  on  the  other,  she  made 
amends  to  her  impatient  relative  by  able  and  effi- 
cient aid  in  the  conduct  of  his  public  and  private 
affairs.  Her  biographers  say,  and  doubtless  with 
truth,  that  her  heart  was  far  away  from  these 
mundane  interests  ; yet  her  tedent  for  business  was 
not  the  less  displayed.  Her  spiritual  guides  were 
aware  of  it,  and  saw  clearly  that  gifts  so  useful  to 
the  w^orld  might  be  made  equally  useful  to  the 
Church.  Hence  it  was  that  she  was  chosen  Supe- 


180 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1620-38. 


rior  of  the  convent  which  Madame  de  la  Peltrie 
was  about  to  endow  at  Quebec.^ 

Yet  it  was  from  heaven  itself  that  Marie  de 
rincarnation  received  her  first  “vocation”  to  Can- 
ada. The  miracle  was  in  this  wise. 

In  a dream  she  beheld  a lady  unknown  to  her. 
She  took  her  hand;  and  the  two  journeyed  together 
westward,  towards  the  sea.  They  soon  met  one 
of  the  Apostles,  clothed  all  in  white,  who,  with  a 
wave  of  his  hand,  directed  them  on  their  way. 
They  now  entered  on  a scene  of  surpassing  mag- 
nificence. Beneath  their  feet  was  a pavement  of 
squares  of  white  marble,  spotted  with  vermilion, 
and  intersected  with  lines  of  vivid  scarlet;  and 
all  around  stood  monasteries  of  matchless  architec- 
ture. But  the  two  travellers,  without  stopping  to 
admire,  moved  swiftly  on  till  they  beheld  the  Virgin 
seated  with  her  Infant  Son  on  a small  temple  of 
white  marble,  which  served  her  as  a throne.  She 
seemed  about  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  was  of  a 
“ ravishing  beauty.”  Her  head  was  turned  aside  ; 
she  was  gazing  fixedly  on  a wild  waste  of  moun- 
tains and  valleys,  half  concealed  in  mist.  Marie 
de  rincarnation  approached  with  outstretched  arms, 
adoring.  The  vision  bent  towards  her,  and,  smiling, 
kissed  her  three  times ; whereupon,  in  a rapture, 
the  dreamer  awoke.^ 

1 The  combination  of  religious  enthusiasm,  however  extravagant  and 
visionary,  witli  a talent  for  business,  is  not  very  rare.  Nearly  all  the 
founders  of  monastic  Orders  are  examples  of  it. 

2 Marie  de  rincarnation  recounts  this  dream  at  great  length  in  her 
letters;  and  Casgrain  copies  the  whole,  verbatim,  as  a revelation  from 
God. 


1639.] 


EMBARIOVTION. 


181 


She  told  the  vision  to  Father  Dinet,  a Jesuit  of 
Tours.  He  was  at  no  loss  for  an  interpretation. 
The  land  of  mists  and  mountains  was  Canada,  and 
thither  the  Virgin  called  her.  Yet  one  mystery 
remained  unsolved.  Who  was  the  unknown  com- 
panion of  her  dream!  Several  years  had  passed, 
and  signs  from  heaven  and  inward  voices  had 
raised  to  an  intense  fervor  her  zeal  for  her  new 
vocation,  when,  for  the  first  time,  she  saw  Madame 
de  la  Peltrie  on  her  visit  to  the  convent  at  Tours, 
and  recognized,  on  the  instant,  the  lady  of  her 
nocturnal  vision.  No  one  can  be  surprised  at  this 
who  has  considered  with  the  slightest  attention  the 
phenomena  of  religious  enthusiasm. 

On  the  fourth  of  May,  1639,  Madame  de  la 
Peltrie,  Marie  de  ITncarnation,  Marie  de  St.  Ber- 
nard, and  another  Ursuline,  embarked  at  Dieppe 
for  Canada.  In  the  ship  were  also  three  young 
hospital  nuns,  sent  out  to  found  at  Quebec  a Hotel- 
Dieu,  endowed  by  the  famous  niece  of  Pichelieu, 
the  Duchesse  d’Aiguillon.^  Here,  too,  were  the 
Jesuits  Chaumonot  and  Poncet,  on  the  way  to 
their  mission,  together  with  Father  Vimont,  who 
was  to  succeed  Le  Jeune  in  his  post  of  Superior. 
To  the  nuns,  pale  from  their  cloistered  seclusion, 
there  was  a strange  and  startling  novelty  in  this 
new  world  of  life  and  action, — the  ship,  the  sail- 
ors, the  shouts  of  command,  the  flapping  of  sails, 
the  salt  wind,  and  the  boisterous  sea.  The  voyage 
was  long  and  tedious.  Sometimes  they  lay  in  their 
berths,  sea-sick  and  woe-begone  ; sometimes  they 

1 Jucliereau,  Ilisioire  de  V Hotel-Dieu  de  Quebec,  4. 

36 


182 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1639 


sang  in  choir  on  deck,  or  heard  mass  in  the  cabin. 
Once,  on  a misty  morning,  a wild  cry  of  alarm 
startled  crew  and  passengers  alike.  A huge  ice- 
berg was  drifting  close  upon  them.  The  peril  was 
extreme.  Madame  de  la  Peltrie  clung  to  Marie 
de  ITncarnation,  who  stood  perfectly  calm,  and 
gathered  her  gown  about  her  feet  that  she  might 
drown  with  decency.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to 
say  that  they  were  saved  by  a vow  to  the  Virgin 
and  St.  Joseph.  Vimont  offered  it  in  behalf  of  all 
the  company,  and  the  ship  glided  into  the  open  sea 
unharmed. 

They  arrived  at  Tadoussac  on  the  fifteenth  of 
July ; and  the  nuns  ascended  to  Quebec  in  a small 
craft  deeply  laden  with  salted  codfish,  on  which, 
uncooked,  they  subsisted  until  the  first  of  August, 
when  they  reached  their  destination.  Cannon 
roared  welcome  from  the  fort  and  batteries ; all 
labor  ceased ; the  storehouses  were  closed ; and 
the  zealous  Montmagny,  with  a train  of  priests  and 
soldiers,  met  the  new-comers  at  the  landing.  All 
the  nuns  fell  prostrate,  and  kissed  the  sacred  soil 
of  Canada.^  They  heard  mass  at  the  church, 
dined  at  the  fort,  and  presently  set  forth  to  visit 
the  new  settlement  of  Sillery,  four  miles  above 
Quebec. 

Noel  Brulart  de  Sillery,  a Knight  of  Malta,  who 
had  once  filled  the  highest  offices  under  the  Queen 
Marie  de  Medicis,  had  now  severed  his  connection 

1 Juchereau,  14 ; Le  Clerc,  II.  33 ; Eagueneau,  Vie  de  Catherine  de  St. 
Augustin,  “ Epistre  dedicatoire  p’  Le  Jeune,  Relation,  1639,  Chap.  II.; 
Charlevoix,  Vie  de  Marie  de  V Incarnation,  264 ; “ Acte  de  Ileception,”  in 
Les  Ursulines  de  Qudbec,  I.  21. 


1639.] 


BRULART  DE  SILLERY. 


183 


with  his  Order,  renounced  the  world,  and  become  a 
priest.  He  devoted  his  vast  revenues  — for  a dis- 
pensation of  the  Pope  had  freed  him  from  his  vow 
of  poverty  — to  the  founding  of  religious  establish- 
ments.^ Among  other  endowments,  he  had  placed 
an  ample  fund  in  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits  for  the 
formation  of  a settlement  of  Christian  Indians  at 
the  spot  which  still  bears  his  name.  On  the  strand 
of  Sillery,  between  the  river  and  the  woody  heights 
behind,  were  clustered  the  small  log-cabins  of  a 
number  of  Algonquin  converts,  together  with  a 
church,  a mission-house,  and  an  infirmary,  — the 
whole  surrounded  by  a palisade.  It  was  to  this 
place  that  the  six  nuns  were  now  conducted  by 
the  Jesuits.  The  scene  delighted  and  edified  them  ; 
and,  in  the  transports  of  their  zeal,  they  seized  and 
kissed  every  female  Indian  child  on  whom  they 
could  lay  hands,  “ without  minding,”  says  Father 
te  Jeune,  “ whether  they  were  dirty  or  not.” 
“ Love  and  charity,”  he  adds,  “ triumphed  over 
every  human  consideration.”  ^ 

The  nuns  of  the  Hdtel-Dieu  soon  after  took  up 
their  abode  at  Sillery,  whence  they  removed  to 
a house  built  for  them  at  Quebec  by  their  found- 
ress, the  Duchesse  d’Aiguillon.  The  Ursulines, 
in  the  absence  of  better  quarters,  were  lodged  at 
first  in  a small  wooden  tenement  under  the  rock  of 

^ See  Vie  de  Vllhistre  Serviteur  de  Dieu  Noel  Brulart  de  Sillery;  also 
Etudes  et  Recherches  BiograpJdques  sur  le  Chevalier  Noel  Brulart  de  Sillery ; 
and  several  documents  in  Martin’s  translation  of  Bressani,  Appendix  IV. 

2 “ . . . sans  prendre  garde  si  ces  petits  enfans  sauvages  estoient  sales 
oil  non ; ...  la  loy  d’aniour  et  de  charite  I’ernportoit  par  dessus  toutes 
les  considerations  Immaines.”  — Relation,  1639,  26  (Cramoisy). 


184 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1639-42. 


Quebec,  at  the  brink  of  the  river.  Here  they  were 
soon  beset  with  such  a host  of  children,  that  the 
floor  of  their  wretched  tenement  was  covered  with 
beds,  and  their  toil  had  no  respite.  Then  came 
the  small-pox,  carrying  death  and  terror  among  the 
neighboring  Indians.  These  thronged  to  Quebec 
in  misery  and  desperation,  begging  succor  from  the 
French.  The  labors  both  of  the  Ursulines  and 
of  the  hospital  nuns  were  prodigious.  In  the  in- 
fected air  of  their  miserable  hovels,  where  sick  and 
dying  savages  covered  the  floor,  and  were  packed 
one  above  another  in  berths,  — amid  all  that  is 
most  distressing  and  most  revolting,  with  little  food 
and  less  sleep,  these  women  passed  the  rough  be- 
ginning of  their  new  life.  Several  of  them  fell  ill. 
But  the  excess  of  the  evil  at  length  brought  relief ; 
for  so  many  of  the  Indians  died  in  these  pest-houses 
that  the  survivors  shunned  them  in  horror. 

But  how  did  these  women  bear  themselves  ami(? 
toils  so  arduous  ? A pleasant  record  has  come 
dowm  to  us  of  one  of  them,  — that  fair  and  deli- 
cate girl,  Marie  de  St.  Bernard,  called,  in  the  con- 
vent, Sister  St.  Joseph,  who  had  been  chosen  at 
Tours  as  the  companion  of  Marie  de  ITncarnation. 
Another  Ursuline,  writing  at  a period  when  the 
severity  of  their  labors  was  somewhat  relaxed, 
says,  ‘‘ Her  disposition  is  charming.  In  our  times 
of  recreation,  she  often  makes  us  cry  with  laugh- 
ing : it  would  be  hard  to  be  melancholy  when  she 
is  near.”^ 

1 Letlre  de  la  Mere  Claire  a une  de  ses  Soeurs  Ursulines  de  Paris. 
Qu€hec,  2 Sept.,  1640.  — See  Les  Ursulines  de  Quebec,  I.  38. 


1639-12.]  THE  SUPERIOR  OF  THE  URSULINES. 


185 


It  was  three  years  later  before  the  Ursulines  and 
their  pupils  took  possession  of  a massive  convent 
of  stone,  built  for  them  on  the  site  which  they  still 
occupy.  Money  had  failed  before  the  work  was 
done,  and  the  interior  was  as  unfinished  as  a bain.^ 
Beside  the  cloister  stood  a large  ash-tree ; and  it 
stands  there  still.  Beneath  its  shade,  says  the 
convent  tradition,*  Marie  de  I’lncarnation  and  her 
nuns  instructed  the  Indian  children  in  the  truths 
of  salvation ; but  it  might  seem  rash  to  affirm  that 
their  teachings  were  always  either  wise  or  useful, 
since  Father  Vimont  tells  us  approvingly,  that  they 
reared  their  pupils  in  so  chaste  a horror  of  the 
other  sex,  that  a little  girl,  whom  a man  had  play- 
fully taken  by  the  hand,  ran  crying  to  a bowl  of 
water  to  wash  off  the  unhallowed  influence.^ 

Now  and  henceforward  one  figure  stands  nobly 
conspicuous  in  this  devoted  sisterhood.  Marie  de 
rincarnation,  no  longer  lost  m the  vagaries  of  an 
insane  mysticism,  but  engaged  in  the  duties  of 
Christian  charity  and  the  responsibilities  of  an 
arduous  post,  displays  an  ability,  a fortitude,  and 
an  earnestness  which  command  respect  and  admi- 
ration. Her  mental  intoxication  had  ceased,  or 
recurred  only  at  intervals;  and  false  excitements 
no  longer  sustained  her.  She  was  racked  with 
constant  anxieties  about  her  son,  and  was  often  m 


1 The  interior  was  finished  after  a year  or  two,  with  cells  as  usual. 
There  were  four  chimneys,  with  fireplaces  burning  a hundred  and  sev- 
enty-five cords  of  wood  in  a winter ; and  though  the  nuns  were  boxed 
up  in  beds  which  closed  like  chests,  Marie  de  ITncarnation  complains 
bitterly  of  the  cold.  See  her  letter  of  Aug.  26,  1644. 

2 Vimont,  Zve/aiion,  1642,  112  (Cramoisy). 

16* 


186 


DEVOTEES  AND  NUNS. 


[1G39-42 


a condition  described  by  her  biographers  as  a “ de- 
privation of  all  spiritual  consolations.”  Her  posi- 
tion was  a very  difficult  one.  She  herself  speaks 
of  her  life  as  a succession  of  crosses  and  humilia- 
tions. Some  of  these  were  due  to  Madame  de  la 
Peltrie,  who,  in  a freak  of  enthusiasm,  abandoned 
her  Ursulines  for  a time,  as  we  shall  presently  see, 
leaving  them  in  the  utmost  destitution.  There  were 
dissensions  to  be  healed  among  them ; and  money, 
everything,  in  short,  to  be  provided.  Marie  de 
ITncarnation,  in  her  saddest  moments,  neither 
failed  in  judgment  nor  slackened  in  effort.  She 
carried  on  a vast  correspondence,  embracing  every 
one  in  France  who  could  aid  her  infant  commu- 
nity with  money  or  influence  ; she  harmonized  and 
regulated  it  with  excellent  skill ; and,  in  the  midst 
of  relentless  austerities,  she  was  loved  as  a mother 
by  her  pupils  and  dependants.  Catholic  writers 
extol  her  as  a saint. ^ Protestants  may  see  in  her  a 
Christian  heroine,  admirable,  with  all  her  follies 
and  her  faults. 

The  traditions  of  the  Ursulines  are  full  of  the 
virtues  of  Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  — her  humility, 
her  charity,  her  penances,  and  her  acts  of  mortifi- 
cation. No  doubt,  with  some  little  allowance,  these 

1 There  is  a letter  extant  from  Sister  Anne  de  Claire,  an  Ursuline 

who  came  to  Quebec  in  1640,  written  soon  after  her  arrival,  and  contain- 
ing curious  evidence  that  a reputation  of  saintship  already  attached  to 
Marie  de  ITncarnation.  “ When  I spoke  to  her,”  writes  Sister  Anne, 
speaking  of  her  first  interview,  ‘‘  I perceived  in  the  air  a certain  odor  of 
sanctity,  which  gave  me  the  sensation  of  an  agreeable  perfume.”  See 
the  letter  in  a recent  Catholic  work,  Les  Ursulines  de  Quebec,  I.  38,  where 
the  passage  is  printed  in  Italics,  as  worthy  the  especial  attention  of  the 
pious  reader 


1G42-52.]  FOUNDRESS  OF  THE  URSULINES. 


187 


traditions  are  true;  but  there  is  more  of  reason 
than  of  uncharitableness  in  the  belief,  that  her  zeal 
would  have  been  less  ardent  and  sustained,  if  it 
had  had  fewer  spectators.  She  was  now  fairly 
committed  to  the  conventual  life,  her  enthusiasm 
was  kept  within  prescribed  bounds,  and  she  was  no 
longer  mistress  of  her  own  movements.  On  the 
one  hand,  she  was  anxious  to  accumulate  merits 
against  the  Day  of  Judgment ; and,  on  the  other, 
she  had  a keen  appreciation  of  the  applause  which 
the  sacrifice  of  her  fortune  and  her  acts  of  piety 
had  gained  for  her.  Mortal  vanity  takes  many 
shapes.  Sometimes  it  arrays  itself  in  silk  and 
jewels;  sometimes  it  walks  in  sackcloth,  and  speaks 
the  language  of  self-abasement.  In  the  convent, 
as  in  the  world,  the  fair  devotee  thirsted  for  admi- 
ration. The  halo  of  saintship  glittered  in  her  eyes 
like  a diamond  crown,  and  she  aspired  to  outshine 
her  sisters  in  humility.  She  was  as  sincere  as 
Simeon  Stylites  on  his  column;  and,  like  him,  found 
encouragement  and  comfort  in  the  gazing  and 
wondering  eyes  below. ^ 

1 Madame  de  la  Peltrie  died  in  her  convent  in  1671.  Marie  de  I’ln- 
carnation  died  the  following  year.  She  had  the  consolation  of  knowing 
that  her  son  had  tulfllled  her  ardent  wishes,  and  become  a priest. 


CHAPTEK  XV. 


1636-1642. 

VILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 

Dauversi^re  and  the  Voice  from  Heaven.  — Abbe  Olier.  — 
Their  Schemes.  — The  Society  of  Notre-Dame  de  Mont- 
real. — Maisonneuve.  — Devout  Ladies.  — Mademoiselle 
Mance.  — Marguerite  Bourgeois.  — The  Montrealists  at 
Quebec.  — Jealousy.  — Quarrels.  — Romance  and  Devotion. 
— Embarkation.  — Foundation  of  Montreal. 

We  come  now  to  an  enterprise  as  singular  in  its 
character  as  it  proved  important  in  its  results. 

At  La  Fleche,  in  Anjou,  dwelt  one  Jerome  le 
Royer  de  la  Dauversiere,  receiver  of  taxes.  His 
portrait  shows  us  a round,  bourgeois  face,  some- 
what heavy  perhaps,  decorated  with  a slight  mous- 
tache, and  redeemed  by  bright  and  earnest  eyes. 
On  his  head  he  wears  a black  skull-cap ; and 
over  his  ample  shoulders  spreads  a stiff  white 
collar,  of  wide  expanse  and  studious  plainness. 
Though  he  belonged  to  the  nohlesse,  his  look  is 
that  of  a grave  burgher,  of  good  renown  and  sage 
deportment.  Dauversiere  was,  however,  an  enthu- 
siastic devotee,  of  mystical  tendencies,  who  wliip- 
ped  himself  with  a scourge  of  small  chains  till  his 
shoulders  were  one  wound,  wore  a belt  with  more 
[1881 


1636.] 


JEAN  JACQUES  OLIEK. 


189 


than  twelve  hundred  sharp  points,  and  invented  for 
himself  other  torments,  which  tilled  his  confessor 
with  admiration^  One  day,  while  at  his  devotions, 
he  heard  an  inward  voice  commanding  him  to  be- 
come the  founder  of  a new  Order  of  hospital  nuns ; 
and  he  was  further  ordered  to  establish,  on  the 
island  called  Montreal,  in  Canada,  a hospital,  or 
Hotel-Dieu,  to  be  conducted  by  these  nuns.  But 
Montreal  was  a wilderness,  and  the  hospital  would 
have  no  patients.  Therefore,  in  order  to  supply 
them,  the  island  must  first  be  colonized.  Dauver- 
siere  was  greatly  perplexed.  On  the  one  hand, 
the  voice  of  Heaven  must  be  obeyed  ; on  the  other, 
he  had  a wife,  six  children,  and  a very  moderate 
fortune.^ 

Again : there  was  at  Paris  a young  priest,  about 
twenty-eight  years  of  age,  — Jean  Jacques  Olier, 
afterwards  widely  known  as  founder  of  the  Semi- 
nary of  St.  Sulpice.  Judged  by  his  engraved  por- 
trait, his  countenance,  though  marked  both  with 
energy  and  intellect,  was  anything  but  prepossess- 
ing. Every  lineament  proclaims  the  priest.  Yet 
the  Abbe  Olier  has  high  titles  to  esteem.  He 
signalized  his  piety,  it  is  true,  by  the  most  dis- 
gusting exploits  of  self-mortification ; but,  at  the 
same  time,  he  was  strenuous  in  his  efforts  to  re- 
form the  people  and  the  clergy.  So  zealous  was 
he  for  good  morals,  that  he  drew  upon  himself  the 
imputation  of  a leaning  to  the  heresy  of  the  Jan- 

1 Fancamp  in  Faillon,  Vie  de  ilf  Mance.  Introduction. 

2 Faillon,  Vie  de  Mance,  Introduction;  Dollier  de  Casson,  Hist, 
de  Montreal,  MS. ; Les  Ve'ritables  Motifs  des  Messieurs  et  Dames  de  Montreal. 
25 ; Jucliereau,  33. 


190 


VILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1636. 


senists,  • — a suspicion  strengthened  by  his  opposi- 
tion to  certain  priests,  who,  to  secure  the  faithful 
in  their  allegiance,  justified  them  in  lives  of  licen- 
tiousness.^ Yet  Olier’s  catholicity  was  past  attain t- 
ment,  and  in  his  horror  of  Jansenists  he  yielded  to 
the  Jesuits  alone. 

He  was  praying  in  the  ancient  church  of  St. 
Germain  des  Pres,  when,  like  Dauversiere,  he 
thought  he  heard  a voice  from  Heaven,  saying  that 
he  was  destined  to  be  a light  to  the  Gentiles.  It 
is  recorded  as  a mystic  coincidence  attending  this 
miracle,  that  the  choir  was  at  that  very  time 
chanting  the  words,  Lumen  ad  revelationem  Gen- 
tium and  it  seems  to  have  occurred  neither  to 
Olier  nor  to  his  biographer,  that,  falling  on  the  ear 
of  the  rapt  worshipper,  they  might  have  uncon- 
sciously suggested  the  supposed  revelation.  But 
there  was  a further  miracle.  An  inward  voice  told 
Olier  that  he  was  to  form  a society  of  priests,  and 
establish  them  on  the  island  called  Montreal,  in 
Canada,  for  the  propagation  of  the  True  Faith  ; 
and  writers  old  and  recent  assert,  that,  while  both 
he  and  Dauversiere  were  totally  ignorant  of  Ca- 
nadian geography,  they  suddenly  found  themselves 
in  possession,  they  knew  not  how,  of  the  most 
exact  details  concerning  Montreal,  its  size,  shape, 
situation,  soil,  climate,  and  productions. 

The  annual  volumes  of  the  Jesuit  Relations. 
Issuing  from  the  renowned  press  of  Cramoisy,  were 

1 Faillon,  Vie  de  M.  Olier,  II.  188. 

2 Memoires  Autographes  de  M.  Olier,  cited  by  Faillon,  in  Histoire  de  la 
Colonie  Fran^aise,  I.  384. 


1636-40.] 


VISIONS.  — PRODIGIES. 


19J 


at  this  time  spread  broadcast  throughout  France ; 
and,  in  the  circles  of  haute  devotion^  Canada  and 
its  missions  were  everywhere  the  themes  of  enthu' 
siastic  discussion ; while  Champlain,  in  his  pub- 
lished works,  had  long  before  pointed  out  Montreal 
as  the  proper  site  for  a settlement.  But  we  are 
entering  a region  of  miracle,  and  it  is  superfluous 
to  look  far  for  explanations.  The  illusion,  in  these 
cases,  is  a part  of  the  history. 

Dauversiere  pondered  the  revelation  he  had  re- 
ceived ; and  the  more  he  pondered,  the  more  was 
he  convinced  that  it  came  from  God.  He  there- 
fore set  out  for  Paris,  to  find  some  means  of  ac- 
complishing the  task  assigned  him.  Here,  as  he 
prayed  before  an  image  of  the  Virgin  in  the  church 
of  Notre-Dame,  he  fell  into  an  ecstasy,  and  beheld 
a vision.  “ I should  be  false  to  the  integrity  of 
history,”  writes  his  biographer,  “ if  I did  not  relate 
it  here.”  And  he  adds,  that  the  reality  of  this 
celestial  favor  is  past  doubting,  inasmuch  as  Dau- 
versiere himself  told  it  to  his  daughters.  Christ, 
the  Virgin,  and  St.  Joseph  appeared  before  him. 
He  saw  them  distinctly.  Then  he  heard  Christ 
ask  three  times  of  his  Virgin  Mother,  Where  can 
I find  a faithfid  servant?  On  which,  the  Virgin, 
taking  him  (Dauversiere)  by  the  hand,  replied,  See^ 
Lord^  here  is  that  faithfid  servant!  — and  Christ, 
with  a benignant  smile,  received  him  into  his  ser- 
vice, promising  to  bestow  on  him  wisdom  and 
strength  to  do  his  work.^  From  Paris  he  went  to 

1 Eaillon,  Vie  de  Mance,  Introduction,  xxviii.  The  Abbe  Fer 

land,  in  his  Ilistoire  du  Canada,  passes  over  the  miracles  in  silence. 


192  VILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL.  [1640. 

the  neighboring  chateau  of  Mendon,  which  over- 
looks  the  valley  of  the  Seine,  not  far  from  St. 
Cloud.  Entering  the  gallery  of  the  old  castle, 
he  saw  a priest  approaching  him.  It  was  Olier. 
Now  we  are  told  that  neither  of  these  men  had 
ever  seen  or  heard  of  the  other ; and  yet,  says  the 
pious  historian,  “ impelled  by  a kind  of  inspiration, 
they  knew  each  other  at  once,  even  to  the  depths 
of  their  hearts;  saluted  each  other  by  name,  as 
w^e  read  of  St.  Paul,  the  Hermit,  and  St.  Anthony, 
and  of  St.  Dominic  and  St.  Francis ; and  ran  to 
embrace  each  other,  like  two  friends  who  had  met 
after  a long  separation.”  ^ 

“ Monsieur,”  exclaimed  Olier,  ‘‘  I know  your 
design,  and  I go  to  commend  it  to  God  at  the 
holy  altar.” 

And  he  went  at  once  to  say  mass  in  the  chapel. 
Dauversiere  received  the  communion  at  his  hands  ; 
and  then  they  walked  for  three  hours  in  the  park, 
discussing  their  plans.  They  were  of  one  mind, 
in  respect  both  to  objects  and  means  ; and  when 
they  parted,  Olier  gave  Dauversiere  a hundred 
louis,  saying,  “ This  is  to  begin  the  work  of  God.” 

They  proposed  to  found  at  Montreal  three  relig- 
ious communities,  — three  being  the  mystic  number, 
— one  of  secular  priests  to  direct  the  colonists  and 
convert  the  Indians,  one  of  nuns  to  nurse  the  sick, 
and  one  of  nuns  to  teach  the  Faith  to  the  children, 
white  and  red.  To  borrow  their  own  phrases, 
they  would  plant  the  banner  of  Christ  in  an  abode 
of  desolation  and  a haunt  of  demons  ; and  to  tliis 


1 Ibid.,  La  Colonie  Franqaise,  I.  390. 


1640.] 


NOTRE--DAME  DE  MONTREAL. 


193 


end  a band  of  priests  and  women  were  to  invade 
the  wilderness,  and  take  post  between  the  fangs  of 
the  Iroquois.  But  first  they  must  make  a colony, 
and  to  do  so  must  raise  money.  Olier  had  pious 
and  wealthy  penitents  ; Dauversiere  had  a friend, 
the  Baron  de  Fancamp,  devout  as  himself  and  far 
richer.  Anxious  for  his  soul,  and  satisfied  that 
the  enterprise  was  an  inspiration  of  God,  he  was 
eager  to  bear  part  in  it.  Olier  soon  found  three 
others ; and  the  six  together  formed  the  germ  of 
the  Society  of  Notre-Dame  de  Montreal.  Among 
them  they  raised  the  sum  of  seventy-five  thousand 
livres,  equivalent  to  about  as  many  dollars  at  the 
present  day.^ 

Now  to  look  for  a moment  at  their  plan.  Their 
eulogists  say,  and  with  perfect  truth,  that,  from  a 
worldly  point  of  view,  it  was  mere  folly.  The 
partners  mutually  bound  themselves  to  seek  no 

1 Dollier  de  Casson,  Histoire  de  Montreal,  MS. ; also  Belmont,  Histoire 
dll  Canada,  2.  Juchereau  doubles  the  sum.  Faillon  agrees  with  Dollier. 

On  all  that  relates  to  the  early  annals  of  Montreal  a flood  of  new  light 
has  been  thrown  by  the  Abbe  Faillon.  As  a priest  of  St.  Sulpice,  he  had 
ready  access  to  the  archives  of  the  Seminaries  of  Montreal  and  Paris,  and 
to  numerous  other  ecclesiastical  depositories,  which  would  have  been 
closed  hopelessly  against  a layman  and  a heretic.  It  is  impossible  to 
commend  too  highly  the  zeal,  diligence,  exactness,  and  extent  of  his  con- 
scientious researches.  His  credulity  is  enormous,  and  he  is  completely 
in  sympathy  with  the  supernaturalists  of  whom  he  writes  : in  other 
words,  he  identifies  himself  with  his  theme,  and  is  indeed  a fragment  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  still  extant  in  the  nineteenth.  He  is  minute  to 
prolixity,  and  abounds  in  extracts  and  citations  from  the  ancient  manu- 
scripts which  his  labors  have  unearthed.  In  short,  the  Abbe  is  a prodigy 
of  patience  and  industry ; and  if  he  taxes  the  patience  of  his  readers,  he 
also  rewards  it  abundantly.  Such  of  his  original  authorities  as  have 
proved  accessible  are  before  me,  including  a considerable  number  of 
manuscripts.  Among  these,  that  of  Dollier  de  Casson,  Histoire  de  Mont- 
real, as  cited  above,  is  the  most  important.  The  copy  in  my  possession 
was  made  from  the  original  in  the  Mazarin  Library. 

17 


194 


YILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1640. 


return  for  the  money  expended.  Their  profit  was 
to  he  reaped  in  the  skies : and,  indeed,  there  was 
none  to  be  reaped  on  earth.  The  feeble  settlement 
at  Quebec  was  at  this  time  in  danger  of  utter  ruin ; 
for  the  Iroquois,  enraged  at  the  attacks  made  on 
them  by  Champlain,  had  begun  a fearful  course  of 
retaliation,  and  the  very  existence  of  the  colony 
trembled  in  the  balance.  But  if  Quebec  was  ex- 
posed to  their  ferocious  inroads,  Montreal  was  in- 
comparably more-  so.  A settlement  here  would 
be  a perilous  outpost,  — a hand  thrust  into  the 
jaws  of  the  tiger.  It  would  provoke  attack,  and 
lie  almost  in  the  path  of  the  war-parties.  The 
associates  could  gain  nothing  by  the  fur-trade  ; for 
they  would  not  be  allowed  to  share  in  it.  On  the 
other  hand,  danger  apart,  the  place  was  an  excel- 
lent one  for  a mission  ; for  here  met  two  great 
rivers : the  St.  Lawrence,  with  its  countless  tribu- 
taries, flowed  in  from  the  west,  while  the  Ottawa 
descended  from  the  north ; and  Montreal,  embraced 
by  their  uniting  waters,  w^as  the  key  to  a vast  in- 
land navigation.  Thither  the  Indians  would  nat- 
urally resort;  and  thence  the  missionaries  could 
make  their  way  into  the  heart  of  a boundless 
heathendom.  None  of  the  ordinary  motives  of 
colonization  had  part  in  this  design.  It  owed  its 
conception  and  its  birth  to  religious  zeal  alone. 

The  island  of  Montreal  belonged  to  Lauson,  for- 
mer president  of  the  great  company  of  the  Hun- 
dred Associates ; and,  as  we  have  seen,  his  son 
had  a monopoly  of  fishing  in  the  St.  Lawrence. 
Dauversiere  and  Fancamp,  after  much  diplomacy. 


1640.] 


CONDITIONS. 


195 


succeeded  in  persuading  the  elder  Lauson  to  trans- 
fer his  title  to  them ; and,  as  there  was  a defect  in 
it,  they  also  obtained  a grant  of  the  island  from 
the  Hundred  Associates,  its  original  owners,  who, 
however,  reserved  to  themselves  its  western  ex- 
(rcmity  as  a site  for  a fort  and  storehouses d At 
the  same  time,  the  younger  Lauson  granted  them 
a right  of  fishery  within  two  leagues  of  the  shores 
of  the  island,  for  which  they  were  to  make  a yearly 
acknowledgment  of  ten  pounds  of  fish.  A con- 
firmation of  these  grants  was  obtained  from  the 
King.  Dauversiere  and  his  companions  were  now 
seigneurs  of  Montreal.  They  were  empowered  to 
appoint  a governor,  and  to  establish  courts,  from 
which  there  was  to  be  an  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Quebec,  supposing  such  to  exist.  They 
were  excluded  from  the  fur- trade,  and  forbidden 
to  build  castles  or  forts  other  than  such  as  were 
necessary  for  defence  against  the  Indians. 

Their  title  assured,  they  matured  their  plan. 
Fii’st  they  would  send  out  forty  men  to  take  pos- 
session of  Montreal,  intrench  themselves,  and  raise 
crops.  Then  they  would  build  a house  for  the 

^ Donation  et  Transport  de  la  Concession  de  ITsle  de  Montreal  par  M. 
Jean  de  Lauzon  aux  Siew's  Chevrier  de  Fouancant  (Fancamp)  et  le  Roper  de 
la  Dover  si  ere,  MS. 

Concession  d’nne  Partie  de  VIsle  de  Montreal  accordee  par  la  Compagnie  de 
la  Nouvelle  France  aux  Sieurs  Chevrier  et  le  Royer,  MS. 

Lettres  de  Ratification,  MS. 

Acte  qui  prouve  que  les  Sieurs  Chevrier  de  Fancamps  et  Royer  de  la  Dau- 
versiere Font  stipule  qu’au  nom  de  la  Compagnie  de  Montreal,  MS. 

From  copies  of  other  documents  before  me,  it  appears  that  in  1659 
the  reserved  portion  of  the  island  was  also  ceded  to  the  Company  of 
Montreal. 

See  also  Edits,  Ordonnances  Royaux,  etc..  I.  20-26  (Q  iebec,  1854). 


19G 


YILLEMAHIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1640. 


priests,  and  two  convents  for  the  nuns.  Meanwhile, 
Olier  was  toiling  at  Vaugirard,  on  the  outskirts  of 
Paris,  to  inaugurate  the  seminary  of  priests,  and 
Dauversiere  at  La  Fleche,  to  form  the  community 
of  hospital  nuns.  How  the  school  nuns  were 
provided  for  we  shall  see  hereafter.  The  colony, 
it  will  be  observed,  was  for  the  convents,  not  the 
convents  for  the  colony. 

The  Associates  needed  a soldier-governor  to  take 
charge  of  their  forty  men ; and,  directed  as  they 
supposed  by  Providence,  they  found  one  wholly  to 
their  mind.  This  was  Paul  de  Chomedey,  Sieur 
de  Maisonneuve,  a devout  and  valiant  gentleman, 
who  in  long  service  among  the  heretics  of  Holland 
had  kept  his  faith  intact,  and  had  held  himself 
resolutely  aloof  from  the  license  that  surrounded 
him.  He  loved  his  profession  of  arms,  and  wished 
to  consecrate  his  sword  to  the  Church.  Past  all 
comparison,  he  is  the  manliest  figure  that  appears 
in  this  group  of  zealots.  The  piety  of  the  design, 
the  mkacles  that  inspired  it,  the  adventure  and  the 
peril,  all  combined  to  charm  him ; and  he  eagerly 
embraced  the  enterprise.  His  father  opposed  his 
purpose ; but  he  met  him  with  a text  of  St.  Mark, 
“ There  is  no  man  that  hath  left  house  or  brethren 
or  sisters  or  father  for  my  sake,  but  he  shall  receive 
an  hundred-fold.”  On  this  the  elder  Maisonneuve, 
deceived  by  his  own  woiidliness,  imagined  that  the 
plan  covered  some  hidden  speculation,  from  which 
enormous  profits  were  expected,  and  therefore  with- 
di’ew  his  opposition.^ 

1 Faillon,  La  Colonie  Franqaise,  I.  409. 


1G40.]  DAUYEKSIERE’S  DOUBTS.  197 

Their  scheme  was  ripening  fast,  when  both  Olier 
and  Dauversiere  were  assailed  by  one  of  those 
revulsions  of  spirit,  to  which  saints  of  the  ecstatic 
school  are  naturally  liable.  Dauversiere,  in  par- 
ticular, was  a prey  to  the  extremity  of  dejection, 
uncertainty,  and  misgiving.  What  had  he,  a fam- 
ily man,  to  do  with  ventures  beyond  sea'?  Was  it 
not  his  first  duty  to  support  his  wife  and  children'? 
Could  he  not  fulfil  all  his  obligations  as  a Christian 
by  reclaiming  the  wicked  and  relieving  the  poor  at 
La  Fleche '?  Plainly,  he  had  doubts  that  his  voca- 
tion was  genuine.  If  we  could  raise  the  curtain  of 
his  domestic  life,  perhaps  we  should  find  him  beset 
by  wife  and  daughters,  tearful  and  wrathful,  in- 
veighing against  his  folly,  and  imploring  him  to 
provide  a support  for  them  before  squandering  his 
money  to  plant  a convent  of  nuns  in  a wilderness. 
How  long  his  fit  of  dejection  lasted  does  not  ap- 
pear ; but  at  length  ^ he  set  himself  again  to  his 
appointed  work.  Olier,  too,  emerging  from  the 
clouds  and  darkness,  found  faith  once  more,  and 
again  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  great  enter- 
prise.^ 

There  was  imperative  need  of  more  money ; and 
Dauversiere,  under  judicious  guidance,  was  active 
in  obtaining  it.  This  miserable  victim  of  illusions 
had  a squat,  uncourtly  figure,  and  was  no  proficient 
in  the  graces  either  of  manners  or  of  speech : hence 
his  success  in  commending  his  objects  to  persons 

1 Faillon,  Vw,  de  Mance,  Introduction,  xxxv. 

2 Faillon  ( Vie  de  M.  Olier)  devotes  twenty-one  pages  to  the  history 
of  his  fit  of  nervous  depression. 


17* 


198 


YILLEMAEIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1640. 


of  rank  and  wealth  is  set  down  as  one  of  the  many 
miracles  which  attended  the  birth  of  Montreal. 
But  zeal  and  earnestness  are  in  themselves  a pow- 
er ; and  the  ground  had  been  well  marked  out  and 
ploughed  for  him  in  advance.  That  attracts  c, 
though  intricate,  subject  of  study,  the  female  mind, 
has  always  engaged  the  attention  of  priests,  more 
especially  in  countries  where,  as  in  France,  women 
exert  a strong  social  and  political  influence.  The 
art  of  kindling  the  flames  of  zeal,  and  the  more 
difficult  art  of  directing  and  controlling  them,  have 
been  themes  of  reflection  the  most  diligent  and 
profound.  Accordingly  we  And  that  a large  pro- 
portion of  the  money  raised  for  this  enterprise  was 
contributed  by  devout  ladies.  Many  of  them  be- 
came members  of  the  Association  of  Montreal, 
which  was  eventually  increased  to  about  forty-five 
persons,  chosen  for  their  devotion  and  their  wealth. 

Olier  and  his  associates  had  resolved,  though  not 
from  any  collapse  of  zeal,  to  postpone  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  seminary  and  the  college  until 
after  a settlement  should  be  formed.  The  hospi- 
tal, however,  might,  they  thought,  be  begun  at 
once  ; for  blood  and  blows  would  be  the  assured 
portion  of  the  first  settlers.  At  least,  a discreet 
woman  ought  to  embark  with  the  first  colonists  as 
their  nurse  and  housekeeper.  Scarcely  was  the 
need  recognized  when  it  was  supplied. 

Mademoiselle  Jeanne  Mance  was  born  of  an 
honorable  family  of  Nogent-le-Boi,  and  in  1640 
was  thirty-four  years  of  age.  These  Canadian 
lieroines  began  their  religious  experiences  early. 


1640.] 


MADEMOISELLE  MANGE. 


199 


Of  Marie  de  ITncarnation  we  read,  that  at  the  age 
of  seven  Christ  appeared  to  her  in  a vision ; ^ and 
the  biographer  of  Mademoiselle  Mance  assures  us, 
with  admiring  gravity,  that,  at  the  same  tender 
age,  she  bound  herself  to  God  by  a vow  of  per- 
petual chastity.^  This  singular  infant  in  due  time 
became  a woman,  of  a delicate  constitution,  and 
manners  graceful,  yet  dignified.  Though  an  ear- 
nest devotee,  she  felt  no  vocation  for  the  cloister ; 
yet,  while  still  ‘‘  in  the  world,”  she  led  the  life  of  a 
nun.  The  Jesuit  Relations^  and  the  example  of 
Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  of  whom  she  had  heard, 
inoculated  her  with  the  Canadian  enthusiasm,  then 
so  prevalent ; and,  under  the  pretence  of  visiting 
relatives,  she  made  a journey  to  Paris,  to  take 
counsel  of  certain  priests.  Of  one  thing  she  was 
assured : the  Divine  will  called  her  to  Canada, 
but  to  what  end  she  neither  knew  nor  asked  to 
know ; for  she  abandoned  herself  as  an  atom  to  be 
borne  to  unknown  destinies  on  the  breath  of  God. 
At  Paris,  Father  St.  Jure,  a Jesuit,  assured  her 
that  her  vocation  to  Canada  was,  past  doubt,  a 
call  from  Heaven ; while  Father  Papin,  a Pecollet, 
spread  abroad  the  fame  of  her  virtues,  and  intro- 
duced her  to  many  ladies  of  rank,  wealth,  and 
zeal.  Then,  well  supplied  with  money  for  any 
pious  work  to  which  she  might  be  summoned, 
she  journeyed  to  Pochelle,  whence  ships  were  to 
sail  for  New  France.  Thus  far  she  had  been  kept 
in  ignorance  of  the  plan  with  regard  to  Montreal ; 

1 Casgrain,  Vie  de  Marie  de  I’ Incarnation,  78 

2 Eaillon,  Vie  de  Marce,  I.  3. 


200 


VILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1641. 


but  now  Father  La  Place,  a Jesuit,  revealed  it 
to  liei*.  On  the  day  after  her  arrival  at  Pochelle, 
as  she  entered  the  Church  of  the  Jesuits,  she 
met  Dauversiere  coming  out.  “Then,”  says  her 
biographer,  “these  two  persons,  who  had  never 
seen  nor  heard  of  each  other,  were  enlightened  su- 
pernaturally,  whereby  their  most  hidden  thoughts 
were  mutually  made  known,  as  had  happened 
already  with  M.  Olier  and  this  same  M.  de  la 
Dauversiere.”  ^ A long  conversation  ensued  be- 
tween them ; and  the  delights  of  this  interview 
were  never  effaced  from  the  mind  of  Mademoiselle 
Malice.  “ She  used  to  speak  of  it  like  a seraph,” 
writes  one  of  her  nuns,  “ and  far  better  than  many 
a learned  doctor  could  have  done.”  ^ 

She  had  fonnd  her  destiny.  The  ocean,  the 
wdlderness,  the  solitude,  the  Iroquois,  — nothing 
daunted  her.  She  would  go  to  Montreal  with 
Maisonneuve  and  his  forty  men.  Yet,  when  the 
vessel  was  about  to  sail,  a new  and  sharp  misgiving 
seized  her.  How  could  she,  a woman,  not  yet 
bereft  of  youth  or  charms,  live  alone  in  the  forest, 
among  a troop  of  soldiers'?  Her  scruples  were 
relieved  by  two  of  the  men,  who,  at  the  last 
moment,  refused  to  embark  without  their  wives,  — 
and  by  a young  womun,  who,  impelled  by  enthu- 
siasm, escaped  from  her  friends,  and  took  passage, 
in  spite  of  them,  in  one  of  the  vessels. 


1 Falllon,  Vie  de  Mance,  I.  18.  Here  again  the  Abb6  Ferland, 
with  liis  usual  good  sense,  tacitly  rejects  the  supernaturalism. 

2 La  Soeur  Morin,  Annates  des  Hospitalieres  de  Villemarie,  MS.,  cited  by 
Faillon. 


1642.] 


MARGUERITE  BOURGEOYS. 


201 


All  was  ready ; the  ships  set  sail ; hut  Oiler, 
Dauversiere,  and  Fancamp  remained  at  home,  as 
did  also  the  other  Associates,  with  the  exception 
of  Maisonneuve  and  Mademoiselle  Mance.  In  the 
following  February,  an  impressive  scene  took  place 
in  the  Church  of  Notre  Dame,  at  Paris.  The  As- 
sociates, at  this  time  numbering  about  forty-five,^ 
with  Olier  at  their  head,  assembled  before  the  altar 
of  the  Virgin,  and,  by  a solemn  ceremonial,  conse- 
crated Montreal  to  the  Holy  Family.  Henceforth 
it  was  to  be  called  Villemarie  de  Montreal,^  — a 
sacred  town,  reared  to  the  honor  and  under  the 
patronage  of  Christ,  St.  Joseph,  and  the  Virgin,  to 
be  typified  by  three  persons  on  earth,  founders 
respectively  of  the  three  destined  communities,— 
Olier,  Dauversiere,  and  a maiden  of  Troyes,  Mar- 
guerite Bourgeoys : the  seminary  to  be  consecrated 
to  Christ,  the  Hdtel-Dieu  to  St.  Joseph,  and  the 
college  to  the  Virgin. 

But  we  are  anticipating  a little ; for  it  was  sev- 
eral years  as  yet  before  Marguerite  Bourgeoys  took 
an  active  part  in  the  work  of  Montreal.  She  was 
the  daughter  of  a respectable  tradesman,  and  was 
now  twenty-two  years  of  age.  Her  portrait  has 
come  down  to  us ; and  her  face  is  a mirror  of 
frankness,  loyalty,  and  womanly  tenderness.  Her 
qualities  were  those  of  good  sense,  conscientious- 
ness, and  a warm  heart.  She  had  Imown  no  mira- 
cles, ecstasies,  or  trances  ; and  though  afterwards, 

1 Dollier  de  Casson,  A.D.  1641-42,  MS.  Vimont  says  thirty-five. 

2 Vimont,  Relation,  1642,  37.  Compare  Le  Clerc,  Etahlissernent  de  la. 
Foy,  II.  49. 


202 


VILLEMAEIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1G41 


when  her  religious  susceptibilities  had  reached  a 
fuller  development,  a few  such  are  recorded  of  her, 
yet  even  the  Abbe  Faillon,  with  the  best  intentions, 
can  credit  her  with  but  a meagre  allowance  of 
these  celestial  favors.  Though  in  the  midst  of 
visionaries,  she  distrusted  the  supernatural,  and 
avowed  her  belief,  that,  in  His  government  of  the 
world,  God  does  not  often  set  aside  its  ordinary 
laws.  Her  religion  was  of  the  affections,  and  was 
manifested  in  an  absorbing  devotion  to  duty.  She 
had  felt  no  vocation  to  the  cloister,  but  had  taken 
the  vow  of  chastity,  and  was  attached,  as  an  'ex~ 
terne,  to  the  Sisters  of  the  Congregation  of  Troyes, 
^Yho  were  fevered  with  eagerness  to  go  to  Canada. 
Marguerite,  however,  was  content  to  wait  until 
there  was  a prospect  that  she  could  do  good  by 
going ; and  it  was  not  till  the  year  1653,  that, 
renouncing  an  inheritance,  and  giving  all  she  had 
to  the  poor,  she  embarked  for  the  savage  scene  of 
her  labors.  To  this  day,  in  crowded  school-rooms 
of  Montreal  and  Quebec,  fit  monuments  of  her 
unobtrusive  virtue,  her  successors  instruct  the  chil- 
di-en  of  the  poor,  and  embalm  the  pleasant  memory 
of  Marguerite  Bourgeoys.  In  the  martial  figure  of 
Maisonneuve,  and  the  fair  form  of  this  gentle  nun, 
we  find  the  true  heroes  of  Montreal.^ 

Maisonneuve,  with  his  forty  men  and  four  women, 
reached  Quebec  too  late  to  ascend  to  Montreal  that 
season.  They  encountered  distrust,  jealousy,  and 
opposition.  The  agents  of  the  Company  of  the 
Hundred  Associates  looked  on  them  askance ; and 

1 For  Marguerite  Bourgeoys,  see  her  life  by  Eaillon 


1642.] 


M.  PUISEAUX. 


203 


the  Governor  of  Quebec,  Montmagny,  saw  a rival 
governor  in  Maisonneuve.  Every  means  was  used 
to  persuade  the  adventurers  to  abandon  their  pro- 
ject, and  settle  at  Quebec.  Montmagny  called  a 
council  of  the  principal  persons  of  his  colony,  who 
gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  the  new-comers  had 
better  exchange  Montreal  for  the  Island  of  Orleans, 
where  they  would  be  in  a position  to  give  and 
receive  succor ; while,  by  persisting  in  their  first 
design,  they  would  expose  themselves  to  destruc- 
tion, and  be  of  use  to  nobody.^  Maisonneuve,  who 
was  present,  expressed  his  surprise  that  they  should 
assume  to  direct  his  afifairs.  “ I have  not  come 
here,”  he  said,  “ to  deliberate,  but  to  act.  It  is  my 
duty  and  my  honor  to  found  a colony  at  Montreal ; 
and  I would  go,  if  every  tree  were  an  Iroquois  ! ” ^ 

At  Quebec  there  was  little  ability  and  no  incli- 
nation to  shelter  the  new  colonists  for  the  winter ; 
and  they  would  have  fared  ill,  but  for  the  generos- 
ity of  M.  Puiseaux,  who  lived  not  far  distant,  at  a 
place  called  St.  Michel.  This  devout  and  most 
hospitable  person  made  room  for  them  all  in  his 
rough,  but  capacious  dwelling.  Their  neighbors 
were  the  hospital  nuns,  then  living  at  the  mission 
of  Sillery,  in  a substantial,  but  comfortless  house  of 
stone  ; where,  amidst  destitution,  sickness,  and  ir- 
repressible disgust  at  the  filth  of  the  savages  whom 
they  had  in  charge,  they  were  laboring  day  and 
night  with  devoted  assiduity.  Among  the  minor 

1 Juchereau,  32;  Faillon,  Colonie  Frangaise,  I.  423. 

2 La  Tour,  Memoire  de  Laval,  Liv  YIII;  Belmont,  Histoire  du  Ca^ 
nada,  3. 


204 


YILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1642 


ills  wliicli  beset  them  were  the  eccentricities  of  one 
of  their  lay  sisters,  crazed  with  religious  enthusiasm, 
who  had  the  care  of  their  poultry  and  domestic 
animals,  of  which  she  was  accustomed  to  inquire, 
one  by  one,  if  they  loved  God ; when,  not  receiv- 
ing an  immediate  answer  in  the  affirmative,  she 
would  instantly  put  them  to  death,  telling  them 
that  their  impiety  deserved  no  better  fate.^ 

At  St.  Michel,  Maisonneuve  employed  his  men 
in  building  boats  to  ascend  to  Montreal,  and  in 
various  other  labors  for  the  behoof  of  the  future 
colony.  Thus  the  winter  wore  away;  but,  as  ce- 
lestial minds  are  not  exempt  from  ire,  Montmagny 
and  Maisonneuve  fell  into  a quarrel.  The  twenty- 
fifth  of  January  was  Maisonneuve’s  fete  day ; and, 
as  he  was  greatly  beloved  by  his  followers,  they 
resolved  to  celebrate  the  occasion.  Accordingly, 
an  hour  and  a half  before  daylight,  they  made  a 
general  discharge  of  their  muskets  and  cannon. 
The  sound  reached  Quebec,  two  or  three  miles 
distant,  startling  the  Governor  from  his  morning 
slumbers  ; and  his  indignation  was  redoubled  when 
he  heard  it  again  at  night : for  Maisonneuve, 
pleased  at  the  attachment  of  his  men,  had  feasted 
them  and  warmed  their  hearts  with  a distribution 
of  wine.  Montmagny,  jealous  of  his  authority, 
resented  these  demonstrations  as  an  infraction  of 
it,  affirming  that  they  had  no  right  to  fire  their 


1 Jucbereau,  45.  A great  mortification  to  these  excellent  nuns  was 
the  impossibility  of  keeping  their  white  dresses  clean  among  tlieir  Indian 
patients,  so  that  they  were  forced  to  dye  them  v;ith  butternut  juice.  They 
were  the  Hospitalieres  who  had  come  ovei  '.n  1639. 


1642.] 


MAISONNEUYE  AND  HIS  MEN. 


205 


pieces  without  his  consent;  and,  arresting  the  prin- 
cipal offender,  one  Jean  Gory,  he  put  him  in  irons. 
On  being  released,  a few  days  after,  his  companions 
welcomed  him  with  great  rejoicing,  and  Maison- 
neuve  gave  them  all  a feast.  He  himself  came  in 
during  the  festivity,  drank  the  health  of  the  com- 
pany, shook  hands  with  the  late  prisoner,  placed 
him  at  the  head  of  the  table,  and  addressed  him  as 
follows : — 

“ Jean  Gory,  you  have  been  put  in  irons  for 
me:  you  had  the  pain,  and  I the  affront.  For  that, 
I add  ten  crowns  to  your  wages.”  Then,  turning 
to  the  others  : “ My  boys,”  he  said,  ‘‘  though  Jean 
Gory  has  been  misused,  you  must  not  lose  heart  for 
that,  but  drink,  all  of  you,  to  the  health  of  the  man 
in  irons.  When  we  are  once  at  Montreal,  we  shall 
be  our  own  masters,  and  can  fire  our  cannon  when 
we  please.”^ 

Montmagny  was  wroth  when  this  was  reported 
to  him;  and,  on  the  ground  that  what  had  passed 
was  “ contrary  to  the  service  of  the  King  and  the 
authority  of  the  Governor,”  he  summoned  Gory 
and  six  others  before  him,  and  put  them  separately 
under  oath.  Their  evidence  failed  to  establish 
a case  against  their  commander;  but  thenceforth 
there  was  great  coldness  between  the  powers  of 
Quebec  and  Montreal. 

Early  in  May,  Maisonneuve  and  his  followers 
embarked.  They  had  gained  an  unexpected  recruit 

1 Documents  Divers,  MSS.,  now  or  lately  in  possession  of  G.  B.  Fari- 
bault, Esq. ; Eeiland,  Notes  sur  les  Registres  de  N.  D.  de  Qudbec,  25;  Fail 
Ion,  La  Colonie  Frangaise,  I.  433. 


18 


206 


VILLEMAME  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1642. 


during  the  winter,  in  the  person  of  Madame  de  la 
Peltrie.  The  piety,  the  novelty,  and  the  romance 
of  their  enterprise,  all  had  their  charms  for  the  fair 
enthusiast ; and  an  irresistible  impulse  — imputed 
by  a slandering  historian  to  the  levity  of  her  sex^ 
— urged  her  to  share  their  fortunes.  Her  zeal 
was  more  admired  by  the  Montrealists  whom  she 
joined  than  by  the  Ursulines  whom  she  aban- 
doned. She  carried  off  all  the  furniture  she  had 
lent  them,  and  left  them  in  the  utmost  destitution.^ 
Nor  did  she  remain  quiet  after  reaching  Mont- 
real, but  was  presently  seized  with  a longing  to 
visit  the  Hurons,  and  preach  the  Faith  in  person 
to  those  benighted  heathen.  It  needed  all  the  elo- 
quence of  a Jesuit,  lately  returned  from  that  most 
arduous  mission,  to  convince  her  that  the  attempt 
would  be  as  useless  as  rash.^ 

It  was  the  eighth  of  May  when  Maisonneuve  and 
his  followers  embarked  at  St.  Michel ; and  as  the 
boats,  deep-laden  with  men,  arms,  and  stores,  moved 
slowly  on  their  way,  the  forest,  with  leaves  just 
opening  in  the  warmth  of  spring,  lay  on  their  right 
hand  and  on  their  left,  in  a flattering  semblance  of 
tranquillity  and  peace.  But  behind  woody  islets, 
in  tangled  thickets  and  damp  ravines,  and  in  the 
shade  and  stillness  of  the  columned  woods,  lurked 
everywhere  a danger  and  a terror. 

What  shall  we  say  of  these  adventurers  of  Mont- 

1 La  Tour,  M^moirn  de  Laval,  Liv.  VIII. 

2 Charlevoix,  Vie  de  Marie  de  V Incarnation,  279 ; Casgrain,  Vie  de 
Marie  de  I Incarnation , 333. 

3 8t.  Thomas,  Life  of  Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  98. 


1642.]  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  COLONISTS.  20T 

real,  — of  these  who  bestowed  their  wealth,  and, 
far  more,  of  these  who  sacrificed  their  peace  and 
risked  their  lives,  on  an  enterprise  at  once  so  ro- 
mantic and  so  devout'?  Surrounded  as  they  were 
with  illusions,  false  lights,  and  false  shadows, — 
breathing  an  atmosphere  of  miracle,  — compassed 
about  with  angels  and  devils,  — urged  with  stimu- 
lants most  powerful,  though  unreal,  — their  minds 
drugged,  as  it  were,  to  preternatural  excitement,  — 
it  is  very  difficult  to  judge  of  them.  High  merit, 
without  doubt,  there  was  in  some  of  their  num- 
ber ; but  one  may  beg  to  be  spared  the  attempt 
to  measure  or  define  it.  To  estimate  a virtue 
involved  in  conditions  so  anomalous  demands,  per- 
haps, a judgment  more  than  human. 

The  Eoman  Church,  sunk  in  disease  and  corrup- 
tion when  the  Reformation  began,  was  roused  by 
that  fierce  trumpet-blast  to  purge  and  brace  herself 
anew.  Unable  to  advance,  she  drew  back  to  the 
fresher  and  comparatively  purer  life  of  the  past ; 
and  the  fervors  of  mediaeval  Christianity  were  re- 
newed in  the  sixteenth  century.  In  many  of  its 
aspects,  this  enterprise  of  Montreal  belonged  to  the 
time  of  the  first  Crusades.  The  spirit  of  Godfrey 
de  Bouillon  lived  again  in  Chomedey  de  Maison- 
neuve  ; and  in  Marguerite  Bourgeoys  was  realized 
that  fair  ideal  of  Christian  womanhood,  a flower  of 
Earth  expanding  in  the  rays  of  Heaven,  which 
soothed  with  gentle  influence  the  wildness  of  a 
barbarous  age. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  May,  1642,  Maisonneuve’s 
little  flotilla  — a pinnace,  a flat-bottomed  craft  moved 


208 


yiLLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1642. 


by  sails,  and  two  row-boats  ^ — approached  Mont- 
real ; and  all  on  board  raised  in  unison  a hymn  of 
praise.  Montmagny  was  with  them,  to  deliver  the 
island,  in  behalf  of  the  Company  of  the  Hundred  As- 
sociates, to  Maisonneuve,  representative  of  the  As- 
sociates of  Montreal.^  And  here,  too,  was  Father 
Vimont,  Superior  of  the  missions  ; for  the  Jesuits 
had  been  prudently  invited  to  accept  the  spiritual 
charge  of  the  young  colony.  On  the  following  day, 
they  glided  along  the  green  and  solitary  shores  now 
thronged  with  the  life  of  a busy  city,  and  landed  on 
the  spot  which  Champlain,  thirty-one  years  before, 
had  chosen  as  the  fit  site  of  a settlement.^  It  was 
a tongue  or  triangle  of  land,  formed  by  the  junc- 
tion of  a rivulet  with  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  known 
afterwards  as  Point  Calliere.  The  rivulet  was 
bordered  by  a meadow,  and  beyond  rose  the  forest 
with  its  vanguard  of  scattered  trees.  Early  spring 
flowers  were  blooming  in  the  young  grass,  and 
birds  of  varied  plumage  flitted  among  the  boughs. 

Maisonneuve  sprang  ashore,  and  fell  on  his 
knees.  His  followers  imitated  his  example ; and 
all  joined  their  voices  in  enthusiastic  songs  of 
thanksgiving.  Tents,  baggage,  arms,  and  stores 
were  landed.  An  altar  was  raised  on  a pleasant 
spot  near  at  hand ; and  Mademoiselle  Mance,  with 
Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  aided  by  her  servant,  Char- 
lotte Barre,  decorated  it  with  a taste  which  was  the 


1 Dollier  de  Casson,  A.D.  1641-42,  MS. 

2 Le  Clerc,  II.  50,  51. 

3 “ Pioneers  of  Prance,”  883.  It  was  the  Place  Royale  of  Champlain. 

4 Dollier  de  Casson,  A.D.  1641-42,  MS. 


1642.] 


THE  BIRTH  OF  MONTREAL. 


209 


admiration  of  tho  beholders.^  Now  all  the  company 
gathered  before  the  shrine.  Here  stood  Vimont, 
in  the  rich  vestments  of  his  office.  Here  were 
the  two  ladies,  with  their  servant ; Montmagny,  no 
very  willing  spectator ; and  Maisonneuve,  a war- 
like figure,  erect  and  tall,  his  men  clustering  around 
him,  — soldiers,  sailors,  artisans,  and  laborers,  — all 
alike  soldiers  at  need.  They  kneeled  in  reverent 
silence  as  the  Host  was  raised  aloft ; and  when  the 
rite  was  over,  the  priest  turned  and  addressed 
them : — 

“You  are  a grain  of  mustard-seed,  that  shall  rise 
and  grow  till  its  branches  overshadow  the  earth. 
You  are  few,  but  your  work  is  the  work  of  God. 
His  smile  is  on  you,  and  your  children  shall  fill  the 
land.” " 

The  afternoon  waned ; the  sun  sank  behind  the 
western  forest,  and  twilight  came  on.  Fireflies 
were  twinkling  over  the  darkened  meadow.  They 
caught  them,  tied  them  with  threads  into  shining 
festoons,  and  hung  them  before  the  altar,  where 
the  Host  remained  exposed.  Then  they  pitched 
their  tents,  lighted  their  bivouac  fires,  stationed 
their  guards,  and  lay  down  to  rest.  Such  was  the 
birth-night  of  Montreal.^ 

1 IMoiin,  Annales,  MS.,  cited  by  Faillon,  La  Colonie  Fran>;aise,  I.  440, 
also  Hollier  de  Casson,  A.D.  1641-42,  MS. 

2 Dollier  de^  Casson,  MS.,  as  above.  Vimont,  in  the  Relation  of  1642, 
p.  37,  briefly  mentions  the  ceremony. 

3 The  Associates  of  Montreal  published,  in  1643,  a thick  pamphlet  in 
quarto,  entitled  Les  Ve'ritables  Motifs  de  Messieurs  et  Dames  de  la  Societd  de 
Notre-Dame  de  Montreal,  pour  la  Conversion  des  Sauvages  de  la  Nouvelle 
France.  It  was  written  as  an  answer  to  aspersions  cast  upon  them,  appar- 
ently by  persons  attached  to  the  great  Company  of  New  France  known 

18* 


210 


VILLEMARIE  DE  MONTREAL. 


[1642. 


Is  this  true  history,  or  a romance  of  Christian 
chivalry It  is  both, 

as  the  “Hundred  Associates/’  and  affords  a curious  exposition  of  the 
spirit  of  their  enterprise.  It  is  excessively  rare  ; but  coshes  of  the  essen 
tial  portions  are  before  me.  The  following  is  a characteristic  extract : — 
“ Vous  dites  que  I’entreprise  de  Montreal  est  d’une  depense  infinie, 
plus  convenable  a un  roi  qu’a  quelques  particuliers,  trop  faibles  pour  la 
soutenir ; & vous  alleguez  encore  les  perils  de  la  navigation  & les  nam 
frages  qui  peuvent  la  miner.  Yous  avez  inieux  rencontre  que  vous  ne 
pensiez,  en  disant  que  c’est  une  oeuvre  de  roi,  puisque  le  Roi  des  rois  s’en 
mele,  lui  a qui  obeissent  la  mer  & les  vents.  Nous  ne  craignons  done  pas 
les  naufrages  ; il  n’en  suscitera  que  lorsque  nous  en  aurons  besoin,  & qu’il 
sera  plus  expedient  pour  sa  gloire,  que  nous  cherchons  uniquement.  Com- 
ment avez-vous  pu  mettre  dans  votre  esprit  qu’appuyes  de  nos  propres 
forces,  nous  eussions  presume  de  penser  a un  si  glorieux  dessein  ? Si 
Dieu  n’est  point  dans  rafiaire  de  Montreal,  si  c’est  une  invention  humaine, 
ne  vous  en  mettez  point  en  peine,  elle  ne  durera  guere.  Ce  que  vous 
predisez  arrivera,  & quelque  chose  de  pire  encore ; mais  si  Dieu  I’a  ainsi 
voulu,  qui  etes-vous  pour  lui  contredire  ? C’etait  la  reflexion  que  le  doc- 
teur  Gamaliel  faisait  aux  Juifs,  en  favour  des  Apotres ; pour  vous,  qui  ne 
pouvez  ni  croire,  ni  faire,  laissez  les  autres  en  liberte  de  faire  ce  qu’ils 
croient  que  Dieu  demande  d’eux,  Vous  assurez  qu’il  ne  se  fait  plus  de 
miracles  ; mais  qui  vous  I’a  dit?  ou  cela  est-il  ecrit?  Jesus-Christ  assure, 
au  contraire,  qm  ceux  qui  auront  autant  de  Foi  qidun  grain  de  seneve,  feront, 
en  son  norn,  des  miracles  plus  grands  que  ceux  qu’il  a fails  lui-meme.  Depuis 
quand  etes-vous  les  directeurs  des  operations  divines,  pour  les  reduire  k 
certains  temps  & dans  la  conduite  ordinaire  ? Tant  de  saints  mouve- 
ments,  d’inspirations  & de  vues  interieures,  qu’il  lui  plait  de  donner  k 
quelques  ames  dont  il  se  sert  pour  I’avancement  de  cette  oeuvre,  sont  des 
marques  de  son  bon  plaisir.  Jusqu’-ici,  il  a pourvu  au  necessaire ; nous 
ne  voulons  point  d’abondance,  & nous  esperons  que  sa  Providence  conti- 
nuera  ” 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


1641-1644. 

ISAAC  JOGUES. 

The  iROQEv^xfc#  n av.  — Jogues.  — His  Capture.  — IIis  Journey  to 
THE  Mohawrs.  — Lake  George.  — The  Mohawk  Towns.  — 
The  Missionary  Tortured. — Death  of  Goupil.  — Misery 
of  Jogues. — The  Mohawk  “ Babylon.”  — Fort  Orange. — 
Escape  of  Jogues. — Manhattan.  — The  Voyage  to  France. 
— Jogues  among  his  Brethren.  — He  returns  to  Canada. 

The  waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence  rolled  through 
a virgin  wilderness,  where,  in  the  vastness  of  the 
lonely  woodlands,  civilized  man  found  a precarious 
harborage  at  three  points  only,  — at  Quebec,  at 
Montreal,  and  at  Three  Rivers.  Here  and  in  the 
scattered  missions  was  the  whole  of  New  France, 
— a population  of  some  three  hundred  souls  in  all. 
And  now,  over  these  miserable  settlements,  rose  a 
war-cloud  of  frightful  portent. 

It  was  thirty-two  years  since  Champlain  had 
fii-st  attacked  the  Iroquois.^  They  had  nursed 
their  wrath  for  more  than  a generation,  and  at 
length  their  hour  was  come.  The  Dutch  traders 
at  Fort  Orange,  now  Albany,  had  supplied  them 

1 See  “ Pioneers  of  France/’  318. 


[2111 


212 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1641-42. 


with  fire-arms.  The  Mohawks,  the  most  easterly 
of  the  Iroquois  nations,  had,  among  their  seven  or 
eight  hundred  warriors,  no  less  than  three  hundred 
armed  with  the  arquebuse,  a w^eapon  somewhat 
like  the  modern  carbine.^  They  were  masters  of 
the  thunderbolts  which,  in  the  hands  of  Champlain, 
had  struck  terror  into  their  hearts. 

We  have  surveyed  in  the  introductory  chapter 
the  character  and  organization  of  this  ferocious 
people  ; their  confederacy  of  five  nations,  bound 
together  by  a peculiar  tie  of  clanship  ; their  chiefs, 
half  hereditary,  half  elective  ; their  government,  an 
oligarchy  in  form  and  a democracy  in  spirit ; their 
minds,  thoroughly  savage,  yet  marked  here  and 
there  with  traits  of  a vigorous  development.  The 
war  which  they  had  long  waged  with  the  llurons 
was  carried  on  by  the  Senecas  and  the  other  West- 
ern nations  of  their  league ; while  the  conduct  of 
hostilities  against  the  French  and  their  Indian  al- 
lies in  Lower  Canada  was  left  to  the  Mohawks. 
In  parties  of  from  ten  to  a hundred  or  more,  they 
would  leave  their  towns  on  the  Iliver  Mohawk, 
descend  Lake  Champlain  and  the  Liver  Lichelieu, 
lie  in  ambush  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  attack  the  passing  boats  or  canoes.  Some- 
times they  hovered  about  the  fortifications  of  Que- 
bec and  Three  Livers,  killing  stragglers,  or  luring 

1 Viraont,  Relation,  1643,  62.  The  Mohawks  were  the  Agnies,  or 
Agneronons,  of  the  old  French  writers. 

According  to  the  Journal  of  New  Netlierland,  a contemporary  Dutch 
document,  (see  Colonial  Documents  of  New  York,  1.  179,)  the  Dutch  at  Fort 
Orange  had  supplied  the  Mohawks  with  four  hundred  guns ; the  profits 
of  the  trade,  which  was  free  to  the  settlers,  blinding  them  to  the  danger. 


HIS  ERRAND. 


213 


lt)42.J 

armed  parties  into  ambuscades.  They  followed 
like  hounds  on  the  trail  of  travellers  and  hunters  ; 
broke  in  upon  unguarded  camps  at  midnight ; and 
lay  in  wait,  for  days  and  weeks,  to  intercept  the 
Huron  traders  on  their  yearly  descent  to  Quebec. 
Had  they  joined  to  their  ferocious  courage  the  dis- 
cipline and  the  military  knowledge  that  belong  to 
civilization,  they  could  easily  have  blotted  out  New 
France  from  the  map,  and  made  the  banks  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  once  more  a solitude ; but,  though 
the  most  formidable  of  savages,  they  were  savages 
only. 

In  the  early  morning  of  the  second  of  August, 
1642,^  twelve  Huron  canoes  were  moving  slowly 
along  the  northern  shore  of  the  expansion  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  known  as  the  Lake  of  St.  Peter. 
There  were  on  board  about  forty  persons,  includ- 
ing four  Frenchmen,  one  of  them  being  the  Jesuit, 
Isaac  Jogues,  whom  we  have  already  followed  on 
his  missionary  journey  to  the  towns  of  the  Tobacco 
Nation.  In  the  interval  he  had  not  been  idle. 
During  the  last  autumn,  (1641,)  he,  with  Father 
Charles  Raymbault,  had  passed  along  the  shore  of 
Lake  Huron  northward,  entered  the  strait  through 
which  Lake  Superior  discharges  itself,  pushed  on 
as  far  as  the  Sault  Sainte  Marie,  and  preached  the 
Faith  to  two  thousand  Ojibwas,  and  other  Algon- 
quins  there  assembled.^  Fie  was  now  on  his  return 
from  a far  more  perilous  errand.  The  Huron  mis- 
sion was  in  a state  of  destitution.  There  was  need 

1 For  the  date,  see  Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1647,  18. 

2 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1642,  97. 


2U 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1642 


of  clothing  for  the  priests,  of  vessels  for  the  altars, 
of  bread  and  wine  for  the  eiicharist,  of  ’ writing 
materials,  — in  short,  of  everything  ; and,  early  in 
the  summer  of  the  present  year,  Jogues  had  de- 
scended to  Three  Rivers  and  Quebec  with  the 
Huron  traders,  to  procure  the  necessary  supplies. 
He  had  accomplished  his  task,  and  was  on  his  way 
back  to  the  mission.  With  him  were  a few  Huron 
converts,  and  among  them  a noted  Christian  chief, 
Eustache  Ahatsistari.  Others  of  the  party  were  in 
course  of  instruction  for  baptism  ; but  the  greater 
part  were  heathen,  whose  canoes  were  deeply  laden 
with  the  proceeds  of  their  bargains  with  the  French 
fur-traders. 

Jogues  sat  in  one  of  the  leading  canoes.  He 
was  born  at  Orleans  in  1607,  and  was  thirty-five 
years  of  age.  His  oval  face  and  the  delicate  mould 
of  his  features  indicated  a modest,  thoughtful,  and 
refined  nature.  He  was  constitutionally  timid,  with 
a sensitive  conscience  and  great  religious  suscepti- 
bilities. He  Avas  a finished  scholar,  and  might  have 
gained  a literary  reputation  ; but  he  had  chosen  an- 
other career,  and  one  for  which  he  seemed  but  ill 
fitted.  Physically,  however,  he  Avas  Avell  matched 
Avith  his  Avork  ; for,  though  his  frame  Avas  slight, 
he  Avas  so  active,  that  none  of  the  Indians  could 
surpass  him  in  running.^ 

With  him  Avere  two  young  men,  Rene  Goupil 
and  Guillaume  Couture,  donnes  of  the  mission, — 

1 Buteux,  Narre’  de  la  Prise  dii  Pere  Jogues,  MS. ; Memoire  touchant  U 
Pere  Jogues,  MS. 

There  is  a portrait  of  him  prefixed  to  Mr.  Shea’s  admirable  edition  in 
q_uarto  of  Jogues’s  Novum  Belgium. 


1642.] 


AMBUSCADE. 


215 


that  is  to  say,  laymen  who,  from  a religious  motive 
and  without  pay,  had  attached  themselves  to  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Jesuits.  Goupil  had  formerly  entered 
upon  the  Jesuit  novitiate  at  Paris,  but  failing  health 
had  obliged  him  to  leave  it.  As  soon  as  he  was 
able,  he  came  to  Canada,  offered  his  services  to  the 
Superior  of  the  mission,  was  employed  for  a time  in 
the  humblest  offices,  and  afterwards  became  an  at- 
tendant at  the  hospital.  At  length,  to  his  delight, 
he  received  permission  to  go  up  to  the  Hurons, 
where  the  surgical  skill  which  he  had  acquired 
was  greatly  needed ; and  he  was  now  on  his  way 
thither.^  Ilis  companion.  Couture,  was  a man  of 
intelligence  and  vigor,  and  of  a character  equally 
disinterested.^  Both  were,  like  Jogues,  in  the 
foremost  canoes ; while  the  fourth  Frenchman  was 
with  the  unconverted  Hurons,  in  the  rear. 

The  twelve  canoes  had  reached  the  western  end 
of  the  Lake  of  St.  Peter,  where  it  is  tilled  with  in- 
numerable islands.^  The  forest  was  close  on  their 
right,  they  kept  near  the  shore  to  avoid  the  current, 
and  the  shallow  water  before  them  was  covered 
with  a dense  growth  of  tall  bulrushes.  Suddenly 
the  silence  was  frightfully  broken.  The  war-whoop 
rose  from  among  the  rushes,  mingled  with  the 
reports  of  guns  and  the  whistling  of  bullets ; and 
several  Iroquois  canoes,  tilled  with  warriors,  pushed 
out  from  their  concealment,  and  bore  down  upon 

1 Jogues,  Notice  sur  Rend'  Goupil. 

For  an  account  of  him,  see  Ferland,  Notes  sur  les  Registres  de  N.D. 
de  Quebec,  83  (1863). 

Buteux,  Narre  de  la  Prise  du  Pht  Jogues,  MS.  Tins  document 
leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the  locality. 


216 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1642. 


Jogues  and  his  companions.  The  Hurons  in  the 
rear  were  seized  with  a shameful  panic.  They 
leaped  ashore  ; left  canoes,  baggage,  and  weapons  ; 
and  fled  into  the  woods.  The  French  and  tlie 
Christian  Hurons  made  fight  for  a time ; hut  wh(m 
they  saw  another  fleet  of  canoes  approaching  from 
tlie  opposite  shores  or  islands,  they  lost  heart,  and 
those  escaped  who  could.  Goupil  w^as  seized  amid 
triumphant  yells,  as  w^re  also  several  of  the  Huron 
converts.  Jogues  sprang  into  the  bulrushes,  and 
might  have  escaped ; but  when  he  saw  Goupil  and 
the  neophytes  in  the  clutches  of  the  Iroquois,  he 
had  no  heart  to  abandon  them,  but  came  out  from 
his  hiding-place,  and  gave  himself  up  to  the  aston- 
ished victors.  A few  of  them  had  remained  to 
guard  the  prisoners ; the  rest  were  chasing  the 
fugitives.  Jogues  mastered  his  agony,  and  began 
to  baptize  those  of  the  captive  converts  who  needed 
baptism. 

Couture  had  eluded  pursuit ; but  when  he 
thought  of  Jogues  and  of  what  perhaps  awaited 
him,  he  resolved  to  share  his  fate,  and,  turning, 
retraced  his  steps.  As  he  approached,  five  Iro- 
quois ran  forward  to  meet  him ; and  one  of  them 
snapped  his  gun  at  his  breast,  but  it  missed  fire.  In 
his  confusion  and  excitement,  Couture  fired  his  own 
piece,  and  laid  the  savage  dead.  The  remaining 
four  sprang  upon  him,  stripped  off  all  his  clothing, 
tore  away  his  finger-nails  with  their  teeth,  gnawed 
his  fingers  with  the  fury  of  famished  dogs,  and 
thrust  a sword  through  one  of  his  hands.  Jogues 
broke  from  his  guards,  and,  rushing  to  his  friend, 


1642.1 


THE  VICTORS  AND  THEIR  PREY. 


217 


threw  his  arms  about  his  neck.  The  Iroquois 
dragged  him  away,  beat  him  with  their  fists  and 
war-clubs  till  he  was  senseless,  and,  when  he  re- 
vived, lacerated  his  fingers  with  their  teeth,  as  they 
had  done  those  of  Couture.  Then  they  turned 
upon  Goupil,  and  treated  him  with  the  same  fero- 
city. The  Huron  prisoners  were  left  for  the  present 
unharmed.  More  of  them  were  brought  in  every 
moment,  till  at  length  the  number  of  captives 
amounted  in  all  to  twenty-two,  while  three  Hurons 
had  been  killed  in  the  fight  and  pursuit.  The  Iro- 
quois, about  seventy  in  number,  now  embarked  with 
their  prey ; but  not  until  they  had  knocked  on  the 
head  an  old  Huron,  whom  Jogues,  with  his  mangled 
hands,  had  just  baptized,  and  who  refused  to  leave 
the  place.  Then,  under  a burning  sun,  they  crossed 
to  the  spot  on  which  the  town  of  Sorel  now  stands 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Hichelieu,  where  they 
encamped.^ 

Their  course  was  southward,  up  the  River  Riche- 
lieu and  Lake  Champlain  ; thence,  by  way  of  Lake 


1 The  above,  with  much  of  wliat  folloAvs,  rests  on  tliree  documents. 
The  first  is  a long  letter,  written  in  Latin,  by  Jogues,  to  the  Father 
Provincial  at  Paris.  It  is  dated  at  Rensselaerswyck  (Albany),  Aug.  5, 
1643,  and  is  preserved  in  the  Societas  Jesu  Militans  of  Tanner,  and  in  the 
Mortes  lUustres  et  Gesta  eorum  de  Societate  Jesu,  etc.,  of  Alegambe.  There 
is  a French  translation  in  Martin’s  Bressani,  and  an  English  translation, 
by  Mr.  Sliea,  in  the  New  York  Hist.  Coll,  of  1857.  The  second  document 
is  an  old  manuscript,  entitled  Narre'  de  la  Prise  da  Pere  Jogues.  It  was 
written  by  the  Jesuit  Buteux,  from  the  lips  of  Jogues.  Father  Martin, 
S.  J.,  in  whose  custody  it  was,  kindly  permitted  me  to  have  a copy  made 
from  it.  Besides  these,  there  is  a long  account  in  the  Relation  des  Hurons 
of  1647,  and  a briefer  one  in  that  of  1644.  All  these  narratives  show  the 
strongest  internal  evidence  of  truth,  and  are  perfectly  concurrent.  They 
are  also  supported  by  statements  of  escaped  Huron  prisoners,  and  by  sev- 
eral letters  and  memoirs  of  the  Dutch  at  Rensselaerswyck. 

19 


.218 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1642 


George,  to  the  Mohawk  towns.  The  pain  and  fe- 
ver of  their  wounds,  and  the  clouds  of  mosquitoes, 
which  they  could  not  drive  off,  left  the  prisoners 
no  peace  by  day  nor  sleep  by  night.  On  the  eighth 
day,  they  learned  that  a large  Iroquois  war-party, 
on  their  way  to  Canada,  were  near  at  hand ; and 
they  soon  approached  their  camp,  on  a small  island 
near  the  southern  end  of  Lake  Champlain.  The 
warriors,  two  hundred  in  number,  saluted  their  vic- 
torious countrymen  with  volleys  from  their  guns ; 
then,  armed  with  clubs  and  thorny  sticks,  ranged 
themselves  in  two  lines,  between  which  the  cap- 
tives were  compelled  to  pass  up  the  side  of  a rocky 
hill.  On  the  way,  they  were  beaten  wdth  such 
fury,  that  Jogues,  who  was  last  in  the  line,  fell 
powerless,  drenched  in  blood  and  half  dead.  As 
the  chief  man  among  the  French  captives,  he  fared 
the  worst.  His  hands  were  again  mangled,  and 
fire  applied  to  his  body ; wdiile  the  Huron  chief, 
Eustache,  was  subjected  to  tortures  even  more  atro- 
cious. When,  at  night,  the  exhausted  sufferers 
tried  to  rest,  the  young  warriors  came  to  lacerate 
their  wounds  and  pull  out  their  hair  and  beards. 

In  the  morning  they  resumed  their  journey.  And 
now  the  lake  narrowed  to  the  semblance  of  a tran- 
quil river.  Before  them  was  a woody  mountain,  close 
on  their  right  a rocky  promontory,  and  betAveen 
these  flowed  a stream,  the  outlet  of  Lake  George. 
On  those  rocks,  more  than  a hundred  years  after, 
rose  the  ramparts  of  Ticonderoga.  They  landed, 
shouldered  their  canoes  and  baggage,  took  their 
way  through  the  woods,  passed  the  spot  where  the 


1642.] 


LAKE  GEORGE. 


219 


fierce  Highlanders  and  the  dauntless  regiments  of 
England  breasted  in  vain  the  storm  of  lead  and 
fire,  and  soon  reached  the  shore  where  Abercrom- 
bie  landed  and  Lord  Howe  fell.  First  of  white 
men,  Jogues  and  his  companions  gazed  on  the 
romantic  lake  that  bears  the  name,  not  of  its  gentle 
discoverer,  but  of  the  dull  Hanoverian  king.  Like 
a fair  Naiad  of  the  wilderness,  it  slumbered  be- 
tween the  guardian  mountains  that  breathe  from 
crag  and  forest  the  stern  poetry  of  war.  But  all 
then  was  solitude  ; and  the  clang  of  trumpets,  the 
roar  of  cannon,  and  the  deadly  crack  of  the  rifle 
had  never  as  yet  awakened  their  angry  echoes.^ 

Again  the  canoes  were  launched,  and  the  wild 
flotilla  glided  on  its  way, — now  in  the  shadow  of 
the  heights,  now  on  the  broad  expanse,  now  among 
the  devious  channels  of  the  narrows,  beset  with 
woody  islets,  where  the  hot  air  was  redolent  of  the 
pine,  the  spruce,  and  the  cedar, — till  they  neared 
that  tragic  shore,  where,  in  the  following  century, 
New-England  rustics  baffled  the  soldiers  of  Dies- 
kau,  where  Montcalm  planted  his  batteries,  where 
the  red  cross  waved  so  long  amid  the  smoke,  and 

1 Lake  George,  according  to  Jogues,  was  called  by  the  Mohawks 
Andiatarocte,”  or  Place  where  the  Lake  closes.  “ Andiataraque  ” is  found 
on  a map  of  Sanson.  Spotford,  Gazetteer  of  New  York,  article  “ Lake 
George,”  says  that  it  was  called  “ Canideri-oit,”  or  Tail  of  the  Lake. 
Eatlicr  Martin,  in  his  notes  on  Bressani,  prefixes  to  this  name  that  of 
“ Horicon,”  but  gives  no  original  authority. 

I have  seen  an  old  Latin  map  on  which  the  name  “ Horiconi  ” is  set 
down  as  belonging  to  a neighboring  tribe.  This  seems  to  be  only  a niis^ 
print  for  ‘‘  Horicoui,”  that  is,  “ Irocoui,”  or  “ Iroquois.”  In  an  old  English 
map,  prefixed  to  the  rare  tract,  A Treatise  of  Neio  England,  the  “ Lake  of 
Hierocoyes  ” is  laid  down.  The  name  “ Horicon,”  as  used  by  Cooper  in 
his  Last  of  the  Mohicans,  seems  to  have  no  sufficient  historical  foundatioa 
In  1646,  the  lake,  as  we  shall  see,  was  named  “ Lac  St.  Sacrement.” 


220 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1G42 


where  at  length  the  summer  night  was  hideous 
with  carnage,  and  an  honored  name  was  stained 
with  a memory  of  blood.^ 

The  Iroquois  landed  at  or  near  the  future  site  of 
Fort  William  Henry,  left  their  canoes,  and,  with 
their  prisoners,  began  their  march  for  the  nearest 
Mohawk  town.  Each  bore  his  share  of  the  plun- 
der. Even  Jogues,  though  his  lacerated  hands 
were  in  a frightful  condition  and  his  body  covered 
with  bruises,  was  forced  to  stagger  on  with  the  rest 
under  a heavy  load.  He  with  his  fellow-prisoners, 
and  indeed  the  whole  party,  were  half  starved,  sub- 
sisting chiefly  on  wild  berries.  They  crossed  the 
upper  Hudson,  and,  in  thirteen  days  after  leaving 
the  St.  Lawrence,  neared  the  wretched'  goal  of 
their  pilgrimage,  a palisaded  town,  standing  on  a 
hill  by  the  banks  of  the  Fiver  Mohawk. 

The  whoops  of  the  victors  announced  their  ap- 
proach, and  the  savage  hive  sent  forth  its  sw^arms. 
They  thronged  the  side  of  the  hill,  the  old  and  the 
young,  each  with  a stick,  or  a slender  iron  rod, 
bought  from  the  Dutchmen  on  the  Hudson.  They 
ranged  themselves  in  a double  line,  reaching  upward 
to  the  entrance  of  the  town ; and  through  this 
‘‘  narrow  road  of  Paradise,”  as  Jogues  calls  it,  the 
captives  were  led  in  single  file.  Couture  in  front, 
after  him  a half-score  of  Hurons,  then  Goupil,  then 

1 The  allusion  is,  of  course,  to  the  siege  of  Fort  William  Henry  in 
1757,  and  the  ensuing  massacre  by  Montcalm’s  Indians.  Charlevoix, 
with  his  usual  carelessness,  says  that  Jogues’s  captors  took  a circuitous 
route  to  avoid  enemies.  In  truth,  however,  they  were  not  in  the  slight- 
est danger  of  meeting  any  ; and  they  followed  the  route  which,  before  the 
present  century,  was  the  great  highway  between  Canada  and  New  Hol- 
land, or  New  York. 


1642.] 


AMONG  THE  MOHAWKS. 


221 


the  remaining  Hurons,  and  at  last  Jogues.  As  they 
passed,  they  were  saluted  with  yells,  screeches, 
and  a tempest  of  blows.  One,  heavier  than  the 
others,  knocked  Jogues’s  breath  from  his  body,  and 
stretched  him  on  the  ground ; but  it  was  death  to 
lie  there,  and,  regaining  his  feet,  he  staggered  on 
with  the  rest.^  When  they  reached  the  town,  the 
blows  ceased,  and  they  were  all  placed  on  a scaf- 
fold, or  high  platform,  in  the  middle  of  the  place. 
The  three  Frenchmen  had  fared  the  worst,  and 
were  frightfully  disfigured.  Goupi] , especially,  was 
streaming  with  blood,  and  livid  with  bruises  from 
head  to  foot. 

They  were  allowed  a few  minutes  to  recover 
their  breath,  undisturbed,  except  by  the  bootings 
and  gibes  of  the  mob  below.  Then  a chief  called 
out,  “ Come,  let  us  caress  these  Frenchmen  ! ” — 
and  the  crowd,  knife  in  hand,  began  to  mount 
the  scaffold.  They  ordered  a Christian  Algonquin 
woman,  a prisoner  among  them,  to  cut  off  Jogues’s 
left  thumb,  which  she  did;  and  a thumb  of  Goupil 
was  also  severed,  a clam-shell  being  used  as  the 
instrument,  in  order  to  increase  the  pain.  It  is  need- 
less to  specify  further  the  tortures  to  which  they 
were  subjected,  all  designed  to  cause  the  greatest 
possible  suffering  without  endangering  life.  At 
night,  they  were  removed  from  the  scaffold,  and 
placed  in  one  of  the  houses,  each  stretched  on  his 
back,  with  his  limbs  extended,  and  his  ankles  and 
wrists  bound  fast  to  stakes  driven  into  the  earthen 

1 This  practice  of  forcing  prisoners  to  “run  the  gauntlet”  was  by  no 
means  peculiar  to  the  Iroquois  but  was  common  to  many  tribes. 

19* 


222 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


fl642. 


floor.  The  children  now  profited  by  the  examples 
of  their  parents,  and  amused  themselves  by  placing 
live  coals  and  red-hot  ashes  on  the  naked  bodies  of 
the  prisoners,  who,  bound  fast,  and  covered  with 
wounds  and  bruises  which  made  every  movement  a 
torture,  were  sometimes  unable  to  shake  them  off. 

In  the  morning,  they  were  again  placed  on  the 
scaffold,  where,  during  this  and  the  two  following 
days,  they  remained  exposed  to  the  taunts  of  the 
crowd.  Then  they  were  led  in  triumph  to  the  sec- 
ond Mohawk  town,  and  afterwards  to  the  third,^ 
suffering  at  each  a repetition  of  cruelties,  the  detail 
of  which  would  be  as  monotonous  as  revolting. 

In  a house  in  the  town  of  Teonontogen,  Jogues 
was  hung  by  the  wrists  between  two  of  the  upright 
poles  which  supported  the  structure,  in  such  a 
manner  that  his  feet  could  not  touch  the  ground ; 
and  thus  he  remained  for  some  fifteen  minutes,  in 
extreme  torture,  until,  as  he  was  on  the  point  of 
swooning,  an  Indian,  with  an  impulse  of  pity,  cut 
the  cords  and  released  him.  While  they  were  in 
this  town,  four  fresh  Huron  prisoners,  just  taken, 
were  brought  in,  and  placed  on  the  scaffold  with 
the  rest.  Jogues,  in  the  midst  of  his  pain  and 
exhaustion,  took  the  opportunity  to  convert  them. 

1 The  Mohawks  had  but  three  towns.  The  first,  and  the  lowest  on 
the  river,  was  Osseruenon ; the  second,  two  miles  above,  was  Andagaron  ; 
and  the  third,  Teonontogen : or,  as  Megapolensis,  in  his  Sketch  of  the  Mo- 
hawks, writes  the  names,  Asserue,  Banagiro,  and  Thenondiogo.  They  all 
seem  to  have  been  fortified  in  the  Iroquois  manner,  and  their  united 
population  was  thirty-five  hundred,  or  somewhat  more.  At  a later 
period,  1720,  there  were  still  three  towns,  named  respectively  Teahton- 
taioga,  Ganowauga,  and  Ganeganaga.  See  the  map  in  Morgan,  League  of 
the  Iroquois. 


1642.]  ren£  goupil.  22^3 

An  ear  of  green  corn  was  thrown  to  him  for  food, 
and  he  discovered  a few  rain-drops  clinging  to  the 
husks.  With  these  he  baptized  two  of  the  Ilurons. 
The  remaining  two  received  baptism  soon  after 
from  a brook  which  the  prisoners  crossed  on  the 
way  to  another  town. 

Couture,  though  he  had  incensed  the  Indians  by 
killing  one  of  their  warriors,  had  gained  their  admi- 
ration by  his  bravery;  and,  after  torturing  him  most 
savagely,  they  adopted  him  into  one  of  their  fami- 
lies, in  place  of  a dead  relative.  Thenceforth  he 
was  comparatively  safe.  Jogues  and  Goupil  were 
less  fortunate.  Three  of  the  Hurons  had  been 
burned  to  death,  and  they  expected  to  share  their 
fate.  A council  was  held  to  pronounce  their 
doom ; but  dissensions  arose,  and  no  result  was 
reached.  They  were  led  back  to  the  first  village, 
w^here  they  remained,  racked  with  suspense  and 
half  dead  with  exhaustion.  Jogues,  however,  lost 
no  opportunity  to  baptize  dying  infants,  while  Gou- 
pil taught  children  to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross. 
On  one  occasion,  he  made  the  sign  on  the  forehead 
of  a child,  grandson  of  an  Indian  in  w^hose  ledge 
they  lived.  The  superstition  of  the  old  savage 
was  aroused.  Some  Dutchmen  had  told  him  that 
the  sign  of  the  cross  came  from  the  Devil,  and 
would  cause  mischief  He  thought  that  Goupil 
was  bewitching  the  child ; and,  resolving  to  rid 
himself  of  so  dangerous  a guest,  applied  for  aid 
to  two  young  braves.  Jogues  and  Goupil,  clad  in 
their  squalid  garb  of  tattered  skins,  were  soon  after 
walking  together  in  the  forest  that  adjoined  the 


224 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1642. 


town,  consoling  themselves  with  prayer,  and  mutu- 
ally exhorting  each  other  to  suffer  patiently  for  the 
sake  of  Christ  and  the  Virgin,  when,  as  they  were 
returning,  reciting  their  rosaries,  they  met  the  two 
young  Indians,  and  read  in  their  sullen  visages  an 
augury  of  ill.  The  Indians  joined  them,  and  ac- 
companied them  to  the  entrance  of  the  town,  where 
one  of  the  two,  suddenly  drawing  a hatchet  from 
beneath  his  blanket,  struck  it  into  the  head  of 
Goupil,  who  fell,  murmuring  the  name  of  Christ. 
Jogues  dropped  on  his  knees,  and,  bowing  his  head 
in  prayer,  awaited  the  blow,  when  the  murderer 
ordered  him  to  get  up  and  go  home.  He  obeyed 
but  not  until  he  had  given  absolution  to  his  still 
breathing  friend,  and  presently  saw  the  lifeless 
body  dragged  through  the  town  amid  bootings  and 
rejoicings. 

Jogues  passed  a night  of  anguish  and  desola- 
tion, and  in  the  morning,  reckless  of  life,  set  forth 
in  search  of  Goupil’s  remains.  ‘‘Where  are  you 
going  so  fast  ] ” demanded  the  old  Indian,  his  mas- 
ter. “ Do  you  not  see  those  fierce  young  braves, 
wdio  are  watching  to  kill  you?”  Jogues  persisted, 
and  the  old  man  asked  another  Indian  to  go  with 
him  as  a protector.  The  corpse  had  been  flung 
into  a neighboring  ravine,  at  the  bottom  of  which 
ran  a torrent ; and  here,  with  the  Indian  s help, 
Jogues  found  it,  stripped  naked,  and  gnawed  by 
dogs.  He  dragged  it  into  the  water,  and  covered 
it  with  stones  to  save  it  from  further  mutilation, 
resolving  to  return  alone  on  the  following  day  and 
secretly  bury  it.  But  with  the  night  there  came 


1642.J 


THE  COEPSE  OF  GOUPIL. 


225 


a storm ; and  when,  in  the  gray  of  the  mornings 
Jogues  descended  to  the  brink  of  the  stream,  he 
found  it  a rolling,  turbid  flood,  and  the  body  was 
nowhere  to  be  seen.  Had  the  Indians  or  the  tor- 
rent borne  it  away?  Jogues  waded  into  the  cold 
current ; it  was  the  first  of  October ; he  sounded  it 
with  his  feet  and  with  his  stick ; he  searched  the 
rocks,  the  thicket,  the  forest ; but  all  in  vain. 
Then,  crouched  by  the  pitiless  stream,  he  mingled 
his  tears  with  its  waters,  and,  in  a voice  broken 
with  groans,  chanted  the  service  of  the  dead.^ 

The  Indians,  it  proved,  and  not  the  flood,  had 
robbed  him  of  the  remains  of  his  friend.  Early  in 
the  spring,  when  the  snows  were  melting  in  the 
woods,  he  was  told  by  Mohawk  children  that  the 
body  was  lying,  where  it  had  been  flung,  in  a lonely 
spot  lower  down  the  stream.  He  went  to  seek  it ; 
found  the  scattered  bones,  stripped  by  the  foxes 
and  the  birds;  and,  tenderly  gathering  them  up, 
hid  them  in  a hollow  tree,  hoping  that  a day  might 
come  when  he  could  give  them  a Christian  burial 
in  consecrated  ground. 

After  the  murder  of  Goupil,  Jogues’s  life  hung 
by  a hair.  He  lived  in  hourly  expectation  of  the 
tomahawk,  and  would  have  welcomed  it  as  a boon. 
By  signs  and  words,  he  was  warned  that  his  hour 
was  near;  but,  as  he  never  shunned  his  fate,  it  fled 
from  him,  and  each  day,  with  renewed  astonish- 
ment, he  found  himself  still  among  the  living. 

1 Jogues  in  Tanner,  Societas  MiUtans,  519;  Bressani,  216;  Lalemant, 
'Relation,  1647,  25,  26 ; Buteux,  Narr^,  MS. ; Jogues,  Notice  sur  Rend 
Goupil. 


226 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1642. 


Late  in  tlie  autumn,  a party  of  the  Indians  set 
forth  on  their  yearly  deer-hunt,  and  Jogues  was 
ordered  to  go  with  them.  Shivering  and  half 
famished,  he  followed  them  through  the  chill  No 
vember  forest,  and  shared  their  wild  bivouac  in 
the  depths  of  the  wintry  desolation.  The  game 
they  took  was  devoted  to  Areskoui,  their  god,  and 
eaten  in  his  honor.  Jogues  would  not  taste  the 
meat  offered  to  a demon ; and  thus  he  starved  in 
the  midst  of  plenty.  At  night,  when  the  kettle 
was  slung,  and  the  savage  crew  made  merry  around 
their  fire,  he  crouched  in  a corner  of  the  hut, 
gnaived  by  hunger,  and  pierced  to  the  bone  with 
cold.  They  thought  his  presence  unpropitious  to 
their  hunting,  and  the  women  especially  hated 
him.  His  demeanor  at  once  astonished  and  in- 
censed his  masters.  He  brought  them  fire-wood, 
like  a squaw ; he  did  their  bidding  without  a mur- 
mur, and  patiently  bore  their  abuse ; but  when  they 
mocked  at  his  God,  and  laughed  at  his  devotions, 
their  slave  assumed  an  air  and  tone  of  authority, 
and  sternly  rebuked  them.^ 

He  would  sometimes  escape  from  “ this  Baby- 
lon,” as  he  calls  the  hut,  and  wander  in  the  forest, 
telling  his  beads  and  repeating  passages  of  Scrip- 
ture. In  a remote  and  lonely  spot,  he  cut  the 
bark  in  the  form  of  a cross  from  the  trunk  of  a 
great  tree;  and  here  he  made  his  prayers.  This 
living  martyr,  half  clad  in  shaggy  furs,  kneeling 
on  the  snow  among  the  icicled  rocks  and  beneath 
the  gloomy  pines,  bowing  in  adoration  before 

1 Lalemant,  Relation , 1647,  41. 


1643.] 


HIS  NARROW  ESCAPE. 


221 


the  emblem  of  the  faith  in  which  was  his  only  con- 
solation and  his  only  hope,  is  alike  a theme  for  the 
pen  and  a subject  for  the  pencil. 

The  Indians  at  last  grew  tired  of  him,  and 
sent  him  back  to  the  village.  Here  he  remained 
till  the  middle  of  March,  baptizing  infants  and  try- 
ing to  convert  adults.  He  told  them  of  the  sun, 
moon,  planets,  and  stars.  They  listened  with 
interest ; but  when  from  astronomy  he  passed  to 
theology,  he  spent  his  breath  in  vain.  In  March, 
the  old  man  with  whom  he  lived  set  forth  for  his 
spring  fishing,  taking  with  him  his  squaw,  and 
several  children.  Jognes  also  was  of  the  party. 
They  repaired  to  a lake,  perhaps  Lake  Saratoga, 
four  days  distant.  Here  they  subsisted  for  some 
time  on  frogs,  the  entrails  of  fish,  and  other  garb- 
age. Jognes  passed  his  days  in  the  forest,  repeat- 
ing his  prayers,  and  carving  the  name  of  Jesus  on 
trees,  as  a terror  to  the  demons  of  the  wilderness. 
A messenger  at  length  arrived  from  the  town ; and 
on  the  following  day,  under  the  pretence  that  signs 
of  an  enemy  had  been  seen,  the  party  broke  up 
their  camp,  and  returned  home  in  hot  haste.  The 
messenger  had  brought  tidings  that  a war-party, 
which  had  gone  out  against  the  French,  had  been 
defeated  and  destroyed,  and  that  the  whole  popula- 
tion were  clamoring  to  appease  their  grief  by  tor- 
turing Jognes  to  death.  This  was  the  true  cause  of 
the  sudden  and  mysterious  return ; but  when  they 
reached  the  town,  other  tidings  had  arrived.  The 
missing  warriors  were  safe,  and  on  their  way  home 
in  triumph  with  a large  number  of  prisoners.  Again 


228 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1G43. 


Jogues’s  life  was  spared ; but  be  was  forced  to 
witness  the  torture  and  butchery  of  the  converts 
and  allies  of  the  French.  Existence  became  un- 
endurable to  him,  and  he  longed  to  die.  War- 
parties  were  continually  going  out.  Should  they 
be  defeated  and  cut  off,  he  would  pay  the  forfeit 
at  the  stake  ; and  if  they  came  back,  as  they 
usually  did,  with  booty  and  prisoners,  he  was 
doomed  to  see  his  countrymen  and  their  Indian 
friends  mangled,  burned,  and  devoured. 

Jogues  had  shown  no  disposition  to  escape,  and 
great  liberty  was  therefore  allowed  him.  He  went 
from  town  to  town,  giving  absolution  to  the  Chris- 
tian captives,  and  converting  and  baptizing  the 
heathen.  On  one  occasion,  he  baptized  a woman 
in  the  midst  of  the  fire,  under  pretence  of  lifting 
a cup  of  water  to  her  parched  lips.  There  was  no 
lack  of  objects  for  his  zeal.  A single  war-party 
returned  from  the  Huron  country  with  nearly  a 
hundred  prisoners,  who  were  distributed  among  the 
Iroquois  towns,  and  the  greater  part  burned.^  Of 
the  children  of  the  Mohawks  and  their  neighbors, 
he  had  baptized,  before  August,  about  seventy ; 
insomuch  that  he  began  to  regard  his  captivity 
as  a Providential  interposition  for  the  saving  of 
souls. 

At  the  end  of  July,  he  went  with  a party  of 

1 The  Dutch  clergyman,  Megapolensis,  at  this  time  living  at  Eort 
Orange,  bears  the  strongest  testimony  to  the  ferocity  with  which  his 
friends,  the  Mohawks,  treated  their  prisoners.  He  mentions  the  same 
modes  of  torture  which  Jogues  describes,  and  is  very  explicit  as  to 
cannibalism.  “The  common  people,”  he  says,  “eat  the  arms,  buttocks, 
and  trunk;  but  the  chiefs  eat  the  head  and  the  heart.”  {Short  Sketch  of 
the  Mohawk  Indians.)  This  feast  was  of  a religious  character. 


1643.] 


FORT  ORANGE. 


229 


Indians  to  a fishing-place  on  the  Hudson,  about 
twenty  miles  below  Fort  Orange,  While  here, 
he  learned  that  another  war-party  had  lately 
returned  with  prisoners,  two  of  whom  had  been 
burned  to  death  at  Osseruenon.  On  this,  his  con- 
science smote  him  that  he  had  not  remained  in 
the  town  to  give  the  sufferers  absolution  or  bap- 
tism ; and  he  begged  leave  of  the  old  woman  who 
had  him  in  charge  to  return  at  the  first  opportu- 
nity. A canoe  soon  after  went  up  the  river  with 
some  of  the  Iroquois,  and  he  was  allowed  to  go 
in  it.  When  they  reached  Fensselaerswyck,  the 
Indians  landed  to  trade  with  the  Dutch,  and  took 
Jogues  with  them. 

The  centre  of  this  rude  little  settlement  was 
Fort  Orange,  a miserable  s'tructure  of  logs,  stand- 
ing on  a spot  now  within  the  limits  of  the  city  of 
Albany.^  It  contained  several  houses  and  other 
buildings ; and  behind  it  was  a small  church, 
recently  erected,  and  serving  as  the  abode  of  the 
pastor.  Dominie  Megapolensis,  known  in  our  day 
as  the  writer  of  an  interesting,  though  short, 
account  of  the  Mohawks.  Some  twenty-five  or 
thirty  houses,  roughly  built  of  boards  and  roofed 
with  thatch,  were  scattered  at  intervals  on  or  near 
the  borders  of  the  Hudson,  above  and  below  the 
fort.  Their  inhabitants,  about  a hundred  in  num- 
ber, were  for  the  most  part  rude  Dutch  farmers, 
tenants  of  Van  Eensselaer,  the  patroon,  or  lord  of 
the  manor.  They  raised  wheat,  of  which  they 

1 The  site  of  the  Fhoenix  Hotel.  — Note  hy  Mr.  Shea  to  Jogues* s Novum 
Belgium. 


20 


230 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1G43. 


made  beer,  and  oats,  with  which  they  fed  then 
numerous  horses.  They  traded,  too,  with  the 
Indians,  who  profited  greatly  by  the  competition 
among  them,  receiving  guns,  knives,  axes,  kettles, 
cloth,  and  beads,  at  moderate  rates,  in  exchange  for 
their  furs.^  The  Dutch  were  on  excellent  terms 
with  their  red  neighbors,  met  them  in  the  forest 
without  the  least  fear,  and  sometimes  intermarried 
with  them.  They  had  known  of  Jogues’s  cap- 
tivity, and,  to  their  great  honor,  had  made  efforts 
for  his  release,  offering  for  that  purpose  goods 
to  a considerable  value,  but  without  effect.^ 

At  Fort  Orange  Jogues  heard  startling  news. 
The  Indians  of  the  village  where  he  lived  were,  he 
was  told,  enraged  against  him,  and  determined  to 
burn  him.  About  the  first  of  July,  a war-party 
had  set  out  for  Canada,  and  one  of  the  warriors 
had  offered  to  Jogues  to  be  the  bearer  of  a letter 
from  him  to  the  French  commander  at  Three 
Fivers,  thinking  probably  to  gain  some  advantage 
under  cover  of  a parley.  Jogues  knew  that  the 
French  would  be  on  their  guard;  and  he  felt 
it  his  duty  to  lose  no  opportunity  of  informing 
them  as  to  the  state  of  affairs  among  the  Iroquois. 

1 Jogues,  Novum  Belgium;  Barnes,  Settlement  of  Albany,  50-55;  O’Cal- 
laghan, New  Netherland,  Cliap.  VI. 

On  the  relations  of  the  Mohawks  and  Dutch,  see  Megapolensis,  Short 
Sl'etch  of  the  MohawJc  Indiayis,  and  portions  of  the  letter  of  Jogues  to  his 
Superior,  dated  Rensselaerswjck,  Aug.  30,  1643. 

2 See  a long  letter  of  Arendt  Van  Curler  (Corlaer)  to  Van  Rensselaer, 
June  16,  1643,  in  O’Callaghan’s  New  Netherland,  Appendix  L.  “ We  per- 
suaded them  so  far,”  writes  Van  Curler,  ‘‘  that  they  promised  not  to  kill 
them.  . . . The  French  captives  ran  screaming  after  us,  and  besought 
us  to  do  all  in  our  power  to  release  them  out  of  the  hands  of  the  bar- 
baiiAns  ” 


1643.1 


THE  DUTCH  BEFRIEND  HIM. 


231 


A Dutchman  gave  him  a piece  of  paper ; and  he 
wrote  a letter,  in  a jargon  of  Latin,  French,  and 
Huron,  warning  his  countrymen  to  be  on  their 
guard,  as  war-parties  were  constantly  going  out, 
and  they  could  hope  for  no  respite  from  attack  until 
late  in  the  autumn.^  When  the  Iroquois  reached 
the  mouth  of  the  River  Richelieu,  where  a small 
fort  had  been  built  by  the  French  the  preceding 
summer,  the  messenger  asked  for  a parley,  and 
gave  dogues’s  letter  to  the  commander  of  the  post, 
who,  ^fter  reading  it,  turned  his  cannon  on  the 
savages.  They  fled  in  dismay,  leaving  behind 
them  their  baggage  and  some  of  their  guns;  and, 
returning  home  in  a fury,  charged  Jogues  with  hav- 
ing caused  their  discomfiture.  Jogues  had  expect- 
ed this  result,  and  was  prepared  to  meet  it ; but 
several  of  the  principal  Dutch  settlers,  and  among 
them  Van  Curler,  who  had  made  the  previous  at- 
tempt to  rescue  him,  urged  that  his  death  was  cer- 
tain, if  he  returned  to  the  Indian  town,  and  advised 
him  to  make  his  escape.  In  the  Hudson,  opposite 
the  settlement,  lay  a small  Dutch  vessel  nearly  ready 
to  sail.  Van  Curler  offered  him  a passage  in  her  to 
Bordeaux  or  Rochelle,  — representing  that  the  op- 
portunity w’^as  too  good  to  be  lost,  and  making  light 
of  the  prisoner’s  objection,  that  a connivance  in  his 
escape  on  the  part  of  the  Dutch  would  excite  the 
resentment  of  the  Indians  against  them.  Jogues 
thanked  him  warmly ; but,  to  his  amazement,  asked 
for  a night  to  consider  the  matter,  and  take  counsel 
of  God  in  prayer. 

1 See  a French  rendering  of  the  letter  in  Vimont,  Relation,  1643,  p.  75. 


232 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1643. 


He  spent  the  night  in  great  agitation,  tossed 
by  doubt,  and  full  of  anxiety  lest  his  self-love 
should  beguile  him  from  his  duty.^  Was  it  not 
possible  that  the  Indians  might  spare  his  life,  and 
that,  by  a timely  drop  of  water,  he  might  still  res- 
cue souls  from  torturing  devils,  and  eternal  fires  of 
perdition?  On  the  other  hand,  would  he  not,  by 
remaining  to  meet  a fate  almost  inevitable,  incur 
the  guilt  of  suicide  ? And  even  should  he  escape 
torture  and  death,  could  he  hope  that  the  Indians 
would  again  permit  him  to  instruct  and  l^ptize 
their  prisoners?  Of  his  French  companions,  one, 
Goupil,  was  dead  ; while  Couture  had  urged  Jogues 
to  flight,  saying  that  he  would  then  follow  his  ex- 
ample, but  that,  so  long  as  the  Father  remained 
a prisoner,  he.  Couture,  would  share  his  fate. 
Before  morning,  Jogues  had  made  his  decision. 
God,  he  thought,  would  be  better  pleased  should 
he  embrace  the  opportunity  given  him.  He  went 
to  find  his  Hutch  friends,  and,  with  a profusion  of 
thanks,  accepted  their  offer.  They  told  him  that  a 
boat  should  be  left  for  him  on  the  shore,  and  that 
he  must  watch  his  time,  and  escape  in  it  to  the 
vessel,  where  he  would  be  safe. 

He  and  his  Indian  masters  were  lodged  together 
in  a large  building,  like  a barn,  belonging  to  a Hutch 
farmer.  It  was  a hundred  feet  long,  and  had  no 
partition  of  any  kind.  At  one  end  the  farmer  kept 
his  cattle ; at  the  other  he  slept  with  his  wife,  a 
Mohawk  squaw,  and  his  children,  while  his  Indian 
guests  lay  on  the  floor  in  the  middle.^  As  he  is 

i Buteux,  Narr€,  MS.  2 Jhid. 


1643] 


HE  ATTEMPTS  TO  ESCAPE. 


233 


described  as  one  of  the  principal  persons  of  the 
colony,  it  is  clear  that  the  civilization  of  Rensse- 
laerswy^k  was  not  high. 

In  the  evening,  Jogues,  in  such  a manner  as  not 
to  excite  the  suspicion  of  the  Indians,  went  out  to 
reconnoitre.  There  was  a fence  around  the  house, 
and,  as  he  was  passing  it,  a large  dog  belonging  to 
the  farmer  flew  at  him,  and  bit  him  very  severely 
in  the  leg.  The  Dutchman,  hearing  the  noise, 
came  out  with  a light,  led  Jogues  back  into  the 
building,  and  bandaged  his  wound.  He  seemed  to 
have  some  suspicion  of  the  prisoner’s  design ; for, 
fearful  perhaps  that  his  escape  might  exasperate 
the  Indians,  he  made  fast  the  door  in  such  a man- 
ner that  it  could  not  readily  be  opened.  Jogues 
now  lay  down  among  the  Indians,  who,  rolled  in 
their  blankets,  were  stretched  around  him.  He 
was  fevered  with  excitement ; and  the  agitation  of 
his  mind,  joined  to  the  pain  of  his  wound,  kept 
him  awake  all  night.  About  dawn,  while  the 
Indians  were  still  asleep,  a laborer  in  the  employ 
of  the  farmer  came  in  with  a lantern,  and  Jogues, 
who  spoke  no  Dutch,  gave  him  to  understand  by 
signs  that  he  needed  his  help  and  guidance.  The 
man  was  disposed  to  aid  him,  silently  led  the  way 
out,  quieted  the  dogs,  and  showed  him  the  path  to 
the  river.  It  was  more  than  half  a mile  distant, 
and  the  Avay  was  rough  and  broken.  Jogues  was 
greatly  exhausted,  and  his  wounded  limb  gave  him 
such  pain  that  he  walked  with  the  utmost  difficulty. 
When  he  reached  the  shore,  the  day  was  breaking, 

and  he  found,  to  his  dismay,  that  the  ebb  of  the 

20* 


234 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1643 


tide  had  left  the  boat  high  and  dry.  He  shouted 
to  the  vessel,  but  no  one  heard  him.  His  despera- 
tion gave  him  strength ; and,  by  working  the  boat 
to  and  fro,  he  pushed  it  at  length,  little  by  little, 
into  the  water,  entered  it,  and  rowed  to  the  ves- 
sel. The  Dutch  sailors  received  him  kindly,  and 
hid  him  in  the  bottom  of  the  hold,  placing  a large 
box  over  the  hatchway. 

He  remained  two  days,  half  stifled,  in  this  foul 
lurking-place,  while  the  Indians,  furious  at  his 
escape,  ransacked  the  settlement  in  vain  to  find 
him.  They  came  off  to  the  vessel,  and  so  terrified 
the  officers,  that  Jogues  was  sent  on  shore  at  night, 
and  led  to  the  fort.  Here  he  was  hidden  in  the 
garret  of  a house  occupied  by  a miserly  old  man, 
to  whose  charge  he  was  consigned.  Food  was 
sent  to  him ; but,  as  his  host  appropriated  the 
larger  part  to  himself,  Jogues  was  nearly  starved. 
There  was  a compartment  of  his  garret,  separated 
from  the  rest  by  a partition  of  boards.  Here  the 
old  Dutchman,  who,  like  many  others  of  the  settlers, 
carried  on  a trade  with  the  Mohawks,  kept  a quan- 
tity of  goods  for  that  purpose ; and  hither  he  often 
brought  his  customers.  The  boards  of  the  parti- 
tion had  shrunk,  leaving  wide  crevices  ; and  Jogues 
could  plainly  see  the  Indians,  as  they  passed  be- 
tween him  and  the  light.  They,  on  their  part, 
might  as  easily  have  seen  him,  if  he  had  not,  when 
he  heard  them  entering  the  house,  hidden  him- 
self behind  some  barrels  in  the  corner,  where  he 
would  sometimes  remain  crouched  for  hours,  in 
a constrained  and  painful  posture,  half  suffocated 


1613.] 


MANHATTAN. 


235 


with  heat,  and  afraid  to  move  a limb.  His  wound- 
ed leg  began  to  show  dangerous  symptoms  ; but  he 
was  relieved  by  the  care  of  a Dutch  surgeon  of  the 
fort.  The  minister,  Megapolensis,  also  visited  him, 
and  did  all  in  his  power  for  the  comfort  of  his 
Catholic  brother,  with  whom  he  seems  to  have  been 
well  pleased,  and  whom  he  calls  “ a very  learned 
scholar.”  ^ 

When  JoOTes  had  remained  for  six  weeks  in  this 

O 

hiding-place,  his  Dutch  friends  succeeded  in  satis- 
fying his  Indian  masters  by  the  payment  of  a large 
ransom.^  A vessel  from  Manhattan,  now  New  York, 
soon  after  brought  up  an  order  from  the  Director- 
General,  Kieft,  that  he  should  be  sent  to  him. 
Accordingly  he  was  placed  in  a small  vessel,  which 
carried  him  down  the  Hudson.  The  Dutch  on 
board  treated  him  with  great  kindness  ; and,  to  do 
him  honor,  named  after  him  one  of  the  islands 
in  the  river.  At  Manhattan  he  found  a dilapidated 
fort,  garrisoned  by  sixty  soldiers,  and  containing  a 
stone  church  and  the  Director-General’s  house,  to- 
gether with  storehouses  and  barracks.  Near  it  were 
ranges  of  small  houses,  occupied  chiefly  by  mechan- 
ics and  laborers  ; while  the  dwellings  of  the  remain- 
ing colonists,  numbering  in  all  four  or  five  hundred, 
were  scattered  here  and  there  on  the  island  and  the 
neighboring  shores.  The  settlers  were  of  different 
sects  and  nations,  but  chiefly  Dutch  Calvinists. 
Kieft  told  his  guest  that  eighteen  different  languages 

1 Megapolensis,  A Short  Sketch  of  the  Mohawk  Indians. 

2 Lettre  de  Jogues  a Lalemant,  Rennes,  Jan.  6, 1644.  — See  Relation,  1643, 
p.  79.  — Goods  were  given  the  Indians  to  the  value  of  three  hundred 
livres. 


236 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1643 


were  spoken  at  Manhattan.^  The  colonists  were  in 
the  midst  of  a bloody  Indian  war,  brought  on  by 
their  own  besotted  cruelty  ; and  while  Jogues  was  at 
the  fort,  some  forty  of  the  Dutchmen  were  killed  on 
the  neighboring  farms,  and  many  barns  and  houses 
burned.^ 

The  Director-General,  with  a humanity  that  was 
far  from  usual  Avith  him,  exchanged  Jogues’s  squalid 
and  savage  dress  for  a suit  of  Dutch  cloth,  and  gave 
him  passage  in  a small  vessel  Avhich  was  then  about 
to  sail.  The  voyage  was  rough  and  tedious ; and 
the  passenger  slept  on  deck  or  on  a coil  of  ropes, 
suffering  greatly  from  cold,  and  often  drenched  by 
the  Avaves  that  broke  over  the  vessel’s  side.  At 
length  she  reached  Falmouth,  on  the  southern  coast 
of  England,  Avhen  all  the  creAV  Avent  ashore  for  a 
carouse,  leaving  Jogues  alone  on  board.  A boat 
presently  came  alongside  Avith  a gang  of  despera- 
does, Avho  boarded  her,  and  rifled  her  of  eA^ery thing 
valuable,  threatened  Jogues  with  a pistol,  and 
robbed  him  of  his  hat  and  coat.  He  obtained  some 
assistance  from  the  creAV  of  a French  ship  in  the 
harbor,  and,  on  the  day  before  Christmas,  took  pas- 
sage in  a small  coal  vessel  for  the  neighboring  coast 
of  Brittany.  In  the  folloAving  afternoon  he  was  set 
on  shore  a little  to  the  north  of  Brest,  and,  seeing  a 
peasant’s  cottage  not  far  off,  he  approached  it,  and 
asked  the  Avay  to  the  nearest  church.  The  peasant 
and  his  wife,  as  the  narrative  gravely  tells  us,  mis- 

1 Jogues,  Novum  Belgium. 

2 This  war  was  with  Algonquin  tribes  of  the  neighborhood.  — See 
O’Callaghan,  New  Netherland,  I.,  Chap.  III. 


1644.] 


AMONG  HIS  BRETHREN. 


287 


took  him,  by  reason  of  his  modest  deportment,  for 
some  poor,  but  pious  Irishman,  and  asked  him  to 
share  their  supper,  after  finishing  his  devotions,  an 
invitation  which  Jogues,  half  famished  as  he  was, 
gladly  accepted.  He  reached  the  church  in  time 
for  the  evening  mass,  and  with  an  unutterable  joy 
knelt  before  the  altar,  and  reneAved  the  communion 
of  which  he  had  been  deprived  so  long.  When  he 
returned  to  the  cottage,  the  attention  of  his  hosts 
was  at  once  attracted  to  his  mutilated  and  distorted 
hands.  They  asked  with  amazement  how  he  could 
have  received  such  injuries ; and  when  they  heard 
the  story  of  his  tortures,  their  surprise  and  ven- 
eration knoAV  no  bounds.  Two  young  girls,  their 
daughters,  begged  him  to  accept  all  they  had  to 
give,  — a handful  of  sous  ; while  the  peasant  made 
knoAvn  the  character  of  his  new  guest  to  his  neigh- 
bors. A trader  from  Rennes  brought  a horse  to 
the  door,  and  offered  the  use  of  it  to  Jogues,  to 
carry  him  to  the  Jesuit  college  in  that  town.  He 
gratefully  accepted  it ; and,  on  the  morning  of  the 
fifth  of  January,  1644,  reached  his  destination. 

He  dismounted,  and  knocked  at  the  door  of  the 
college.  The  porter  opened  it,  and  saw  a man 
wearing  on  his  head  an  old  woollen  nightcap,  and 
in  an  attire  little  better  than  that  of  a beggar. 
Jogues  asked  to  see  the  Rector ; but  the  porter  an- 
swered, coldly,  that  the  Rector  was  busied  in  the 
Sacristy.  Jogues  begged  him  to  say  that  a man 
was  at  the  door  Avith  neAvs  from  Canada.  The  mis- 
sions of  Canada  Avere  at  this  time  an  object  of  pri- 
mal interest  to  the  Jesuits,  and  above  all  to  the 


•238 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 


[1644 


Jesuits  of  Erance.  A letter  from  Jogues,  written 
during  his  captivity,  had  already  reached  France,  as 
had  also  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1643,  which  con- 
tained a long  account  of  his  capture ; and  he  had 
no  doubt  been  an  engrossing  theme  of  conversation 
in  every  house  of  the  French  Jesuits.  The  Father 
Eector  was  putting  on  his  vestments  to  say  mass  ; 
but  when  he  heard  that  a poor  man  from  Canada 
had  asked  for  him  at  the  door,  he  postponed  the 
service,  and  went  to  meet  him.  Jogues,  without 
discovering  himself,  gave  him  a letter  from  the 
Dutch  Director-General  attesting  his  character. 
The  Hector,  without  reading  it,  began  to  question 
him  as  to  the  affairs  of  Canada,  and  at  length 
asked  him  if  he  knew  Father  Jogues. 

I knew  him  very  well,”  was  the  reply. 

“ The  Iroquois  have  taken  him,”  pursued  the 
Hector.  “Is  he  dead?  Have  they  murdered  him? 

“ No,”  answered  Jogues ; “he  is  alive  and  at 
liberty,  and  I am  he.”  And  he  fell  on  his  knees 
to  ask  his  Superior’s  blessing. 

That  night  was  a night  of  jubilation  and  thanks- 
giving in  the  college  of  Hennes.^ 

Jogues  became  a centre  of  curiosity  and  rever- 
ence. He  was  summoned  to  Paris.  The  Queen, 
Anne  of  Austria,  wished  to  see  him;  and  when  the 
persecuted  slave  of  the  Mohawks  was  conducted 
into  her  presence,  she  kissed  his  mutilated  hands, 
while  the  ladies  of  the  Court  thronged  around  to 

1 For  Jogues’s  arrival  in  Brittany,  see  Lettre  de  Jogues  a Lalemant, 

Rennes,  Jan.  G,  1G44 ; Lettre  de  Jogues  a , Rennes,  Jan.  5,  1644,  (in 

Relation,  1643,)  and  the  long  account  in  the  Relation  of  1647. 


1G44.] 


HE  KETURNS  TO  CANADA. 


239 


do  him  homage.  We  are  told,  and  no  doubt  with 
truth,  that  these  honors  were  unwelcome  to  the 
modest  and  single-hearted  missionary,  who  thought 
only  of  returning  to  his  work  of  converting  the 
Indians.  A priest  with  any  deformity  of  body  is 
debarred  from  saying  mass.  The  teeth  and  knives 
of  the  Iroquois  had  indicted  an  injury  worse  than 
the  torturers  imagined,  for  they  had  robbed  Jogues 
of  the  privilege  which  was  the  chief  consolation  of 
his  life;  but  the  Pope,  by  a special  dispensation, 
restored  it  to  him,  and  with  the  opening  spring  he 
sailed  again  for  Canada. 


CHAPTEH  XYII. 

1641-1646. 

THE  IROQUOIS.  — - BRESSANI. DE  NOUE. 

War.  — Distress  and  Terror.  — Richelieu.  — Battle.  — Ruin  op 
Indian  Tribes.  — Mutual  Destruction.  — Iroquois  and  Al- 
gonquin.— Atrocities. — Frightful  Position  op  the  French. 
-—Joseph  Bressani.  — His  Capture.  — His  Treatment.  — His 
Escape.  — Anne  de  Noue.  — His  Nocturnal  Journey.  — His 
Death. 


Two  forces  were  battling  for  the  mastery  of 
Canada:  on  the  one  side,  Christ,  the  Virgin,  and 
the  Angels,  with  their  agents,  the  priests ; on  the 
other,  the  Devil,  and  his  tools,  the  Iroquois.  Such 
at  least  was  the  view  of  the  case  held  in  full 
faith,  not  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers  alone,  but  by  most 
of  the  colonists.  Never  before  had  the  fiend  put 
forth  such  rage,  and  in  the  Iroquois  he  found 
instruments  of  a nature  not  uncongenial  with  his 
own. 

At  Quebec,  Three  Fivers,  Montreal,  and  the 
little  fort  of  Fichelieu,  that  is  to  say,  in  all  Canada, 
no  man  could  hunt,  fish,  till  the  fields,  or  cut  a 
tree  in  the  forest,  without  peril  to  his  scalp.  The 

Iroquois  were  everywhere,  and  nowhere.  A yell, 
[240] 


1641-45.] 


DISTRESS  OF  THE  COLONY. 


241 


a volley  of  bullets,  a rush  of  screeching  savages, 
and  all  was  over.  The  soldiers  hastened  to  the 
spot  to  find  silence,  solitude,  and  a mangled 
corpse. 

‘‘  I had  as  lief,”  writes  Father  Vimont,  “be  beset 
by  goblins  as  by  the  Iroquois.  The  one  are  about 
as  invisible  as  the  other.  Our  people  on  the 
Eichelieu  and  at  Montreal  are  kept  in  a closer 
confinement  than  ever  were  monks  or  nuns  in  our 
smallest  convents  in  France.” 

The  Confederates  at  this  time  were  in  a fiush 
of  unparalleled  audacity.  They  despised  white 
men  as  base  poltroons,  and  esteemed  themselves 
warriors  and  heroes,  destined  to  conquer  all  man- 
kind.^ The  fire-arms  with  which  the  Dutch  had 
rashly  supplied  them,  joined  to  their  united  coun- 
cils, their  courage,  and  ferocity,  gave  them  an 
advantage  over  the  surrounding  tribes  which  they 
fully  understood.  Their  passions  rose  with  their 
sense  of  power.  They  boasted  that  they  would 
wipe  the  Hurons,  the  Algonquins,  and  the  French 
from  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  carry  the  “ white 
girls,”  meaning  the  nuns,  to  their  villages.  This 
last  event,  indeed,  seemed  more  than  probable ; 
and  the  Hospital  nuns  left  their  exposed  station  at 
Sillery,  and  withdrew  to  the  ramparts  and  palisades 
of  Quebec.  The  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Ottawa 
were  so  infested,  that  communication  with  the 

1 Bressani,  when  a prisoner  among  them,  writes  to  this  effect  in  a 
letter  to  his  Superior.  — See  Relation  Ahr^ge'e,  131. 

The  anonymous  author  of  the  Relation  of  1G60  says,  that,  in  their 
belief,  if  their  nation  were  destroyed,  a general  confusion  and  overthrow 
of  mankind  must  needs  be  the  consequence.  — Relation,  1660,  6. 


24:2 


THE  IROQUOIS. 


il642. 


Huron  country  ^vas  cut  off ; and  three  times  the 
annual  packet  of  letters  sent  thither  to  the  mission- 
aries fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Iroquois. 

It  was  towards  the  close  of  the  year  1640  that 
the  scourge  of  Iroquois  war  had  begun  to  fall 
heavily  on  the  French.  At  that  time,  a party  of 
their  warriors  waylaid  and  captured  Thomas  Gode- 
froy  and  Francois  Marguerie,  the  latter  a young 
man  of  great  energy  and  daring,  familiar  with  the 
Avoods,  a master  of  the  Algonquin  language,  and  a 
scholar  of  no  mean  acquirements.^  To  the  great 
joy  of  the  colonists,  he  and  his  companion  Avere 
brought  back  to  Three  Fivers  by  their  captors,  and 
given  up,  in  the  vain  hope  that  the  French  Avould 
respond  with  a gift  of  fire-arms.  Their  demand  for 
them  being  declined,  they  broke  off  the  parley  in  a 
rage,  fortified  themseh^es,  fired  on  the  French,  and 
Avithdrew  under  cover  of  night. 

Open  Avar  now  ensued,  and  for  a time  all  Avas  be- 
Avilderment  and  terror.  How  to  check  the  inroads 
of  an  enemy  so  stealthy  and  so  keen  for  blood  Avas 
the  problem  that  taxed  the  brain  of  Montmagny, 
the  Governor.  He  thought  he  had  found  a solution, 
Avhen  he  conceived  the  plan  of  building  a fort  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Fiver  Fichelieu,  by  Avhich  the 
Iroquois  ahvays  made  their  descents  to  the  St. 
Lawrence.  Happily  for  the  perishing  colony,  the 
Cardinal  de  Fichelieu,  in  1642,  sent  out  thirty  or 
forty  soldiers  for  its  defence.^  Ten  times  the  num- 

1 During  his  captivity,  he  wrote,  on  a beaver-skin,  a letter  to  the 
Dutch  in  French,  Latin,  and  English. 

2 Faillon,  Colonie  Franqaise,  II.  2;  Vimont,  Relation^  1642,  2,  44. 


PORT  RICHELIEU. 


243 


1G12»] 

ber  would  have  been  scarcely  sufficient ; but  even 
this  slight  succor  was  hailed  with  delight,  and 
Montmagny  was  enabled  to  carry  into  effect  his 
plan  of  the  fort,  for  which  hitherto  he  had  had 
neither  builders  nor  garrison.  He  took  with  him, 
besides  the  new-comers,  a body  of  soldiers  and  armed 
laborers  from  Quebec,  and,  with  a force  of  about  a 
hundred  men  in  all,^  sailed  for  the  Richelieu,  in 
a brigantine  and  two  or  three  open  boats. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  August  he  reached  his  des- 
tination, and  landed  where  the  town  of  Sorel  now 
stands.  It  was  but  eleven  days  before  that  Jogues 
and  his  companions  had  been  captured,  and  Mont- 
magny’s  followers  found  ghastly  tokens  of  the  disas- 
ter. The  heads  of  the  slain  were  stuck  on  poles  by 
the  side  of  the  river ; and  several  trees,  from  which 
portions  of  the  bark  had  been  peeled,  were  daubed 
with  the  rude  picture-wu’iting  in  which  the  victors 
recorded  their  exploit.^  Among  the  rest,  a repre- 
sentation of  Jogues  himself  was  clearly  distinguish- 
able. The  heads  were  removed,  the  trees  cut  down, 
and  a large  cross  planted  on  the  spot.  An  altar  was 
raised,  and  all  heard  mass ; then  a volley  of  musketry 
w^as  fired  ; and  then  they  fell  to  their  work.  They 
hewed  an  opening  into  the  forest,  dug  up  the  roots, 
cleared  the  ground,  and  cut,  shaped,  and  planted 

LJMarie  cle  I’lncarnation,  Lettre,  Sept.  29,  1642. 

Vimont,  Relation,  1642,  52. 

This  practice  was  common  to  many  tribes,  and  is  not  yet  extinct. 
The  writer  has  seen  similar  records,  made  by  recent  war-parties  of  Grows 
or  Blackfeet,  in  the  remote  West.  In  this  case,  the  bark  was  removed 
from  tlie  trunks  of  large  cotton-wood  trees,  and  the  pictures  traced  with 
cliarcoal  and  vermilion.  There  were  marks  for  scalps,  for  prisoners,  and 
fcr  the  conquerors  themselves. 


244 


THE  IROQUOIS. 


[1642. 


palisades.  Thus  a week  passed,  and  their  defences 
were  nearly  completed,  when  suddenly  the  war- 
whoop  rang  in  their  ears,  and  two  hundred  Iroquois 
rushed  upon  them  from  the  borders  of  the  clearing.^ 

It  was  the  party  of  warriors  that  Jogues  had  met 
on  an  island  in  Lake  Champlain.  But  for  the  cour- 
age of  Du  Bocher,  a corporal,  who  was  on  guard, 
they  would  have  carried  all  before  them.  They 
were  rushing  through  an  opening  in  the  palisade, 
when  he,  with  a few  soldiers,  met  them  with  such 
vigor  and  resolution,  that  they  were  held  in  check 
long  enough  for  the  rest  to  snatch  their  arms. 
Montmagny,  who  was  on  the  river  in  bis  brigantine, 
hastened  on  shore,  and  the  soldiers,  encouraged  by 
his  arrival,  fought  with  great  determination. 

The  Iroquois,  on  their  part,  swarmed  up  to  the 
palisade,  thrust  their  guns  through  the  loop-holes, 
and  fired  on  those  within ; nor  was  it  till  several  of 
them  had  been  killed  and  others  wounded  that  they 
learned  to  keep  a more  prudent  distance.  A tall 
savage,  wearing  a crest  of  the  hair  of  some  animal, 
dyed  scarlet  and  bound  with  a fillet  of  wampum, 
leaped  forward  to  the  attack,  and  was  shot  dead. 
Another  shared  his  fate,  with  seven  buck-shot  in 
his  shield,  and  as  many  in  his  body.  The  French, 
with  shouts,  redoubled  their  fire,  and  the  Indians 
at  length  lost  heart  and  fell  back.  The  wounded 
dropped  guns,  shields,  and  war-clubs,  and  the  whole 
band  withdrew  to  the  shelter  of  a fort  which  they 
had  built  in  the  forest,  three  miles  above.  On  the 

1 The  Relation  of  1642  says  three  hundred.  Jogues  who  had  ])een 
among  them  to  his  cost,  is  the  better  authority. 


1641-45.J 


IROQUOIS  AND  ALGONQUIN. 


245 


part  of  tlie  French,  one  man  was  killed  and  four 
wounded.  They  had  narrowly  escaped  a disaster 
which  might  have  proved  the  ruin  of  the  colony ; 
and  they  now  gained  time  so  far  to  strengthen  their 
defences  as  to  make  them  reasonably  secure  against 
any  attack  of  savages.^  The  new  fort,  however, 
did  not  effectually  answer  its  purpose  of  stopping 
the  ini’oads  of  the  Iroquois.  The}  would  land  a 
mile  or  more  above  it,  carry  their  canoes  through 
the  forest  across  an  intervening  tongue  of  land,  and 
then  launch  them  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  while  the 
garrison  remained  in  total  ignorance  of  their  move- 
ments. 

While  the  French  were  thus  beset,  their  Indian 
allies  fared  still  worse.  The  effect  of  Iroquois 
hostilities  on  all  the  Algonquin  tribes  of  Canada, 
from  the  Saguenay  to  the  Lake  of  the  Nipissings, 
had  become  frightfully  apparent.  Famine  and 
pestilence  had  aided  the  ravages  of  war,  till  these 
wretched  bands  seemed  in  the  course  of  rapid 
extermination.  Their  spirit  was  broken.  They 
became  humble  and  docile  in  the  hands  of  the 
missionaries,  ceased  their  railings  against  the  new 
doctrine,  and  leaned  on  the  French  as  their  only 
hope  in  this  extremity  of  woe.  Sometimes  they 
would  appear  in  troops  at  Sillery  or  Three  Fivers, 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1642,  50,  51. 

Assaults  by  Indians  on  fortified  places  are  rare.  The  Iroquois  are 
known,  however,  to  have  made  them  with  success  in  several  cases, 
some  of  the  most  remarkable  of  which  will  appear  hereafter.  The  cour- 
age of  Indians  is  uncertain  and  spasmodic.  They  are  capable,  at  times, 
of  a furious  temerity,  approaching  desperation ; but  this  is  liable  to  sud- 
den and  extreme  reaction.  Their  courage,  too,  is  much  oftener  displayed 
in  covert  than  in  open  attacks. 


21* 


246 


THE  IROQUOIS. 


[1641-42. 


scared  out  of  their  forests  by  the  sight  of  an 
Iroquois  footprint ; then  some  new  terror  would 
seize  them,  and  drive  them  back  to  seek  a hiding- 
place  in  the  deepest  thickets  of  the  wilderness. 
Their  best  hunting-grounds  were  beset  by  the 
enemy.  They  starved  for  weeks  together,  sub- 
sisting on  the  bark  of  trees  or  the  thongs  of  raw 
hide  which  formed  the  net-work  of  their  snow- 
shoes.  The  mortality  among  them  was  prodigious. 
“Where,  eight  years  ago,”  writes  Father  Vimont, 
“ one  would  see  a hundred  wigwams,  one  now  sees 
scarcely  five  or  six.  A chief  who  once  had  eight 
hundred  warriors  has  now  but  thirly  or  forty ; and 
in  place  of  fleets  of  three  or  four  hundred  canoes, 
we  see  less  than  a tenth  of  that  number.”^ 

These  Canadian  tribes  were  undergoing  that  pro- 
cess of  extermination,  absorption,  or  expatriation, 
which,  as  there  is  reason  to  believe,  had  for  many 
generations  formed  the  gloomy  and  meaningless 
history  of  the  greater  part  of  this  continent.  Three 
or  four  hundred  Dutch  guns,  in  the  hands  of 
the  conquerors,  gave  an  umvonted  quickness  and 
decision  to  the  work,  but  in  no  way  changed  its 
essential  character.  The  horrible  nature  of  this 
warfare  can  be  known  only  through  examples ; and 
of  these  one  or  two  will  suffice. 

A band  of  Algonquins,  late  in  the  autumn  of 
1641,  set  forth  from  Three  Fivers  on  their  winter 
hunt,  and,  fearful  of  the  Iroquois,  made  their  way 
far  northward,  into  the  depths  of  the  forests  that 
border  the  Ottawa.  Here  they  thought  themselves 

1 Relation,  1644,  3. 


1642.J 


FUGITIVES. 


247 


safe,  built  their  lodges,  and  began  to  hunt  the 
moose  and  beaver.  But  a large  party  of  their 
enemies,  with  a persistent  ferocity  that  is  truly 
astonishing,  had  penetrated  even  here,  found  the 
traces  of  the  snow-shoes,  followed  up  their  human 
prey,  and  hid  at  nightfall  among  the  rocks  and 
thickets  around  the  encampment.  At  midnight, 
their  yells  and  the  blows  of  their  war-clubs 
awakened  their  sleeping  victims.  In  a few  minutes 
all  were  in  their  power.  They  bound  the  prisoners 
hand  and  foot,  rekindled  the  fire,  slung  the  kettles, 
cut  the  bodies  of  the  slain  to  pieces,  and  boiled 
and  devoured  them  before  the  eyes  of  the  wretched 
survivors.  “In  a word,”  says  the  narrator,  “they 
ate  men  with  as  much  appetite  and  more  pleasure 
than  hunters  eat  a boar  or  a stag.”  ^ 

Meanwhile  they  amused  themselves  with  banter- 
ing their  prisoners.  “Uncle,”  said  one  of  them 
to  an  old  Algonquin,  “ you  are  a dead  man.  You 
are  going  to  the  land  of  souls.  Tell  them  to  take 
heart:  they  will  have  good  company  soon,  for  we 
are  going  to  send  all  the  rest  of  your  nation  to  join 
them.  This  will  be  good  news  for  them.”^ 

This  old  man,  who  is  described  as  no  less  mali- 
cious than  his  captors,  and  even  more  crafty,  soon 
after  escaped,  and  brought  tidings  of  the  disaster  to 
the  French.  In  the  following  spring,  two  women  of 
the  party  also  escaped ; and,  after  suffering  almost 
incredible  hardships,  reached  Three  Fivers,  torn 
with  briers,  nearly  naked,  and  in  a deplorable  state 
of  bodily  and  mental  exhaustion.  One  of  them 

^ Vimont,  Relation,  1642,  46.  2 Xhid.,  45. 


248 


THE  IROQUOIS. 


[164a 


told  her  story  to  Father  Buteux,  who  translated  it 
into  French,  and  gave  it  to  Yimont  to  be  printed 
in  the  Relaiion  of  1642.  Eevolting  as  it  is,  it  is 
necessary  to  recount  it.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  it  is 
sustained  by  the  whole  body  of  contemporary  evi- 
dence in  regard  to  the  practices  of  the  Iroquois  and 
some  of  the  neighboring  tribes. 

The  conquerors  feasted  in  the  lodge  till  nearly 
daybreak,  and  then,  after  a short  rest,  began  their 
march  homeward  with  their  prisoners.  Among 
these  were  three  women,  of  whom  the  narrator 
was  one,  who  had  each  a child  of  a few  weeks  or 
months  old.  At  the  first  halt,  their  captors  took 
the  infants  from  them,  tied  them  to  wooden  spits, 
placed  them  to  die  slowly  before  a fire,  and  feasted 
on  them  before  the  eyes  of  the  agonized  mothers, 
whose  shrieks,  supplications,  and  frantic  efforts  to 
break  the  cords  that  bound  them  were  met  with 
mockery  and  laughter.  ‘‘  They  are  not  men,  they 
are  wolves ! ” sobbed  the  wretched  woman,  as  she 
told  what  had  befallen  her  to  the  pitying  Jesuit.^  At 
the  Fall  of  the  Chaudiere,  another  of  the  women  , 
ended  her  woes  by  leaping  into  the  cataract.  When 
they  approached  the  first  Iroquois  town,  they  were 
met,  at  the  distance  of  several  leagues,  by  a crowd  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  among  them  a troop  of  women, 
bringing  food  to  regale  the  triumphant  warriors. 
Here  they  halted,  and  passed  the  night  in  songs  of 
victory,  mingled  with  the  dismal  chant  of  the  prison- 
ers, who  were  forced  to  dance  for  their  entertainment. 

On  the  morrow,  they  entered  the  town,  leading 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1642,  46. 


1642.] 


IROQUOIS  CRUELTY. 


249 


the  captive  Algonquiiis,  fast  bound,  and  surrounded 
by  a crowd  of  men,  women,  and  children,  all  sing- 
ing at  the  top  of  their  throats.  The  largest  lodge 
was  ready  to  receive  them;  and  as  they  entered,  the 
victims  read  their  doom  in  the  fires  that  blazed  on 
the  earthen  floor,  and  in  the  aspect  of  the  attendant 
savages,  whom  the  Jesuit  Father  calls  attendant 
demons,  that  waited  their  coming.  The  torture 
which  ensued  was  but  preliminary,  designed  to 
cause  all  possible  suffering  without  touching  life. 
It  consisted  in  blows  with  sticks  and  cudgels,  gash- 
ing their  limbs  with  knives,  cutting  off  their  fingers 
with  clam-shells,  scorching  them  with  fuubrands, 
and  other  indescribable  torments.^  The  women 
were  stripped  naked,  and  forced  to  dance  to  the 
singing  of  the  male  prisoners,  amid  the  applause 
and  laughter  of  the  crowd.  They  then  gave  them 
food,  to  strengthen  them  for  further  suffering. 

On  the  following  morning,  they  were  placed  on 
a large  scaffold,  in  sight  of  the  whole  population. 
It  was  a gala-day.  Young  and  old  were  gathered 
from  far  and  near.  Some  mounted  the  scaffold, 
and  scorched  them  with  torches  and  firebrands; 
while  the  children,  standing  beneath  the  bark  plat- 
form, applied  fire  to  the  feet  of  the  prisoners  be- 
tween the  crevices.  The  Algonquin  women  were 
told  to  burn  their  husbands  and  companions ; and 
one  of  them  obeyed,  vainly  thinking  to  appease  her 

1 ‘‘  Cette  pauure  creature  qui  s’est  sauuee,  a les  deux  pouces  couppez, 
ou  plus  tost  hachez.  Quand  ils  me  les  eurent  couppez,  disoit-elle,  ils  me 
les  voulurent  faire  manger ; mais  ie  les  mis  sur  mon  giron,  et  leur  dis 
qu’ils  me  tuassent  s’ils  vouloient,  que  ie  ne  leur  pouuois  obeir.”  — Buteux, 
in  Relation,  1642,  47. 


250 


THE  IROQUOIS. 


[1642. 


tormentors.  The  stoicism  of  one  of  the  warriors 
enraged  his  captors  beyond  measure.  “ Scream ! 
why  don’t  you  scream  ] ” they  cried,  thrusting  their 
burning  brands  at  his  naked  body.  “ Look  at  me,” 
he  answered;  “you  cannot  make  me  wince.  If  you 
were  in  my  place,  you  would  screech  like  babies.” 
At  tills  they  fell  upon  him  with  redoubled  fury, 
till  their  knives  and  firebrands  left  in  him  no 
semblance  of  humanity.  He  was  defiant  to  the 
last,  and  when  death  came  to  his  relief,  they  tore 
out  his  heart  and  devoured  it ; then  hacked  him 
in  pieces,  and  made  their  feast  of  triumph  on  his 
mangled  limbs. ^ 

All  the  men  and  all  the  old  women  of  the  party 
were  put  to  death  in  a similar  manner,  though  but 
few  displayed  the  same  amazing  fortitude.  The 
younger  women,  of  whom  there  were  about  thirty, 
after  passing  their  ordeal  of  torture,  were  permitted 
to  live ; and,  disfigured  as  they  were,  were  distributed 
among  the  several  villages,  as  concubines  or  slaves 
to  the  Iroquois  warriors.  Of  this  number  were  the 
narrator  and  her  companion,  who,  being  ordered  to 
accompany  a war-party  and  carry  their  provisions, 
escaped  at  night  into  the  forest,  and  reached  Three 
Livers,  as  we  have  seen. 

1 The  diabolical  practices  described  above  were  not  peculiar  to  the 
Iroquois.  The  Neutrals  and  other  kindred  tribes  were  no  whit  less  cruel. 
It  is  a remark  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  and  I think  a just  one,  that  the  Indians 
west  of  the  Mississippi  are  less  ferocious  than  those  east  of  it.  The  burn- 
ing of  prisoners  is  rare  among  the  prairie  tribes,  but  is  not  unknown.  An 
Ogillallah  chief,  in  whose  lodge  I lived  for  several  weeks  in  1846, 
described  to  me,  witli  most  expressive  pantomime,  how  he  had  captured 
?md  burned  a warrior  of  the  Snake  Tribe,  in  a valley  of  the  Medicine  Bow 
Mountains,  near  which  we  were  then  encamped. 


1614.1 


BEESSANrS  JOUENEY. 


251 


While  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French  were  wast- 
ing away  beneath  this  atrocious  warfare,  the  French 
themselves,  and  especially  the  travelling  Jesuits, 
had  their  full  share  of  the  infliction.  In  truth,  the 
puny  and  sickly  colony  seemed  in  the  gasps  of 
dissolution.  The  beginning  of  spring,  particularly, 
was  a season  of  terror  and  suspense  ; for  with  the 
breaking  up  of  the  ice,  sure  as  a destiny,  came  the 
Iroquois.  As  soon  as  a canoe  could  float,  they 
were  on  the  war-path  ; and  with  the  cry  of  the  re- 
turning wild-fowl  mingled  the  yell  of  these  human 
tigers.  They  did  not  always  wait  for  the  breaking 
ice,  but  set  forth  on  foot,  and,  when  they  came  to 
open  water,  made  canoes  and  embarked. 

Well  might  Father  Yimont  call  the  Iroquois 
‘ the  scourge  of  this  infant  church.”  They  burned, 
hacked,  and  devoured  the  neophytes ; exterminated 
whole  villages  at  once ; destroyed  the  nations  whom 
the  Fathers  hoped  to  convert;  and  ruined  that 
sure  ally  of  the  missions,  the  fur- trade.  Not  the 
most  hideous  nightmare  of  a fevered  brain  could 
transcend  in  horror  the  real  and  waking  perils 
with  which  they  beset  the  path  of  these  intrepid 
priests. 

In  the  spring  of  1644,  Joseph  Bressani,  an  Ital- 
ian Jesuit,  born  in  Borne,  and  now  for  two  years 
past  a missionary  in  Canada,  was  ordered  by  his 
Superior  to  go  up  to  the  Hurons.  It  was  so  early 
in  the  season  that  there  seemed  hope  that  he  might 
pass  in  safety;  and  as  the  Fathers  in  that  wild 
mission  had  received  no  succor  for  three  }ears, 
Bressani  was  charged  with  letters  to  them,  and  such 


252 


BRESSANI. 


[1644. 


necessaries  for  tlieir  use  as  he  was  able  to  carry. 
With  him  were  six  young  Hurons,  lately  converted, 
and  a French  boy  in  his  service.  The  party  were 
in  three  small  canoes.  Before  setting  out  they  all 
confessed  and  prepared  for  death. 

They  left  Three  Fivers  on  the  twenty-seventh  of 
April,  and  found  ice  still  floating  in  the  river,  and 
patches  of  snow  lying  in  the  naked  forests.  On 
the  flrst  day,  one  of  the  canoes  overset,  nearly 
drowning  Bressani,  who  could  not  swim.  On  the 
third  day,  a snow-storm  began,  and  greatly  retarded 
their  progress.  The  young  Indians  foolishly  fired 
their  guns  at  the  wild-fowl  on  the  river,  and  the 
sound  reached  the  ears  of  a war-party  of  Iroquois, 
one  of  ten  that  had  already  set  forth  for  the  St. 
Lawrence,  the  Ottawa,  and  the  Huron  towns.^ 
Hence  it  befell,  that,  as  they  crossed  the  mouth  of 
a small  stream  entering  the  St.  Lawrence,  twenty- 
seven  Iroquois  suddenly  issued  from  behind  a point, 
and  attacked  them  in  canoes.  One  of  the  Hurons 
was  killed,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  party  captured 
without  resistance. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  July  following,  Bressani 
wrote  from  the  Iroquois  country  to  the  General  of 
the  Jesuits  at  Borne : — “I  do  not  know  if  your 
Paternity  will  recognize  the  handwriting  of  one 
whom  you  once  knew  very  well.  The  letter  is 
soiled  and  ill- written ; because  the  writer  has  only 
one  finger  of  his  right  hand  left  entire,  and  cannot 
prevent  the  blood  from  his  wounds,  which  are 
still  open,  from  staining  the  paper.  His  ink  is 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1644,  41. 


1644.] 


BRESSANI  AMONG  THE  IROQUOIS. 


253 


gunpowder  mixed  with  water,  and  his  table  is  the 
earth.” ' 

Then  follows  a modest  narrative  of  what  he  en- 
dured at  the  hands  of  his  captors.  First  they 
thanked  the  Sun  for  their  victory ; then  plundered 
the  canoes ; then  cut  up,  roasted,  and  devoured  the 
slain  Huron  before  the  eyes  of  the  prisoners.  On 
the  next  day  they  crossed  to  the  southern  shore, 
and  ascended  the  River  Richelieu  as  far  as  the 
rapids  of  Chambly,  whence  they  pursued  their 
march  on  foot  among  the  brambles,  rocks,  and 
swamps  of  the  trackless  forest.  When  they  reached 
Lake  Champlain,  they  made  new  canoes  and  re- 
embarked, landed  at  its  southern  extremity  six 
days  afterwards,  and  thence  made  for  the  Upper 
Hudson.  Here  they  found  a fishing  camp  of  four 
hundred  Iroquois,  and  now  Bressani’s  torments 
began  in  earnest.  They  split  his  hand  with  a 
knife,  between  the  little  finger  and  the  ring  finger ; 
then  beat  him  with  sticks,  till  he  w^as  covered  with 
blood ; and  afterwards  placed  him  on  one  of  their 
torture-scaffolds  of  bark,  as  a spectacle  to  the 
crowd.  Here  they  stripped  him,  and  while  he 
shivered  with  cold  from  head  to  foot,  they  forced 
him  to  sing.  After  about  two  hours  they  gave 
him  up  to  the  children,  who  ordered  him  to  dance, 
at  the  same  time  thrusting  sharpened  sticks  mto  his 

1 This  letter  is  printed  anonymously  in  the  Second  Part,  Chap.  II , 
of  Bressani’s  Relation  Ahr€gee.  A comparison  with  Vimont’s  account,  in 
the  Relation  of  1644,  makes  its  authorship  apparent.  Vimont’s  narrative 
agrees  in  all  essential  points.  His  informant  was  “ vne  personne  digne 
de  foy,  qui  a este  tesmoin  oculaire  de  tout  ce  qu’il  a souflert  pendant  sa 
captiuite.”  — Vimont,  Relation,  1644,  43. 

22 


254 


BRESSANI. 


[1644. 


flesh  , and  pulling  out  his  hair  and  hoard.  “ Sing ! ” 
cried  one ; “ Hold  your  tongue ! ” screamed  an- 
other ; and  if  he  obeyed  the  first,  the  second  burned 
him.  “We  will  burn  you  to  death ; we  will  eat 
you.”  “ I will  eat  one  of  your  hands.”  “ And  T 
will  eat  one  of  your  feet.”  ^ These  scenes  were 
renewed  every  night  for  a week.  Every  evening 
a chief  cried  aloud  through  the  camp,  “ Come, 
my  children,  come  and  caress  our  prisoners ! ” — 
and  the  savage  crew  thronged  jubilant  to  a large 
hut,  where  the  captives  lay.  They  stripped  off  the 
torn  fragment  of  a cassock,  which  was  the  priest’s 
only  garment ; burned  him  with  live  coals  and  red- 
hot  stones  ; forced  him  to  walk  on  hot  cinders ; 
burned  off  now  a finger-nail  and  now  the  joint  of  a 
finger,  — rarely  more  than  one  at  a time,  however, 
for  they  economized  their  pleasures,  and  reserved 
the  rest  for  another  day.  This  torture  was  pro 
tracted  till  one  or  two  o’clock,  after  which  they  left 
him  on  the  ground,  fast  bound  to  four  stakes,  and 
covered  only  with  a scanty  fragment  of  deer-skin.^ 

1 “ Ils  me  repetaient  sans  cesse : Nous  te  brulerons ; nous  te  mange- 
rons  ; — je  te  mangerai  un  pied;  — et  moi,  une  main,”  etc.  — Bressani,  in 
Relation  Ahreijee,  137. 

2 “ Chaque  nuit  apres  m’avoir  fait  chanter,  et  m’avoir  tourmente 
coinme  ie  I’ai  dit,  ils  passaient  environ  un  quart  d’heiire  a me  bruler  un 
ongle  oil  un  doigt.  II  ne  m’en  reste  maintenant  qu’un  seul  entier.  et 
encore  ils  cn  ont  arraclie  Tongle  avec  les  dents.  Un  soir  ils  m’enlevaient 
un  ongle,  le  lendemain  la  premiere  phalange,  le  jour  suivant  la  seconde 
Bn  six  fois,  ils  en  briderent  presque  six.  Aux  mains  seules,  ils  m’ont 
applique  le  feu  et  le  fer  plus  de  18  fois,  et  i’etais  oblige  de  chanter  pendant 
ce  supplice.  Ils  ne  cessaient  de  me  tourmenter  qu’a  une  ou  deux  heures 
de  la  nuit.”  — Bressani,  Relation  Abregee,  122. 

Bressani  speaks  in  another  passage  of  tortures  of  a nature  jet  more 
excruciating.  They  were  similar  to  those  alluded  to  bj  the  anonymous 
author  of  the  Relation  of  1660  : “ le  ferois  rougir  ce  papier,  et  les  oreilles 


1644.] 


ESCAPE  OF  BEESSANI 


255 


The  other  prisoners  had  their  share  of  torture  ; but 
the  worst  fell  upon  the  Jesuit,  as  the  chief  man  of 
the  party.  The  unhappy  boy  Avho  attended  him, 
though  only  twelve  or  thirteen  years  old,  was  tor- 
mented before  his  eyes  with  a pitiless  ferocity. 

At  length  they  left  this  encampment,  and,  after  a 
march  of  several  days,  — during  which  Bressani,  in 
wading  a rocky  stream,  fell  from  exhaustion  and  was 
nearly  drowned,  — they  reached  an  Iroquois  town. 
It  is  needless  to  follow  the  revolting  details  of  the 
new  torments  that  succeeded.  They  hung  him  by 
the  feet  with  chains  ; placed  food  for  their  dogs  on 
his  naked  body,  that  they  might  lacerate  him  as  they 
ate ; and  at  last  had  reduced  his  emaciated  frame 
to  such  a condition,  that  even  they  themselves 
stood  in  horror  of  him.  “ I could  not  have  be 
lieved,”  he  writes  to  his  Superior,  ‘‘  that  a man  was 
so  hard  to  kill.”  He  found  among  them  those 
who,  from  compassion,  or  from  a refinement  of 
cruelty,  fed  him,  for  he  could  not  feed  himself. 
They  told  him  jestingly  that  they  wished  to  fatten 
him  before  putting  him  to  death. 

The  council  that  was  to  decide  his  fate  met  on 
the  nineteenth  of  June,  when,  to  the  prisoner’s 
amazement,  and,  as  it  seemed,  to  their  own  surprise, 
they  resolved  to  spare  his  life.  He  was  given,  with 
due  ceremony,  to  an  old  woman,  to  take  the  place 
of  a deceased  relative ; but,  since  he  was  as  repul- 
sive, in  his  mangled  condition,  as,  by  the  Indian 


fremiroient,  si  ie  rapportois  les  horribles  traitemens  qne  les  Agnieron- 
nons  ” [the  Mohawk  nation  of  the  Iroquois)  “ ont  fiiits  sur  qiielqiies  captifs.” 
He  adds,  that  past  ages  have  never  heard  of  such.  — Relation,  1060,  7,  8. 


256 


BRESSANI. 


[1644 


standard,  he  was  useless,  she  sent  her  son  with  him 
to  Fort  Orange,  to  sell  him  to  the  Dutch.  With 
the  same  humanity  which  they  had  shown  in  the 
case  of  Jogues,  they  gave  a generous  ransom  for 
him,  supplied  him  with  clothing,  kept  him  till  his 
strength  was  in  some  degree  recruited,  and  then 
placed  him  on  board  a vessel  bound  for  Eochelle. 
Here  he  arrived  on  the  fifteenth  of  November ; and 
in  the  following  spring,  maimed  and  disfigured,  but 
with  health  restored,  embarked  to  dare  again  the 
knives  and  firebrands  of  the  Iroquois.^ 

It  should  be  noticed,  in  justice  to  the  Iroquois, 
that,  ferocious  and  cruel  as  past  all  denial  they  were, 
they  were  not  so  bereft  of  the  instincts  of  human- 
ity as  at  first  sight  might  appear.  An  inexorable 
severity  towards  enemies  was  a very  essential  ele- 
ment, in  their  savage  conception,  of  the  character 
of  the  warrior.  Pity  was  a cowardly  weakness,  at 
which  their  pride  revolted.  This,  joined  to  their 
thirst  for  applause  and  their  dread  of  ridicule,  made 
them  smother  every  movement  of  compassion,^  and 

1 Immediately  on  his  return  to  Canada  he  was  ordered  to  set  out 
again  for  the  Hurons.  More  fortunate  than  on  his  first  attempt,  he 
arrived  safely,  early  in  the  autumn  of  1645.  — Ragueneau,  Relation  des 
Hurons,  1646,  73. 

On  Bressani,  besides  the  authorities  cited,  see  Du  Creux,  Historia 
Canadensis,  399-403 ; Juchereau,  Ilistoire  de  V Hotel-Dieu,  53 ; and  Mar- 
tin, Biographie  da  P.  Fi'angois- Joseph  Bressani,  prefixed  to  the  Relation 
Abregee. 

lie  made  no  converts  while  a prisoner,  but  he  baptized  a Huron  cate- 
chumen at  the  stake,  to  the  great  fury  of  the  surrounding  Iroquois.  He 
has  left,  besides  his  letters,  some  interesting  notes  on  his  captivity,  pre- 
served in  the  Relation  Abregee. 

2 Thus,  when  Bressani,  tortured  by  the  tightness  of  the  cords  that 
bound  him,  asked  an  Indian  to  loosen  them,  he  would  reply  by  mockery, 
if  others  were  present ; but  if  no  one  saw  him,  he  usually  complied. 


1646.] 


DE  NOUE’S  JOURNEY. 


257 


conspired  with  their  native  fierceness  to  form  a 
character  of  unrelenting  cruelty  rarely  equalled. 

The  perils  which  beset  the  missionaries  did  not 
spring  from  the  fury  of  the  Iroquois  alone,  for  Na- 
ture herself  was  armed  with  terror  in  this  stern 
wilderness  of  New  France.  On  the  thirtieth  of 
January,  1646,  Father  Anne  de  None  set  out  from 
Three  Fivers  to  go  to  the  fort  built  by  the  French 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Fiver  Fichelieu,  where  he  was 
to  say  mass  and  hear  confessions.  De  None  was 
sixty-three  years  old,  and  had  come  to  Canada  in 
1625.^  As  an  indifferent  memory  disabled  him 
from  mastering  the  Indian  languages,  he  devoted 
himself  to  the  spiritual  charge  of  the  French,  and 
of  the  Indians  about  the  forts,  within  reach  of  an 
interpreter.  For  the  rest,  he  attended  the  sick,  and, 
in  times  of  scarcity,  fished  in  the  river  or  dug  roots 
in  the  woods  for  the  subsistence  of  his  flock.  In 
short,  though  sprung  from  a noble  family  of  Cham- 
pagne, he  shrank  from  no  toil,  however  humble, 
to  which  his  idea  of  duty  or  his  vow  of  obedience 
called  him.^ 

The  old  missionary  had  for  companions  two  sol- 
diers and  a Huron  Indian.  They  were  all  on 
snow-shoes,  and  the  soldiers  dragged  their  baggage 
on  small  sledges.  Their  highway  was  the  St.  Law- 
rence, transformed  to  solid  ice,  and  buried,  like  all 
the  country,  beneath  two  or  three  feet  of  snow, 

1 See  Pioneers  of  Erance,”  393. 

2 He  was  peculiarly  sensitive  as  regarded  the  cardinal  Jesuit  virtue 
of  obedience ; and  both  Lalemant  and  Bressani  say,  that,  at  the  age  of 
sixty  and  upwards,  he  was  sometimes  seen  in  tears,  when  he  imagined 
that  he  had  not  fulfilled  to  the  utmost  the  commands  of  his  Superior. 

22* 


258 


DE  NOUE. 


[1646. 


wliich,  far  and  near,  glared  dazzling  white  under 
the  clear  winter  sun.  Before  night  they  had 
walked  eighteen  miles,  and  the  soldiers,  unused  to 
snow-shoes,  were  greatly  fatigued.  They  made 
their  camp  in  the  forest,  on  the  shore  of  the  great 
expansion  of  the  St.  Lawrence  called  the  Lake  of 
St.  Peter,  — dug  away  the  snow,  heaped  it  around 
the  spot  as  a barrier  against  the  wind,  made  their 
fire  on  the  frozen  earth  in  the  midst,  and  lay  down 
to  sleep.  At  two  o’clock  in  the  morning  De  None 
awoke.  The  moon  shone  like  daylight  over  the 
vast  white  desert  of  the  frozen  lake,  with  its  bor- 
dering fir-trees  bowed  to  the  ground  with  snow; 
and  the  kindly  thought  struck  the  Father,  that  he 
might  ease  his  companions  by  going  in  advance  to 
Fort  Pichelieu,  and  sending  back  men  to  aid  them 
in  dragging  their  sledges.  He  knew  the  way  well. 
He  directed  them  to  follow  the  tracks  of  his  snow- 
shoes  in  the  morning;  and,  not  doubting  to  reach 
the  fort  before  night,  left  behind  his  blanket  and 
his  flint  and  steel.  For  provisions,  he  put  a mor- 
sel of  bread  and  five  or  six  prunes  in  his  pocket, 
told  his  rosary,  and  set  forth. 

Before  dawn  the  weather  changed.  The  air 
thickened,  clouds  hid  the  moon,  and  a snow-storm 
set  in.  The  traveller  was  in  utter  darkness.  He 
lost  the  points  of  the  compass,  wandered  far  out  on 
the  lake,  and  when  day  appeared  could  see  nothing 
but  the  snow  beneath  his  feet,  and  the  myriads  of 
falling  flakes  that  encompassed  him  like  a curtain, 
impervious  to  the  sight.  Still  he  toiled  on,  winding 
hither  and  thither,  and  at  times  unwittingly  circling 


1646.] 


SEARCH  FOR  DE  NOUE. 


259 


back  on  liis  own  footsteps.  At  night  he  dug  a hole 
in  the  snow  under  the  shore  of  an  island,  and  lay 
down,  without  fire,  food,  or  blanket. 

Meanwhile  the  two  soldiers  and  the  Indian,  un- 
able to  trace  his  footprints,  which  the  snow  had 
hidden,  pursued  their  way  for  the  fort;  but  the 
Indian  was  ignorant  of  the  country,  and  the 
Frenchmen  were  unskilled.  They  wandered  from 
their  course,  and  at  evening  encamped  on  the 
shore  of  the  island  of  St.  Ignace,  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  De  None.  Here  the  Indian,  trusting 
to  his  instinct,  left  them  and  set  forth  alone  in 
search  of  their  destination,  which  he  soon  suc- 
ceeded in  finding.  The  palisades  of  the  feeble 
little  fort,  and  the  rude  buildings  within,  were 
whitened  with  snow,  and  half  buried  in  it.  Here, 
amid  the  desolation,  a handful  of  men  kept  watch 
and  ward  against  the  Iroquois.  Seated  by  the 
blazing  logs,  the  Indian  asked  for  De  None,  and, 
to  his  astonishment,  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison 
told  him  that  he  had  not  been  seen.  The  captain 
of  the  post  was  called ; all  was  anxiety ; but  nothing 
could  be  done  that  night. 

At  daybreak  parties  went  out  to  search.  The 
two  soldiers  were  readily  found ; but  they  looked 
in  vain  for  the  missionary.  All  day  they  were 
ranging  the  ice,  firing  their  guns  and  shouting;  but 
to  no  avail,  and  they  returned  disconsolate.  There 
was  a converted  Indian,  whom  the  French  called 
Charles,  at  the  fort,  one  of  four  who  were  spending 
the  winter  there.  On  the  next  morning,  the  second 
of  February,  he  and  one  of  his  companions,  together 


260 


DE  NOUE. 


[1646. 


with  Baron,  a French  soldier,  resumed  the  search; 
and,  guided  by  the  slight  depressions  in  the  snow 
which  had  fallen  on  the  wanderer’s  footprints,  the 
quick-eyed  savages  traced  him  through  all  his 
windings,  found  his  camp  by  the  shore  of  the 
island,  and  thence  followed  him  beyond  the  fort. 
He  had  passed  near  without  discovering  it,  — per- 
haps weakness  had  dimmed  his  sight, — stopped  to 
rest  at  a point  a league  above,  and  thence  made  his 
way  about  three  leagues  farther.  Here  they  found 
him.  He  had  dug  a circular  excavation  in  the 
snow,  and  was  kneeling  in  it  on  the  earth.  His 
head  was  bare,  his  eyes  open  and  turned  upwards, 
and  his  hands  clasped  on  his  breast.  His  hat  and 
his  snow-shoes  lay  at  his  side.  The  body  was 
leaning  slightly  forward,  resting  against  the  bank 
of  snow  before  it,  and  frozen  to  the  hardness  of 
marble. 

Thus,  in  an  act  of  kindness  and  charity,  died  the 
first  martyr  of  the  Canadian  mission.^ 


1 Laleraant,  Relation,  1646,  9 ; Marie  de  rincarnation,  Lettre,  10  Sept., 
1646;  Bressani,  Relation  Ahr€g€e,  175. 

One  of  the  Indians  who  found  the  body  of  De  Noue  was  killed  by  the 
Iroquois  at  Ossossane,  in  the  Huron  country,  three  years  after.  He 
received  the  death-blow  in  a posture  like  that  in  which  he  had  seen  the 
dead  naissionary.  His  body  was  found  with  the  hands  stiU  clasped  on 
the  breast. — Lettre  de  Chaumonot  a Lalemant,  1 Juin,  1649. 

The  next  death  among  the  Jesuits  was  that  of  Masse,  who  died  at 
Sillery,  on  the  twelfth  of  May  of  this  year,  1646,  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
two.  He  had  come  with  Biard  to  Acadia  as  early  as  1611.  (See  ‘‘Pio- 
neers of  France,’^  262.)  Lalemant,  in  the  Relation  of  1646,  gives  an 
account  of  him,  and  speaks  of  penances  which  he  imposed  on  himself, 
some  of  which  are  to  the  last  degree  disgusting. 


CHAPTEE  XVllI. 


1642-1644. 

VILLEMARIE. 

Infancy  of  Montreal.  — The  Flood.  — Vow  of  Maisonnedvk. — 
Pilgrimage.  — D’Ailleboust.  — The  Hotel-Dieu.  — Piety.  -- 
Propagandism.  — War.  — Hurons  and  Iroquois.  — Dogs.  — 
Sally  of  the  French.  — Battle.  — Exploit  of  Maison- 

NEUVE. 

Let  us  now  ascend  to  the  island  of  Montreal. 
Here,  as  we  have  seen,  an  association  of  devout 
and  zealous  persons  had  essayed  to  found  a mission- 
colony  under  the  protection  of  the  Holy  Virgin ; 
and  we  left  the  adventurers,  after  their  landing, 
bivouacked  on  the  shore,  on  an  evening  in  May. 
There  was  an  altar  in  the  open  air,  decorated  with 
a taste  that  betokened  no  less  of  good  nurture  than 
of  piety ; and  around  it  clustered  the  tents  that 
sheltered  the  commandant,  Maisonneuve,  the  two 
ladies,  Madame  de  la  Peltrie  and  Mademoiselle 
Mance,  and  the  soldiers  and  laborers  of  the  expe- 
dition. 

In  the  morning  they  all  fell  to  their  work,  Mai- 
sonneuve hewing  down  the  first  tree,  — and  labored 

with  such  good-will,  that  their  tents  were  soon 

[261] 


262 


VILLEMARIE. 


[1642. 


inclosed  with  a strong  palisade,  and  their  altar 
covered  by  a provisional  chapel,  built,  in  the  Hu- 
ron mode,  of  bark.  Soon  afterward,  their  canvas 
habitations  were  supplanted  by  solid  structures  of 
wood,  and  the  feeble  germ  of  a future  city  began 
to  take  root. 

The  Iroquois  had  not  yet  found  them  out ; nor 
did  they  discover  them  till  they  had  had  ample  time 
to  fortify  themselves.  Meanwhile,  on  a Sunday, 
they  would  stroll  at  their  leisure  over  the  adjacent 
meadow  and  in  the  shade  of  the  bordering  forest, 
where,  as  the  old  chronicler  tells  us,  the  grass  was 
gay  with  wild-flowers,  and  the  branches  with  the 
flutter  and  song  of  many  strange  birds. ^ 

The  day  of  the  Assumption  of  the  Virgin  was 
celebrated  with  befitting  solemnity.  There  was 
mass  in  them  bark  chapel ; then  a Te  Deum  ; then 
public  instruction  of  certain  Indians  who  chanced 
to  be  at  Montreal ; then  a procession  of  all  the 
colonists  after  vespers,  to  the  admhation  of  the 
redskinned  beholders.  Cannon,  too,  were  fired,  in 
honor  of  their  celestial  patroness.  “ Their  thunder 
made  all  the  island  echo,”  writes  Father  Vimont; 
“ and  the  demons,  though  used  to  thunderbolts, 
were  scared  at  a noise  which  told  them  of  the  love 
we  bear  our  great  Mistress ; and  I have  scarcely 
any  doubt  that  the  tutelary  angels  of  the  savages 
of  New  France  have  marked  this  day  in  the  calen- 
dar of  Paradise.”  ^ 

1 Dollier  de  Casson,  MS. 

2 Vimont,  Relation,  1642,  38.  Compare  Le  Clerc,  Premier  Etablisse- 
ijient  de  la  Foy,  II.  51. 


1643.] 


PILGRIMAGE. 


26:3 

The  summer  passed  prosperously,  but  with  the 
winter  their  faith  was  put  to  a rude  test.  In 
December,  there  was  a rise  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
threatening  to  sweep  away  in  a night  tlie  results 
of  all  their  labor.  They  fell  to  their  prayers ; and 
Maisonneuve  planted  a wooden  cross  in  face  of  the 
advancing  deluge,  first  making  a vow,  that,  should 
the  peril  be  averted,  he,  Maisonneuve,  would  bear 
another  cross  on  his  shoulders  up  the  neighbor- 
ing mountain,  and  place  it  on  the  summit.  The 
vow  seemed  in  vain.  The  fiood  still  rose,  filled 
the  fort  ditch,  swept  the  foot  of  the  palisade,  and 
threatened  to  sap  the  magazine ; but  here  it  stopped, 
and  presently  began  to  recede,  till  at  length  it  had 
withdrawn  within  its  lawful  channel,  and  Ville marie 
was  safe.^ 

Now  it  remained  to  fulfil  the  jiromise  from  which 
such  happy  results  had  proceeded.  Maisonneuve 
set  his  men  at  work  to  clear  a path  through  the 
forest  to  the  top  of  the  mountain.  A large  cross 
was  made,  and  solemnly  blessed  by  the  priest;  then, 
on  the  sixth  of  January,  the  Jesuit  Du  Peron  led 
the  way,  followed  in  procession  by  Madame  de  la 
Peltrie,  the  artisans,  and  soldiers,  to  the  destined 
spot.  The  commandant,  who  with  all  the  ceremo- 
nies of  the  Church  had  been  declared  First  Soldier 
of  the  Cross,  walked  behind  the  rest,  bearing  on 
his  shoulder  a cross  so  heavy  that  it  needed  his 
utmost  strength  to  climb  the  steep  and  rugged 

1 A little  MS.  map  in  M.  Jacques  Viger’s  copy  of  Le  Petit  Registre  (U 
la  Cure  de  Montreal,  lays  down  the  position  and  shape  of  the  fort  at  this 
time,  and  shows  tht  spot  where  Maisonneuve  planted  the  cross. 


264 


VILLEMARIE. 


[1643. 


path.  They  planted  it  on  the  highest  crest,  and 
all  knelt  in  adoration  before  it.  Du  Peron  said 
mass ; and  Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  always  romantic 
and  always  devout,  received  the  sacrament  on  the 
mountain-top,  a spectacle  to  the  virgin  world  out- 
stretched below.  Sundry  relics  of  saints  had  been 
set  in  the  wood  of  the  cross,  which  remained  an 
object  of  pilgrimage  to  the  pious  colonists  of 
Villemarie.^ 

Peace  and  harmony  reigned  within  the  little  fort ; 
and  so  edifying  was  the  demeanor  of  the  colonists, 
so  faithful  were  they  to  the  confessional,  and  so 
constant  at  mass,  that  a chronicler  of  the  day  ex- 
claims, in  a burst  of  enthusiasm,  that  the  deserts 
lately  a resort  of  demons  were  now  the  abode  of 
angels.^  The  two  Jesuits  who  for  the  time  were 
their  pastors  had  them  well  in  hand.  They  dwelt 
under  the  same  roof  with  most  of  their  flock,  who 
lived  in  community,  in  one  large  house,  and  vied 
with  each  other  in  zeal  for  the  honor  of  the  Virgin 
and  the  conversion  of  the  Indians. 

At  the  end  of  August,  1643,  a vessel  arrived  at 
Ville marie  with  a reinforcement  commanded  by 
Louis  d’Ailleboust  de  Coulonges,  a pious  gentleman 
of  Champagne,  and  one  of  the  Associates  of  Mont- 
real.^ Some  years  before,  he  had  asked  in  wedlock 
the  hand  of  Barbe  de  Boulogne ; but  the  young 
lady  had,  when  a child,  in  the  ardor  of  her  piety, 
taken  a vow  of  perpetual  chastity.  By  the  advice 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1643,  52,  53. 

2 Veritahles  Motifs,  cited  by  Faillon,  I.  453,  454. 

3 Chaulmer,  loi ; Juchereau,  91. 


1643.] 


SUCCORS. 


265 


of  her  Jesuit  confessor,  she  accepted  his  suit,  on 
condition  that  she  should  preserve,  to  the  hour  of 
her  death,  the  state  to  which  Holy  Church  has 
always  ascribed  a peculiar  merit.^  D’Ailleboust 
married  her ; and  when,  soon  after,  he  conceived 
the  purpose  of  devoting  his  life  to  the  work  of  the 
Faith  in  Canada,  he  invited  his  maiden  spouse  to 
go  with  him.  She  refused,  and  forbade  him  to 
mention  the  subject  again.  Her  health  was  indif- 
ferent, and  about  this  time  she  fell  ill.  As  a last 
resort,  she  made  a promise  to  God,  that,  if  He 
would  restore  her,  she  would  go  to  Canada  with 
her  husband ; and  forthwith  her  maladies  ceased. 
Still  her  reluctance  continued ; she  hesitated,  and 
then  refused  again,  when  an  inward  light  revealed 
to  her  that  it  was  her  duty  to  cast  her  lot  in 
the  wilderness.  She  accordingly  embarked  with 
d’Ailleboust,  accompanied  by  her  sister.  Mademoi- 
selle Philippine  de  Boulogne,  who  had  caught  the 
contagion  of  her  zeal.  The  presence  of  these 
damsels  would,  to  all  appearance,  be  rather  a bui’- 
den  than  a profit  to  the  colonists,  beset  as  they 
then  were  by  Indians,  and  often  in  peril  of  star- 
vation; but  the  spectacle  of  their  ardor,  as  disin- 
terested as  it  was  extravagant,  would  serve  to  exalt 
the  religious  enthusiasm  in  which  alone  was  the 
life  of  Ville marie. 

Their  vessel  passed  in  safety  the  Iroquois  who 


1 Jucliereau,  Histoire  de  V Hotel-Dieu  de  Quebec,  276.  The  confessor 
told  D’Ailleboust,  that,  if  he  persuaded  his  wife  to  break  her  vow  of  con- 
tinence, “ God  would  chastise  him  terribly.”  The  nun  historian  adds, 
that,  undeterred  by  the  menace,  he  tried  and  failed. 

23 


266 


VILLEMAEIE. 


[IGia 

watched  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  its  arrival  tilled 
the  colonists  with  joy.  D’Ailleboiist  was  a skilful 
soldier,  specially  versed  in  the  arts  of  fortification; 
and,  under  his  direction,  the  frail  palisades  which 
formed  their  sole  defence  were  replaced  by  solid 
ramparts  and  bastions  of  earth.  He  brought  news 
that  the  “unknown  benefactress,”  as  a certain  gen- 
erous member  of  the  Association  of  Montreal  was 
called,  in  ignorance  of  her  name,  had  given  funds, 
to  the  amount,  as  afterwards  appeared,  of  forty-two 
thousand  livres,  for  the  building  of  a hospital  at 
Villemarie.^  The  source  of  the  gift  was  kept  se- 
cret, from  a religious  motive  ; but  it  soon  became 
known  that  it  proceeded  from  Madame  de  Bul- 
lion, a lady  whose  rank  and  wealth  were  exceeded 
only  by  her  devotion.  It  is  true  that  the  hospital 
was  not  wanted,  as  no  one  was  sick  at  Villemarie, 
and  one  or  two  chambers  would  have  sufficed  for 
every  prospective  necessity;  but  it  will  be  remem- 
bered that  the  colony  had  been  established  in  order 
that  a hospital  might  be  built,  and  Madame  de 
Bullion  would  not  hear  to  any  other  application 
of  her  money. ^ Instead,  therefore,  of  tilling  the 
land  to  supply  their  own  pressing  needs,  all  the 
laborers  of  the  settlement  were  set  at  this  pious, 
though  superfluous,  task.^  There  was  no  room  in 

1 Archives  da  Se'minaire  de  Villemarie,  cited  by  Eaillon,  I.  466.  The 
amount  of  tlie  gift  was  not  declared  until  the  next  year. 

2 Mademoiselle  Mance  wrote  to  her,  to  urge  that  the  money  should  be 
devoted  to  the  Huron  mission ; but  she  absolutely  refused.  — Dollier  de 
Casson,  MS. 

3 Journal  des  Supdrieurs  des  Jdsuites,  MS. 

The  hospital  was  sixty  feet  long  and  twenty-four  feot  wide,  with  a 
kitchen,  a chamber  for  Mademoiselle  Mance,  others  for  servants,  and  two 


1643.] 


MORE  PILGRIMAGES. 


267 


the  fort,  which,  moreover,  was  in  danger  of  inun- 
dation ; and  the  hospital  was  accordingly  built  on 
higher  ground  adjacent.  To  leave  it  unprotected 
would  be  to  abandon  its  inmates  to  the  Iroquois  ; it 
was  therefore  surrounded  by  a strong  palisade,  and, 
in  time  of  danger,  a part  of  the  garrison  was  de^ 
tailed  to  defend  it.  Here  Mademoiselle  Mance  took 
up  her  abode,  and  waited  the  day  when  wounds  or 
disease  should  bring  patients  to  her  empty  wards. 

Dauversiere,  who  had  first  conceived  this  plan 
of  a hospital  in  the  wilderness,  was  a senseless 
enthusiast,  who  rejected  as  a sin  every  protest  of 
reason  against  the  dreams  which  governed  him  ; 
yet  one  rational  and  practical  element  entered  into 
the  motives  of  those  who  carried  the  plan  into  exe- 
cution. The  hospital  was  intended  not  only  to 
nurse  sick  Frenchmen,  but  to  nurse  and  convert 
sick  Indians ; in  other  words,  it  was  an  engine  of 
the  mission. 

From  Maisonneuve  to  the  humblest  laborer,  these 
zealous  colonists  were  bent  on  the  work  of  convei 
sion.  To  that  end,  the  ladies  made  pilgrimages  to 
the  cross  on  the  mountain,  sometimes  for  nine  days 
in  succession,  to  pray  God  to  gather  the  heathen 
into  His  fold.  The  fatigue  was  great ; nor  was 
the  danger  less;  and  armed  men  always  escorted 
them,  as  a precaution  against  the  Iroquois.^  The 

large  apartments  for  the  patients.  It  was  amply  provided  with  furni- 
ture, linen,  medicines,  and  all  necessaries ; and  had  also  two  oxen,  three 
cows,  and  twenty  sheep.  A small  oratory  of  stone  was  built  adjoining  it. 
The  inclosure  was  four  arpents  in  extent. — Archives  du  Seniinaire  de  Vide- 
marie,  cited  by  Faillon. 

1 Morin,  Annales  de  I’Uotel-Dieu  de  St.  Joseph,  MS.,  cited  by  Faillon, 

I.  457. 


268 


YILLEMAKIE. 


[1643-45. 


male  colonists  were  equally  fervent;  and  sometimes 
as  many  as  fifteen  or  sixteen  persons  would  kneel 
at  once  before  the  cross,  with  the  same  charitable 
petition.^  The  ardor  of  their  zeal  may  be  inferred 
from  the  fact,  that  these  pious  expeditions  consumed 
the  greater  part  of  the  day,  when  time  and  labor 
were  of  a value  past  reckoning  to  the  little  colony. 
Besides  their  pilgrimages,  they  used  other  means ^ 
and  very  efficient  ones,  to  attract  and  gain  over  the 
Indians.  They  housed,  fed,  and  clothed  them  at 
every  opportunity ; and  though  they  were  subsist- 
ing chiefly  on  provisions  brought  at  great  cost  from 
France,  there  was  always  a portion  for  the  hungry 
savages  who  from  time  to  time  encamped  near  their 
fort.  If  they  could  persuade  any  of  them  to  be 
nursed,  they  were  consigned  to  the  tender  care  of 
Mademoiselle  Mance ; and  if  a party  went  to  war, 
their  women  and  children  were  taken  in  charge  till 
their  return.  As  this  attention  to  them  bodies  had 
for  its  object  the  profit  of  their  souls,  it  was  ac- 
companied with  incessant  catechizing.  This,  with 
the  other  influences  of  the  place,  had  its  effect ; 
and  some  notable  conversions  were  made.  Among 
them  was  that  of  the  renowned  chief,  Tessouat, 
or  Le  Borgne,  as  the  French  called  him, — a crafty 
and  intractable  savage,  whom,  to  their  own  sur- 
prise, they  succeeded  in  taming  and  winning  to  the 
Faith.^  He  was  christened  with  the  name  of  Paul, 

1 Marguerite  Bourgeoys,  Ecrits  Autographes,  MS.,  extracts  in  Eaillon, 

I.  458. 

2 Vimont,  Relation,  1643,  54,  55.  Tessouat  was  chief  of  Allumetle 
Island,  in  the  Ottawa.  His  predecessor,  of  the  same  name,  was  Cham* 
plain’s  host  in  1613.  — See  “Pioneers  of  Prance,”  Chap.  XII. 


1643-45.] 


HURONS  AND  IROQUOIS. 


2G9 


and  his  squaw  with  that  of  Madeleine.  Maison- 
neuve  rewarded  him  with  a gun,  and  celebrated 
the  day  by  a feast  to  all  the  Indians  present.^ 

The  French  hoped  to  form  an  agricultural  settle- 
ment of  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  Villemarie ; 
and  they  spared  no  exertion  to  this  end,  giving 
them  tools,  and  aiding  them  to  till  the  fields.  They 
might  have  succeeded,  but  for  that  pest  of  the  wil- 
derness, the  Iroquois,  who  hovered  about  them, 
harassed  them  with  petty  attacks,  and  again  and 
again  drove  the  Algonquins  in  terror  from  their 
camps.  Some  time  had  elapsed,  as  we  have  seen, 
before  the  Iroquois  discovered  Villemarie ; but  at 
length  ten  fugitive  Algonquins,  chased  by  a party 
of  them,  made  for  the  friendly  settlement  as  a safe 
asylum;  and  thus  their  astonished  pursuers  became 
aware  of  its  existence.  They  reconnoitred  the 
place,  and  went  back  to  their  towns  with  the  news.^ 
From  that  time  forth  the  colonists  had  no  peace; 
no  more  excursions  for  fishing  and  hunting ; no  more 
Sunday  strolls  in  woods  and  meadows.  The  men 
went  armed  to  their  work,  and  returned  at  the 
sound  of  a bell,  marching  in  a compact  body,  pre- 
pared for  an  attack. 

Early  in  June,  1643,  sixty  Hurons  came  down 
in  canoes  for  traffic,  and,  on  reaching  the  place 
now  called  Lachine,  at  the  head  of  the  rapids  of 

' It  was  the  usual  practice  to  give  guns  to  converts,  “pour  attirer 
l3ur  compatriotes  a la  Foy.”  They  were  never  given  to  heathen  Indians. 
“It  seems,”  observes  Vimont,  “ that  our  Lord  wishes  to  make  use  of  this 
method  in  order  that  Christianity  may  become  acceptable  in  this  coun- 
try.”— Relation,  1643,  71. 

2 Dollier  de  Casson,  MS. 


23* 


270 


VILLEMAEIE. 


[1644. 


St.  Louis,  and  a few  miles  above  Villemarie,  they 
were  amazed  at  finding  a large  Iroquois  war-party 
in  a fort  hastily  built  of  the  trunks  and  boughs  of 
trees.  Surprise  and  fright  seem  to  have  infatuated 
them.  They  neither  fought  nor  fled,  but  greeted 
their  inveterate  foes  as  if  they  were  friends  and 
allies,  and,  to  gain  their  good  graces,  told  them  all 
tliey  knew  of  the  French  settlement,  urging  them 
to  attack  it,  and  promising  an  easy  victory.  Accor- 
dingly, the  Iroquois  detached  forty  of  their  war- 
riors, who  surprised  six  Frenchmen  at  work  hewing 
timber  within  a gunshot  of  the  fort,  killed  three 
of  them,  took  the  remaining  three  prisoners,  and 
returned  in  triumph.  The  captives  were  bound 
with  the  usual  rigor ; and  the  Hurons  taunted  and 
insulted  them,  to  please  their  dangerous  compan- 
ions. Their  baseness  availed  them  little ; for  at 
night,  after  a feast  of  victory,  when  the  Hurons 
were  asleep  or  off  their  guard,  their  entertainers 
fell  upon  them,  and  killed  or  captured  the  greater 
part.  The  rest  ran  for  Villemarie,  where,  as  their 
treachery  was  as  yet  unknown,  they  were  received 
with  great  kindness.^ 

The  next  morning  the  Iroquois  decamped,  car- 
rying with  them  their  prisoners,  and  the  furs  plun- 

‘ I have  followed  Dollier  de  Casson.  Vimont’s  account  is  different, 
lie  says  that  the  Iroquois  fell  upon  tlie  Hurons  at  the  outset,  and  took 
twenty-three  i-risoners,  killing  many  others ; after  which  they  made  the 
attack  at  Villemarie.  — Relation,  1643,  62. 

Faillon  thinks  that  Vimont  was  unwilling  to  publish  the  treachery  of 
the  Hurons,  lest  the  interests  of  the  Huron  mission  should  suffer  in  conse- 
quence. 

Belmont,  Ilistoire  da  Canada,  1643,  confirms  the  account  of  the  Huron 
treachery. 


1644.] 


PILOT  AND  HER  BROOD. 


271 


dered  from  the  Huron  canoes.  They  had  taken 
also,  and  probably  destroyed,  all  the  letters  from 
the  missionaries  in  the  Huron  country,  as  well 
as  a copy  of  their  Relation  of  the  preceding  year. 
Of  the  three  French  prisoners,  one  escaped  and 
reached  Montreal ; the  remaining  two  were  burned 
alive. 

At  Villemarie  it  was  usually  dangerous  to  pass 
beyond  the  ditch  of  the  fort  or  the  palisades  of  the 
hospital.  Sometimes  a solitary  warrior  would  lie 
hidden  for  days,  without  sleep  and  almost  without 
food,  behind  a log  in  the  forest,  or  in  a dense 
thicket,  watching  like  a lynx  for  some  rash  strag- 
gler. Sometimes  parties  of  a hundred  or  more 
made  ambuscades  near  by,  and  sent  a few  of  their 
number  to  lure  out  the  soldiers  by  a petty  attack 
and  a fdght.  Tlie  danger  was  much  diminished, 
however,  when  the  colonists  received  from  France 
a number  of  dogs,  which  proved  most  efficient  sen- 
tinels and  scouts.  Of  the  instinct  of  these  animals 
the  writers  of  the  time  speak  with  astonishment. 
Chief  among  them  was  a bitch  named  Pilot,  who 
every  morning  made  the  rounds  of  the  forests  and 
fields  about  the  fort,  followed  by  a troop  of  her 
offspring.  If  one  of  them  lagged  behind,  she  bit 
him  to  remind  him  of  his  duty ; and  if  any  skulked 
and  ran  home,  she  punished  them  severely  in  the 
same  manner  on  her  return.  When  she  discovered 
the  Iroquois,  which  she  was  sure  to  do  by  the  scent, 
if  any  were  near,  she  barked  furiously,  and  ran  at 
once  straight  to  the  fort,  followed  by  the  rest.  The 
Jesuit  chronicler  adds,  with  an  amusing  ndimte^ 


272 


YILLEMARIE. 


[1644. 


that,  while  this  was  her  duty,  “ her  natural  inclina- 
tion was  for  hunting  squirrels.”^ 

Maisonneuve  was  as  brave  a knight  of  the  cross 
as  ever  fought  in  Palestine  for  the  sepulchre  of 
Christ ; hut  he  could  temper  his  valor  with  discre- 
tion. He  knew  that  he  and  his  soldiers  were  but 
indifferent  woodsmen ; that  their  crafty  foe  had  no 
equal  in  ambuscades  and  surprises ; and  that,  while 
a defeat  might  ruin  the  French,  it  would  only  ex- 
asperate an  enemy  whose  resources  in  men  were 
incomparably  greater.  Therefore,  ivhen  the  dogs 
sounded  the  alarm,  he  kept  his  followers  close,  and 
stood  patiently  on  the  defensive.  They  chafed 
under  this  Fabian  policy,  and  at  length  imputed  it 
to  cowardice.  Their  murmurings  grew  louder,  till 
they  reached  the  ear  of  Maisonneuve.  The  relig- 
ion which  animated  him  had  not  destroyed  the 
soldierly  pride  which  takes  root  so  readily  and  so 
strongly  in  a manly  nature ; and  an  imputation  of 
cowardice  from  his  own  soldiers  stung  him  to  the 
quick.  He  saw,  too,  that  such  an  opinion  of  him 
must  needs  weaken  his  authority,  and  impair  the 
discipline  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  colony. 

On  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth  of  March, 
Pilot  was  heard  barking  with  unusual  fury  in  the 
forest  eastward  from  the  fort ; and  in  a few  mo- 
ments they  saw  her  running  over  the  clearing, 
where  the  snow  was  still  deep,  followed  by  her 


1 Lalemant,  Relation,  1647,  74,  75.  “ Son  attrait  naturel  estoit  la 
chasse  aux  ecurieux,’’  Dollier  de  Casson  also  speaks  admiringly  of  her 
and  her  instinct.  Eaillon  sees  in  it  a manifest  proof  of  the  protecting  care 
of  God  over  Villemarie. 


1644.] 


BATTLE. 


273 


brood,  all  giving  tongue  together.  The  excited 
Frenchmen  flocked  about  their  commander. 

Monsieur^  les  ennemis  sonf  dans  le  hois;  ne 
les  irons-nous  jamais  voir  ? ” ^ 

Maisonneuve,  habitually  composed  and  calm, 
answered  sharply,  — 

“Yes,  you  shall  see  the  enemy.  Get  your- 
selves ready  at  once,  and  take  care  that  you  are 
as  brave  as  you  profess  to  be.  I shall  lead  you 
myself.” 

All  was  bustle  in  the  fort.  Guns  were  loaded, 
pouches  filled,  and  snow-shoes  tied  on  by  those 
who  had  them  and  knew  how  to  use  them.  There 
were  not  enough,  however,  and  many  were  forced 
to  go  without  them.  When  all  was  ready,  Maison- 
neuve sallied  forth  at  the  head  of  thirty  men,  leav- 
ing d’Ailleboust,  with  the  remainder,  to  hold  the 
fort.  They  crossed  the  snowy  clearing  and  entered 
the  forest,  where  all  was  silent  as  the  grave.  They 
pushed  on,  wading  through  the  deep  snow,  with 
the  countless  pitfalls  hidden  beneath  it,  when  sud- 
denly they  were  greeted  with  the  screeches  of 
eighty  Iroquois,^  who  sprang  up  from  their  lurk- 
ing-places, and  showered  bullets  and  arrows  upon 
the  advancing  French.  The  emergency  called,  not 
for  chivalry,  but  for  woodcraft;  and  Maisonneuve 
ordered  his  men  to  take  shelter,  like  their  assail- 
ants, behind  trees.  They  stood  their  ground  reso- 

1 Dollier  de  Casson,  MS. 

2 Vimont,  Relation,  1644,  42.  Dollier  de  Casson  says  two  hundred , 
hut  it  is  usually  safe  in  these  cases  to  accept  the  smaller  number,  and 
Vimont  founds  liis  statement  on  the  information  of  an  escaped  prisoner. 


274 


VILLEMARIE. 


[1644 


lutely  for  a long  time ; but  the  Iroquois  pressed 
them  close,  three  of  their  number  were  killed, 
others  were  wounded,  and  their  ammunition  began 
to  fail.  Their  only  alternatives  were  destruction  or 
retreat ; and  to  retreat  was  not  easy.  The  order 
was  given.  Though  steady  at  first,  the  men  soon 
became  confused,  and  over-eager  to  escape  the 
galling  fire  which  the  Iroquois  sent  after  them. 
Maisonneuve  directed  them  towards  a sledge-track 
which  had  been  used  in  dragging  timber  for  build- 
ing the  hospital,  and  where  the  snow  was  firm  be- 
neath the  foot.  He  himself  remained  to  the  last, 
encouraging  his  followers  and  aiding  the  wounded 
to  escape.  The  French,  as  they  struggled  through 
the  snow,  faced  about  from  time  to  time,  and  fired 
back  to  check  the  pursuit ; but  no  sooner  had  they 
reached  the  sledge-track  than  they  gave  way  to 
their  terror,  and  ran  in  a body  for  the  fort.  Those 
within,  seeing  this  confused  rush  of  men  from  the 
distance,  mistook  them  for  the  enemy ; and  an 
over-zealous  soldier  touched  the  match  to  a cannon 
which  had  been  pointed  to  rake  the  sledge-track. 
Had  not  the  piece  missed  fire,  from  dampness  of 
the  priming,  he  would  have  done  more  execution 
at  one  shot  than  the  Iroquois  in  all  the  fight  of 
that  morning. 

Maisonneuve  was  left  alone,  retreating  backw^ards 
down  the  track,  and  holding  his  pursuers  in  check, 
with  a pistol  in  each  hand.  They  might  easily 
have  shot  him ; but,  recognizing  him  as  the  com- 
mander of  the  French,  they  were  bent  on  taking 
him  alive.  Their  chief  coveted  this  honor  for 


1644.1 


EXPLOIT  OF  MAISONNEUVE. 


275 


himself,  and  his  followers  held  aloof  to  give  him 
the  opportunity.  He  pressed  close  upon  Maison- 
neuve,  who  snapped  a pistol  at  him,  which  missed 
fire.  The  Iroquois,  who  had  ducked  to  avoid  the 
shot,  rose  erect,  and  sprang  forward  to  seize  him, 
when  Maisonneuve,  with  his  remaining  pistol,  shot 
him  dead.  Then  ensued  a curious  spectacle,  not 
infrequent  in  Indian  battles.  The  Iroquois  seemed 
to  forget  their  enemy,  in  their  anxiety  to  secure 
and  carry  off  the  body  of  their  chief;  and  the 
French  commander  continued  his  retreat  unmo- 
lested, till  he  was  safe  under  the  cannon  of  the 
fort.  From  that  day,  he  was  a hero  in  the  eyes  of 
liis  men.^ 

Quebec  and  Montreal  are  happy  in  their  found- 
ers. Samuel  de  Champlain  and  Chomedey  de 
Maisonneuve  are  among  the  names  that  shine  with 
a fah  and  honest  lustre  on  the  infancy  of  nations. 

1 Dollier  de  Casson,  MS.  Vimont’s  mention  of  the  affair  is  brief. 
He  says  that  two  Frenchmen  were  made  prisoners,  and  burned.  Bel- 
mont, Histoire  du  Canada,  1645,  gives  a succinct  account  of  the  fight,  and 
indicates  the  scene  of  it.  It  seems  to  have  been  a little  below  the  site  of 
the  Place  d’Armes,  on  which  stands  the  great  Parish  Church  of  Ville- 
marie,  commonly  known  to  tourists  as  the  “ Cathedral.’’  Faillon  thinks 
tiiat  Maisonneuve’s  exploit  was  achieved  on  this  very  spot. 

Margueriie  Bourgeoys  also  describes  the  afiair  in  her  unpublished 
writings. 


CHAPTEE  XIX. 


1644,  1645. 


PEACE. 


Iroquois  Prisoners.  — Piskaret.  — His  Exploits.  — More  Pris- 
oners. — Iroquois  Embassy.  — The  Orator.  — The  Great 
Council.  — Speeches  of  Kiotsaton.  — Muster  of  Savages. — 
Peace  Confirmed. 

In  the  damp  and  freshness  of  a midsummer 
morning,  when  the  sun  had  not  yet  risen,  but  when 
the  river  and  the  sky  were  red  with  the  glory  of 
approaching  day,  the  inmates  of  the  fort  at  Three 
Eivers  were  roused  by  a tumult  of  joyous  and 
exultant  voices.  They  thronged  to  the  shore,  — 
priests,  soldiers,  traders,  and  officers,  mingled  with 
warriors  and  shrill-voiced  squaws  from  Huron  and 
Algonquin  camps  in  the  neighboring  forest.  Close 
at  hand  they  saw  twelve  or  fifteen  canoes  slowly 
drifting  down  the  current  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
manned  by  eighty  young  Indians,  all  singing  their 
songs  of  victory,  and  striking  their  paddles  against 
the  edges  of  then’  bark  vessels  in  cadence  with 
their  voices.  Among  them  three  Iroquois  prisoners 
stood  upright,  singing  loud  and  defiantly,  as  men 

not  fearing  torture  or  death. 

[276] 


1644.] 


THE  IROQUOIS  PRISONERS. 


277 


A few  days  before,  these  young  warriors,  in  part 
Huron  and  in  part  Algonquin,  had  gone  out  on 
the  war-path  to  the  River  Richelieu,  where  they 
had  presently  found  themselves  entangled  among 
several  bands  of  Iroquois.  They  withdrew  in  the 
night,  after  a battle  in  the  dark  with  an  Iroquois 
canoe,  and,  as  they  approached  Fort  Richelieu, 
had  the  good  fortune  to  discover  ten  of  their 
enemy  ambuscaded  in  a clump  of  bushes  and  fallen 
trees,  watching  to  waylay  some  of  the  soldiers  on 
their  morning  visit  to  the  fishing-nets  in  the  river 
hard  by.  They  captured  three  of  them,  and  car- 
ried them  back  in  triumph. 

The  victors  landed  amid  screams  of  exultation. 
Two  of  the  prisoners  were  assigned  to  the  tiurons, 
and  the  third  to  the  Algonquins,  who  immediately 
took  him  to  their  lodges  near  the  fort  at  Three 
Rivers,  and  began  the  usual  ‘‘  caress,”  by  burning 
his  feet  with  red-hot  stones,  and  cutting  off  his  fin- 
gers. Champfleur,  the  commandant,  went  out  to 
them  with  urgent  remonstrances,  and  at  length  pre- 
vailed on  them  to  leave  their  victim  without  further 
injury,  until  Montmagny,  the  Governor,  should  ar- 
rive. He  came  with  all  dispatch,  — not  wholly  from 
a motive  of  humanity,  but  partly  in  the  hope  that 
the  three  captives  might  be  made  instrumental  in 
concluding  a peace  with  their  countrymen. 

A council  was  held  in  the  fort  at  Three  Rivers. 
Montmagny  made  valuable  presents  to  the  Algon- 
quins and  the  Hurons,  to  induce  them  to  place  the 
prisoners  in  his  hands.  The  Algonquins  complied ; 
and  the  unfortunate  Iroquois,  gashed,  maimed,  and 

24 


278 


PEACE. 


[1644. 


scorched,  was  given  up  to  the  French,  who  treated 
him  with  the  greatest  kindness.  But  neither  the 
Governor’s  gifts  nor  his  eloquence  could  persuade 
the  Hurons  to  follow  the  example  of  their  allies ; 
and  they  departed  for  their  own  country  with  their 
two  captives,  — promising,  however,  not  to  burn 
them,  but  to  use  them  for  negotiations  of  peace. 
With  this  pledge,  scarcely  worth  the  breath  that 
uttered  it,  Montmagny  was  forced  to  content  him- 
self.^ 

Thus  it  appeared  that  the  fortune  of  war  did 
not  always  smile  even  on  the  Iroquois.  Indeed, 
if  there  is  faith  in  Indian  tradition,  there  had  been 
a time,  scarcely  half  a century  past,  when  the 
Mohawks,  perhaps  the  fiercest  and  haughtiest  of 
the  confederate  nations,  had  been  nearly  destroyed 
by  the  Algonquins,  whom  they  now  held  in  con- 
tempt.^ This  people,  whose  inferiority  arose  chiefiy 
from  the  want  of  that  compact  organization  in 
which  lay  the  strength  of  the  Iroquois,  had  not 
lost  their  ancient  warlike  spirit ; and  they  had  one 
champion  of  whom  even  the  audacious  confeder- 
ates stood  in  awe.  His  name  was  Piskaret ; and 
he  dwelt  on  that  great  island  in  the  Ottawa  of 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1644,  45-49. 

2 Relation,  1660,  6 (anonymous). 

Both  Perrot  and  La  Potherie  recount  traditions  of  the  ancient  superi- 
ority of  the  Algonquins  over  the  Iroquois,  who  formerly,  it  is  said,  dwelt 
near  Montreal  and  Three  Rivers,  whence  the  Algonquins  expelled  them. 
They  withdrew,  first  to  the  neighborhood  of  Lake  Erie,  then  to  that  of 
Lake  Ontario,  their  historic  seat.  There  is  much  to  support  the  conjee- 
ture  that  the  Indians  found  by  Cartier  at  Montreal  in  1535  were  Iroquois. 
(See  “ Pioneers  of  France,”  189.)  That  they  belonged  to  the  same  family 
of  tribes  is  certain.  For  the  traditions  alluded  to,  see  Perrot,  9,  12,  79, 
aud  La  PotlH  rie,  I.  288-295. 


1644.] 


EXPLOITS  OF  PISKARET. 


279 


which  Le  Borgne  was  chief.  He  had  lately  turned 
Christian,  in  the  hope  of  French  favor  and  counte- 
nance,— always  useful  to  an  ambitious  Indian, — 
and  perhaps,  too,  with  an  eye  to  the  gun  and  pow- 
der-horn which  formed  the  earthly  reward  of  the 
convert.^  Tradition  tells  marvellous  stories  of  his 
exploits.  Once,  it  is  said,  he  entered  an  Iroquois 
town  on  a dark  night.  His  first  care  was  to  seek 
out  a hiding-place,  and  he  soon  found  one  in  the 
midst  of  a large  wood-pile.^  Next  he  crept  into 
a lodge,  and,  finding  the  inmates  asleep,  killed 
them  with  his  war-club,  took  their  scalps,  and 
quietly  withdrew  to  the  retreat  he  had  prepared. 
In  the  morning  a howl  of  lamentation  and  fury 
rose  from  the  astonished  villagers.  They  ranged 
the  fields  and  forests  in  vain  pursuit  of  the  myste- 
rious enemy,  who  remained  all  day  in  the  wood 
pile,  whence,  at  midnight,  he  came  forth  and 
repeated  his  former  exploit.  On  the  third  night, 
every  family  placed  its  sentinels ; and  Piskaret, 
stealthily  creeping  from  lodge  to  lodge,  and  recon- 
noitring each  through  crevices  in  the  bark,  saw 
watchers  everywhere.  At  length  he  descried  a 
sentinel  who  had  fallen  asleep  near  the  entrance 
of  a lodge,  though  his  companion  at  the  other  end 
Avas  still  awake  and  vigilant.  He  pushed  aside 
the  sheet  of  bark  that  served  as  a door,  struck  the 
sleeper  a deadly  blow,  yelled  his  war-cry,  and  fied 

1 “ Simon  Pieskaret  . . . n’estoit  Clirestien  qu’en  apparenco  et  par 
police.”  — Laleraant,  Relation,  1647,  68.  — lie  afterwards  became  a con- 
vert in  earnest. 

2 Both  tlie  Iroquois  and  the  Hurons  collected  great  quantities  of  wood 
in  their  villages  in  the  autumn. 


280 


PEACE. 


[1644 


lilie  the  wind.  All  the  village  swarmed  out  in  fu- 
rious chase  ; but  Piskaret  was  the  swiftest  runner 
of  his  time,  and  easily  kept  in  advance  of  his  pur- 
suers. When  daylight  came,  he  showed  himself 
from  time  to  time  to  lure  them  on,  then  yelled 
defiance,  and  distanced  them  again.  At  night,  all 
but  six  had  given  over  the  chase ; and  even  these, 
exhausted  as  they  were,  had  begun  to  despair. 
Piskaret,  seeing  a hollow  tree,  crept  into  it  like  a 
bear,  and  hid  himself ; while  the  Iroquois,  losing 
his  traces  in  the  dark,  lay  down  to  sleep  near  by. 
At  midnight  he  emerged  from  his  retreat,  stealthily 
approached  his  slumbering  enemies,  nimbly  brained 
them  all  with  his  war-club,  and  then,  burdened  with 
a goodly  bundle  of  scalps,  journeyed  homeward  in 
triumph.^ 

This  is  but  one  of  several  stories  that  tradition 
has  preserved  of  his  exploits ; and,  with  all  rea- 
sonable allowances,  it  is  certain  that  the  crafty  and 
valiant  Algonquin  was  the  model  of  an  Indian 
warrior.  That  which  follows  rests  on  a far  safer 
basis. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1645,  Piskaret,  with 
six  other  converted  Indians,  some  of  them  better 
Christians  than  he,  set  out  on  a war-party,  and, 
after  dragging  their  canoes  over  the  frozen  St. 
Lawrence,  launched  them  on  the  open  stream  of 
the  Pichelieu.  They  ascended  to  Lake  Champlain, 


1 This  story  is  told  by  La  Potherie,  I.  299,  and,  more  briefly,  by  Per- 
rot,  107.  La  Potherie,  writing  more  than  half  a century  after  the  time  in 
question,  represents  the  Iroquois  as  habitually  in  awe  of  the  Algonquins 
In  this  all  the  contemporary  writers  contradict  him. 


1645.] 


THE  IROQUOIS  DEFEATED. 


281 


and  hid  themselves  in  the  leafless  forests  of  a large 
island,  watching  patiently  for  their  human  prey. 
One  day  they  heard  a distant  shot.  “ Come, 
friends,”  said  Piskaret,  “ let  us  get  our  dinner : 
perhaps  it  will  be  the  last,  for  we  must  die  before 
we  run.”  Having  dined  to  their  contentment,  the 
philosophic  warriors  prepared  for  action.  One  of 
them  went  to  reconnoitre,  and  soon  reported  that 
two  canoes  full  of  Iroquois  were  approaching  the 
island.  Piskaiet  and  his  followers  crouched  in  the 
bushes  at  the  point  for  which  the  canoes  were 
making,  and,  as  the  foremost  drew  near,  each 
chose  his  mark,  and  fh-ed  with  such  good  effectf 
that,  of  seven  warriors,  all  but  one  were  killed. 
The  survivor  jumped  overboard,  and  swam  for  the 
other  canoe,  where  he  was  taken  in.  It  now 
contained  eight  Iroquois,  who,  far  from  attempting 
to  escape,  paddled  in  haste  for  a distant  part  of 
the  shore,  in  order  to  land,  give  battle,  and  avenge 
their  slain  comrades.  But  the  Algonquins,  run- 
ning through  the  woods,  reached  the  landing  before 
them,  and,  as  one  of  them  rose  to  fire,  they  shot 
him.  In  his  fall  he  overset  the  canoe.  The  water 
was  shallow,  and  the  submerged  warriors,  pres- 
ently finding  foothold,  waded  towards  the  shore,  and 
made  desperate  fight.  The  Algonquins  had  the 
advantage  of  position,  and  used  it  so  well,  that  they 
killed  all  but  three  of  their  enemies,  and  cap- 
tured two  of  the  survivors.  Next  they  sought  out 
the  bodies,  carefully  scalped  them,  and  set  out  in 
triumph  on  their  return.  To  the  credit  of  their 
Jesuit  teachers,  they  treated  them  prisoners  wfith 

24* 


282 


PEACE. 


[1645, 


a forbearance  hitherto  without  example.  One  of 
them,  who  was  defiant  and  abusive,  received  a 
blow  to  silence  him ; but  no  further  indignity  was 
offered  to  either.^ 

As  the  successful  warriors  approached  the  little 
mission  settlement  of  Sillery,  immediately  above 
Quebec,  they  raised  their  song  of  triumph,  and 
beat  time  with  their  paddles  on  the  edges  of  their 
canoes ; while,  from  eleven  poles  raised  aloft, 
eleven  fresh  scalps  fluttered  in  the  wind.  The 
Father  Jesuit  and  all  his  flock  were  gathered  on 
the  strand  to  welcome  them.  The  Indians  fired 
Their  guns,  and  screeched  in  jubilation ; one  Jean 
Baptiste,  a Christian  chief  of  Sillery,  made  a 
speech  from  the  shore ; Piskaret  replied,  standing 
upright  in  his  canoe;  and,  to  crown  the  occasion,  a 
squad  of  soldiers,  marching  in  haste  from  Quebec, 
fired  a salute  of  musketry,  to  the  boundless  delight 
of  the  Indians.  Much  to  the  surprise  of  the  two 
captives,  there  was  no  running  of  the  gantlet,  no 
gnawing  off  of  finger-nails  or  cutting  off  of  fingers; 
but  the  scalps  were  hung,  like  little  flags,  over  the 
entrances  of  the  lodges,  and  all  Sillery  betook 
itself  to  feasting  and  rejoicing.^  One  old  woman, 
indeed,  came  to  the  Jesuit  with  a pathetic  appeal: 
“ Oh,  my  Father ! let  me  caress  these  prisoners  a 
little : they  have  killed,  burned,  and  eaten  my 
father,  my  husband,  and  my  children.”  But  the 


1 According  to  Marie  de  lUncarnation,  Letlre,  14  Sept.,  1645,  T'iskaret 
was  for  torturing  the  captives ; but  a convert,  named  Bernard  by  the 
French,  protested  against  it. 

2 Vimcnt,  Relation,  1645,  19-21. 


1645.] 


THE  PEACE  MESSAGE. 


283 


missionary  answered  with  a lecture  on  the  duty  of 
forgiveness.^ 

On  the  next  day,  Montmagny  came  to  Sillery, 
and  there  was  a grand  council  in  the  house  of  the 
Jesuits.  Piskaret,  in  a solemn  harangue,  delivered 
his  captives  to  the  Governor,  who  replied  with  a 
speech  of  compliment  and  an  ample  gift.  The 
two  Iroquois  were  present,  seated  with  a seeming 
imperturbability,  but  great  anxiety  of  heart ; and 
when  at  length  they  comprehended  that  their  lives 
were  safe,  one  of  them,  a man  of  great  size  and 
symmetry,  rose  and  addressed  Montmagny : — 

“ Onontio,^  I am  saved  from  the  fire  ; my  body 
is  delivered  from  death.  Onontio,  you  have  given 
me  my  life.  I thank  you  for  it.  I will  never  for- 
get it.  All  my  country  will  be  grateful  to  you. 
The  earth  will  be  bright;  the  river  calm  and 
smooth ; there  will  be  peace  and  friendship  be- 
tween us.  The  shadow  is  before  my  eyes  no  longer. 
The  spirits  of  my  ancestors  slain  by  the  Algonquins 
have  disappeared.  Onontio,  you  are  good : we  are 
bad.  But  our  anger  is  gone  ; I have  no  heart  but 
for  peace  and  rejoicing.”  As  he  said  this,  he  began 
to  dance,  holding  his  hands  upraised,  as  if  apostro- 
phizing the  sky.  Suddenly  he  snatched  a hatchet, 
brandished  it  for  a moment  like  a madman,  and 
tlien  flung  it  into  the  fire,  saying,  as  he  did  so, 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1645,  21,  22. 

2 Onontio,  Great  Mountain,  a translation  of  Montmagny’s  name.  It 
was  the  Iroquois  name  ever  after  for  the  Governor  of  Canada.  In  the 
same  manner,  Onas,  Feather  or  Qnill,  became  the  official  name  of  William 
Penn,  and  all  succeeding  Governors  of  Pennsylvania.  We  have  seen  that 
the  Iroquois  hereditary  chiefs  had  official  names,  which  are  the  same  to- 
day that  they  were  at  the  period  of  this  narrative. 


284 


PEACE. 


[1646 


“ Thus  I throw  down  my  anger!  thus  I cast  away 
the  weapons  of  blood!  Farewell,  war!  Now  I 
am  your  friend  forever!”^ 

The  two  prisoners  were  allowed  to  roam  at  will 
about  the  settlement,  withheld  from  escaping  by 
an  Indian  point  of  honor.  Montmagny  soon  after 
sent  them  to  Three  Eivers,  where  the  Iroquois 
taken  during  the  last  summer  had  remained  all 
winter.  Champtleur,  the  commandant,  now  received 
orders  to  clothe,  equip,  and  send  him  home,  with 
a message  to  his  nation  that  Onontio  made  them  a 
present  of  his  life,  and  that  he  had  still  two  pris- 
oners in  his  hands,  whom  he  would  also  give  them, 
if  they  saw  fit  to  embrace  this  opportunity  of  mak- 
ing peace  with  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies. 

This  was  at  the  end  of  May.  On  the  fifth  of 
July  following,  the  liberated  Iroquois  reappeared 
at  Three  Eivers,  bringing  with  him  two  men  of 
renown,  ambassadors  of  the  Mohawk  nation.  There 
was  a fourth  man  of  the  party,  and,  as  they  ap- 
proached, the  Frenchmen  on  the  shore  recognized, 
to  their  great  delight,  Guillaume  Couture,  the 
young  man  captured  three  years  before  with  Father 
Jogues,  and  long  since  given  up  as  dead.  In  dress 
and  appearance  he  was  an  Iroquois.  He  had 
gained  a great  influence  over  his  captois,  and  this 
embassy  of  peace  was  due  in  good  measure  to  his 
persuasions.® 

The  chief  of  the  Iroquois,  Kiotsaton,  a tall  sav- 


1 Vimont,  Relation,  1645,  22,  23.  He  adds,  that,  “ if  these  people  are 
barbarous  in  deed,  they  have  thoughts  worthy  of  Greeks  and  Romans  ” 

2 Marie  de  1 ’Incarnation,  Lettre,  14  Sept.,  1645. 


1645.] 


THE  AMBASSADOR. 


285 


age,  covered  from  head  to  foot  with  belts  of  wam- 
pum, stood  erect  in  the  prow  of  the  sail-boat  which 
had  brought  him  and  his  companions  from  Eiche- 
lieu,  and  in  a loud  voice  announced  himself  as  the 
accredited  envoy  of  his  nation.  The  boat  fired  a 
swivel,  the  fort  replied  with  a cannon-shot,  and  the 
envoys  landed  in  state.  Kiotsaton  and  his  colleague 
were  conducted  to  the  room  of  the  commandant, 
where,  seated  on  the  fioor,  they  were  regaled 
sumptuously,  and  presented  in  due  course  with 
pipes  of  tobacco.  They  had  never  before  seen 
anything  so  civilized,  and  were  delighted  with 
their  entertainment.  “ We  are  glad  to  see  you,” 
said  Champfieur  to  Kiotsaton;  “you  maybe  sure 
that  you  are  safe  here.  It  is  as  if  you  were  among 
your  own  people,  and  in  your  own  house.” 

“Tell  your  chief  that  he  lies,”  replied  the  honored 
guest,  addressing  the  interpreter. 

Champfieur,  though  he  probably  knew  that  this 
was  but  an  Indian  mode  of  expressing  dissent, 
showed  some  little  surprise ; when  Kiotsaton,  after 
tranquilly  smoking  for  a moment,  proceeded : — 

“ Your  chief  says  it  is  as  if  I were  in  my  own 
country.  This  is  not  true ; for  there  I am  not  so 
honored  and  caressed.  He  says  it  is  as  if  I were 
in  my  own  house ; but  in  my  own  house  I am  some- 
times very  ill  served,  and  here  you  feast  me  with 
all  manner  of  good  cheer.”  From  this  and  many 
other  replies,  the  French  conceived  that  they  had 
to  do  with  a man  of  esprit} 

He  undoubtedly  belonged  to  that  class  of  pro 

i Vimont,  Relation,  1645.  24. 


286 


PEACE. 


[1645 


fessed  orators  who,  though  rarely  or  never  claiming 
the  honors  of  hereditary  chieftainship,  had  great 
influence  among  the  Iroquois,  and  were  employed 
in  all  affairs  of  embassy  and  negotiation.  They 
had  memories  trained  to  an  astonishing  tenacity, 
were  perfect  in  all  the  conventional  metaphors  in 
which  the  language  of  Indian  diplomacy  and  rheto- 
ric mainly  consisted,  knew  by  heart  the  traditions 
of  the  nation,  and  were  adepts  in  the  parliamentary 
usages,  which,  among  the  Iroquois,  wm*e  held  little 
less  than  sacred. 

The  ambassadors  were  feasted  for  a week,  not 
only  by  the  French,  but  also  by  the  Hurons  and  Al- 
gonquins  ; and  then  the  grand  peace  council  took 
place.  Montmagny  had  come  up  from  Quebec, 
and  with  him  the  chief  men  of  the  colony.  It  was 
a bright  midsummer  day ; and  the  sun  beat  hot 
upon  the  parched  area  of  the  fort,  where  awnings 
were  spread  to  shelter  the  assembly.  On  one  side 
sat  Montmagny,  with  offlcers  and  others  who  at- 
tended him.  Near  him  was  Vimont,  Superior  of 
the  Mission,  and  other  Jesuits,  — Jogues  among 
the  rest.  Immediately  before  them  sat  the  Iro 
quois,  on  sheets  of  spruce-bark  spread  on  the 
ground  like  mats : for  they  had  insisted  on  being 
near  the  French,  as  a sign  of  the  extreme  love  they 
had  of  late  conceived  towards  them.  On  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  area  were  the  Algonquins,  in  their 
several  divisions  of  the  Algonquins  proper,  the 
Montagnais,  and  the  Atticamegues,^  sitting,  lying, 

1 The  Atticamegues,  or  tribe  of  the  White  Fish,  dwelt  in  the  forests 
north  of  Three  Kivers.  They  much  resembled  their  Montagnais  kindred. 


1645.] 


SPEECH  OF  KIOTSATON. 


287 


or  squatting  on  the  ground.  On  the  right  hand 
and  on  the  left  were  Hurons  mingled  with  French- 
men. In  the  midst  was  a large  open  space  like 
the  arena  of  a prize-ring ; and  here  were  planted 
two  poles  with  a line  stretched  from  one  to  the 
other,  on  which,  in  due  time,  were  to  be  hung  the 
wampum  belts  that  represented  the  words  of  the 
orator.  For  the  present,  these  belts  were  in  part 
hung  about  the  persons  of  the  two  ambassadors, 
and  in  part  stored  in  a bag  carried  by  one  of  them. 

When  all  was  ready,  Kiotsaton  arose,  strode  into 
the  open  space,  and,  raising  his  tall  figure  erect, 
stood  looking  for  a moment  at  the  sun.  Then  he 
gazed  around  on  the  assembly,  took  a wampum  belt 
in  his  hand,  and  began : ■ — 

“ Onontio,  give  ear.  I am  the  mouth  of  all  my 
nation.  When  you  listen  to  me,  you  listen  to  all 
the  Iroquois.  There  is  no  evil  in  my  heart.  My 
song  is  a song  of  peace.  We  have  many  war-songs 
in  our  country  ; but  we  have  thrown  them  all  away, 
and  now  we  sing  of  nothing  but  gladness  and  re- 
joicing.” 

Flereupon  he  began  to  sing,  his  countrymen 
joining  with  him.  He  walked  to  and  fro,  gesticu- 
lated towards  the  sky,  and  seemed  to  apostrophize 
the  sun ; then,  turning  towards  the  Governor,  re 
sumed  his  harangue.  Fhst  he  thanked  him  for 
the  life  of  the  Iroquois  prisoner  released  in  the 
spring,  but  blamed  him  for  sending  him  home  with- 
out company  or  escort.  Then  he  led  forth  the 
young  Frenchman,  Guillaume  Couture,  and  tied  a 
wampum  belt  to  his  arm. 


288 


PEACL. 


[1645. 


“With  this,”  he  said,  “ I give  you  back  this  pris- 
oner. I did  not  say  to  him,  ‘ Nephew,  take  a canoe 
and  go  home  to  Quebec.’  I should  have  been  with- 
out sense,  had  I done  so.  I should  have  been 
troubled  in  my  heart,  lest  some  evil  might  befall 
him.  The  prisoner  whom  you  sent  back  to  us 
suffered  every  kind  of  danger  and  hardship  on  the 
way.”  Here  he  proceeded  to  represent  the  difficul- 
ties of  the  journey  in  pantomime,  “so  natural,”  says 
Father  Yimont,  “that  no  actor  in  France  could 
equal  it.”  He  counterfeited  the  lonely  traveller 
toiling  up  some  rocky  portage  track,  with  a load  of 
baggage  on  his  head,  now  stopping  as  if  half  spent, 
and  now  tripping  against  a stone.  Next  he  was 
in  his  canoe,  vainly  trying  to  urge  it  against  the 
swift  current,  looking  around  in  despair  on  the 
foaming  rapids,  then  recovering  courage,  and  pad- 
dling desperately  for  his  life.  “ What  did  you 
mean,”  demanded  the  orator,  resuming  his  ha- 
rangue, “ by  sending  a man  alone  among  these 
dangers  ? I have  not  done  so.  ‘ Come,  nephew,’ 
I said  to  the  prisoner  there  before  you,” — pointing 
to  Couture, —“‘follow  me : I will  see  you  home  at 
the  risk  of  my  life.’”  And  to  confirm  his  words,  he 
hung  another  belt  on  the  line. 

The  third  belt  was  to  declare  that  the  nation  of 
the  speaker  had  sent  presents  to  the  other  nations 
to  recall  their  war-parties,  in  view  of  the  approach- 
ing peace.  The  fourth  was  an  assurance  that  the 
memory  of  the  slain  Iroquois  no  longer  stirred  the 
living  to  vengeance.  “ I passed  near  the  place 
where  Piskaret  and  the  Algonquins  slew  our  war- 


1645.] 


SPEECH  OF  KIOTSATON. 


289 


riors  in  the  spring.  I saw  the  scene  of  the  fight 
where  the  two  prisoners  here  were  taken.  I passed 
quickly ; I would  not  look  on  the  blood  of  my  peo- 
ple. Their  bodies  lie  there  still ; I turned  away 
my  eyes,  that  I might  not  be  angry.”  Then,  stoop- 
ing, he  struck  the  ground  and  seemed  to  listen. 
“ I heard  the  voice  of  my  ancestors,  slain  by  the 
Algonquins,  crying  to  me  in  a tone  of  affection, 
‘ My  grandson,  my  grandson,  restrain  your  anger : 
think  no  more  of  us,  for  you  cannot  deliver  us 
from  death ; think  of  the  living  ; rescue  them  from 
the  knife  and  the  fire.’  When  I heard  these  voices, 
I went  on  my  way,  and  journeyed  hither  to  deliver 
those  whom  you  still  hold  in  captivity.” 

The  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  belts  were  to  open 
the  passage  by  water  from  the  French  to  the 
Iroquois,  to  chase  hostile  canoes  from  the  river, 
smooth  away  the  rapids  and  cataracts,  and  calm 
the  waves  of  the  lake.  The  eighth  cleared  the 
path  by  land.  ‘Won  would  have  said,”  writes 
Vimont,  “ that  he  was  cutting  down  trees,  hacking 
off  branches,  dragging  away  bushes,  and  filling  up 
holes.”- — “Look!”  exclaimed  the  orator,  when  he 
had  ended  this  pantomime,  “ the  road  is  open, 
smooth,  and  straight  ” ; and  he  bent  towards  the 
earth,  as  if  to  see  that  no  impediment  remained. 
“ There  is  no  thorn,  or  stone,  or  log  in  the  way. 
Now  you  may  see  the  smoke  of  our  villages  from 
Quebec  to  the  heart  of  our  country.” 

Another  belt,  of  unusual  size  and  beauty,  was 
to  bind  the  Iroquois,  the  French,  and  their  Indian 

allies  together  as  one  man.  As  he  presented  it, 

25 


290 


PEACE. 


[1045. 


the  orator  led  forth  a Frenchman  and  an  Algonquin 
from  among  his  auditors,  and,  linking  his  arms  with 
theirs,  pressed  them  closely  to  his  sides,  in  token 
of  indissoluble  union. 

The  next  belt  invited  the  French  to  feast  with 
the  Iroquois.  “ Our  country  is  full  of  fish,  venf 
son,  moose,  beaver,  and  game  of  every  kind. 
Leave  these  filthy  swine  that  run  about  among 
your  houses,  feeding  on  garbage,  and  come  and 
eat  good  food  with  us.  The  road  is  open;  there 
is  no  danger.” 

There  was  another  belt  to  scatter  the  clouds, 
that  the  sun  might  shine  on  the  hearts  of  the 
Indians  and  the  French,  and  reveal  their  sincerity 
and  truth  to  all ; then  others  still,  to  confirm  the 
Hurons  in  thoughts  of  peace.  By  the  fifteenth 
belt,  Kiotsaton  declared  that  the  Iroquois  had 
always  wished  to  send  home  Jogues  and  Bressani 
to  their  friends,  and  had  meant  to  do  so  ; but  that 
Jogues  was  stolen  from  them  by  the  Dutch,  and 
they  had  given  Bressani  to  them  because  he  de- 
sired it.  If  he  had  but  been  patient,”  added  the 
ambassador,  ‘‘  I would  have  brought  him  back  my- 
self. Now  I know  not  what  has  befallen  him. 
Perhaps  he  is  drowned.  Perhaps  he  is  dead.” 
Here  Jogues  said,  with  a smile,  to  the  Jesuits  near 
him,  “ They  had  the  pile  laid  to  burn  me.  They 
would  have  killed  me  a hundred  times,  if  God  had 
not  saved  my  life.” 

Two  or  three  more  belts  were  hung  on  the  line, 
each  with  its  appropriate  speech ; and  then  the 
speaker  closed  his  harangue  : ‘‘  I go  to  spend  what 


1645.] 


VIMONT  AND  THE  AMBASSADOES. 


291 


remains  of  fhe  summer  in  my  own  country,  in 
games  and  dances  and  rejoicing  for  the  blessing  of 
jieace.”  He  had  interspersed  his  discourse  through- 
out with  now  a song  and  now  a dance;  and  the 
council  ended  in  a general  dancing,  in  which 
Iroquois,  Hurons,  Algonquins,  Montagnais,  Atti- 
camcgues,  and  French,  all  took  part,  after  their 
respective  fashions. 

In  spite  of  one  or  two  palpable  falsehoods  that 
embellished  his  oratory,  the  Jesuits  were  delighted 
with  him.  “ Every  one  admitted,”  says  Vimont,  “ that 
he  was  eloquent  and  pathetic.  In  short,  he  showed 
himself  an  excellent  actor,  for  one  who  has  had 
no  instructor  but  Nature.  I gathered  only  a few 
fragments  of  his  speech  from  the  mouth  of  the 
interpreter,  who  gave  us  but  broken  portions  of  it, 
and  did  not  translate  consecutively.”  ^ 

Two  days  after,  another  council  was  called, 
when  the  Governor  gave  his  answer,  accepting 
the  proffered  peace,  and  confirming  his  acceptance 
by  gifts  of  considerable  value.  He  demanded  as 
a condition,  that  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French 
should  be  left  unmolested,  until  their  principal 
chiefs,  who  were  not  then  present,  should  make  a 
formal  treaty  with  the  Iroquois  in  behalf  of  their 
several  nations.  Piskaret  then  made  a present  to 
wipe  away  the  remembrance  of  the  Iroquois  he  had 
slaughtered,  and  the  assembly  was  dissolved. 

1 Vimont  describes  the  council  at  length  in  the  Relation  of  1645. 
Marie  de  ITncarnation  also  describes  it  in  a letter  to  her  son,  of  Sept.  14, 
1645.  She  evidently  gained  her  information  from  Vimont  and  the  othel 
Jesuits  present. 


292 


PEACE. 


[1645. 


In  the  evening,  Vimont  invited  the  ambassadors 
to  the  mission-house,  and  gave  each  of  them  a 
sack  of  tobacco  and  a pipe.  In  return,  Kiotsaton 
made  him  a speech : “ When  I left  my  country, 
I gave  up  my  life  ; I went  to  meet  death,  and  I 
owe  it  to  you  that  I am  yet  alive.  I thank  you 
that  I still  see  the  sun ; I thank  you  for  all  yoiu* 
words  and  acts  of  kindness ; I thank  you  for  your 
gifts.  You  have  covered  me  with  them  from  head 
to  foot.  You  left  nothing  free  but  my  mouth  ; and 
now  you  have  stopped  that  with  a handsome  pipe, 
and  regaled  it  with  the  taste  of  the  herb  we  love. 
I bid  you  farewell,  — not  for  a long  time,  for  you 
will  hear  from  us  soon.  Even  if  we  should  be 
drowned  on  our  way  home,  the  winds  and  the 
waves  will  bear  witness  to  our  countrymen  of  your 
favors ; and  I am  sure  that  some  good  spirit  has 
gone  before  us  to  tell  them  of  the  good  news  that 
we  are  about  to  bring.”  ^ 

On  the  next  day,  he  and  his  companion  set  forth 
on  thek  return.  Kiotsaton,  when  he  saw  his  party 
embarked,  turned  to  the  French  and  Indians  who 
lined  the  shore,  and  said  with  a loud  voice,  “Fare 
well,  brothers ! I am  one  of  your  relations  now.” 
Then  turning  to  the  Governor,  — “ Onontio,  your 
name  will  be  great  over  all  the  earth.  When  I 
came  hither,  I never  thought  to  carry  back  my 
head,  I never  thought  to  come  out  of  yoiu’  doors 
alive  ; and  now  I return  loaded  with  honors,  gifts, 
and  kindness.”  “Brothers,”  — to  the  Indians, — 
“ obey  Onontio  and  the  French.  Their  hearts  and 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1645,  28. 


1645.1 


MUSTER  OF  SAVAGES. 


293 


their  thoughts  are  good.  Be  friends  with  them, 
and  do  as  they  do.  You  shall  hear  from  us  soon.” 
The  Indians  whooped  and  fired  their  guns  ; there 
was  a cannon-shot  from  the  fort ; and  the  sail-boat 
that  bore  the  distinguished  visitors  moved  on  its 
way  towards  the  Jlichelieu. 

But  tlie  work  was  not  done.  There  must  be 
more  councils,  speeches,  wampum-belts,  and  gifts 
of  all  kinds,  — more  feasts,  dances,  songs,  and  up- 
roar. The  Indians  gathered  at  Three  Bivers  were 
not  sufficient  in  numbers  or  in  influence  to  repre- 
sent their  several  tribes  ; and  more  were  on  their 
way.  The  principal  men  of  the  Hurons  were  to 
come  down  this  year,  with  Algonquins  of  many 
tribes,  from  the  North  and  the  Northwest;  and 
Kiotsaton  had  promised  that  Iroquois  ambassadors, 
duly  empowered,  should  meet  them  at  Three  Bivers, 
and  make  a solemn  peace  with  them  all,  under  the 
eye  of  Onontio.  But  what  hope  was  there  that 
this  swarm  of  fickle  and  wayward  savages  could  be 
gathered  together  at  one  time  and  at  one  place,  — 
or  that,  being  there,  they  could  be  restrained  from 
cutting  each  other’s  throats'?  Yet  so  it  was ; and 
in  this  happy  event  the  Jesuits  saw  the  interposi- 
tion of  God,  wrought  upon  by  the  prayers  of  those 
pious  souls  in  France  who  daily  and  nightly  be- 
sieged Heaven  with  supplications  for  the  welfare 
of  the  Canadian  missions.^ 

First  came  a band  of  Montagnais ; next  followed 
Nipissings,  Atticamegues,  and  Algonquins  of  the 
Ottawa,  their  canoes  deep-laden  with  furs.  Then, 

1 Viraont,  Relation,  1645,  29. 

25* 


294 


PEACE. 


11645. 


on  the  tenth  of  September,  appeared  the  great  fleet 
of  the  Hurons,  sixty  canoes,  bearing  a host  of  war- 
riors, among  whom  the  French  recognized  the 
tattered  black  cassock  of  Father  Jerome  Lalemant. 
There  were  twenty  French  soldiers,  too,  returning 
from  the  Huron  country,  whither  they-  had  been 
sent  the  year  before,  to  guard  the  Fathers  and  their 
flock. 

Three  Fivers  swarmed  like  an  ant-hill  with  sav- 
ages. The  shore  was  lined  with  canoes ; the 
forests  and  the  fields  were  alive  with  busy  camps. 
The  trade  was  brisk ; and  in  its  attendant  speeches, 
feasts,  and  dances,  there  was  no  respite. 

But  where  were  the  Iroquois  ] Montmagny  and 
the  Jesuits  grew  very  anxious.  In  a few  days 
more  the  concourse  would  begin  to  disperse,  and 
the  golden  moment  be  lost.  It  was  a great  relief 
when  a canoe  appeared  with  tidings  that  the  prom- 
ised embassy  was  on  its  way ; and  yet  more,  when, 
on  the  seventeenth,  four  Iroquois  approached  the 
shore,  and,  in  a loud  voice,  announced  themselves 
as  envoys  of  their  nation.  The  tumult  was  prodig- 
ious. Montmagny’s  soldiers  formed  a double  rank, 
and  the  savage  rabble,  with  wild  eyes  and  faces 
smeared  with  grease  and  paint,  stared  over  the 
shoulders  and  between  the  gun-barrels  of  the  mus- 
keteers, as  the  ambassadors  of  their  deadliest  foe 
stalked,  with  unmoved  visages,  towards  the  fort. 

Now  council  followed  council,  with  an  insuffer- 
able prolixity  of  speech-making.  There  were  belts 
to  wipe  out  the  memory  of  the  slain ; belts  to  clear 
the  sky,  smooth  the  rivers,  and  calm  the  lakes ; a 


1645.] 


PEACE  CONFIRMED. 


295 


belt  to  take  tlie  hatchet  from  the  hands  of  the  Iro- 
quois ; another  to  take  away  their  guns ; another 
to  take  away  their  shields ; another  to  wash  the 
war-paint  from  their  faces ; and  another  to  break 
the  kettle  in  which  they  boiled  their  prisoners.^ 
In  short,  there  were  belts  past  numbering,  each 
with  its  meaning,  sometimes  literal,  sometimes 
figurative,  but  all  bearing  upon  the  great  work  of 
peace.  At  length  all  was  ended.  The  dances 
ceased,  the  songs  and  the  whoops  died  away,  and 
the  great  muster  dispersed,  — some  to  their  smoky 
lodges  on  the  distant  shores  of  Lake  Huron,  and 
some  to  frozen  hunting-grounds  in  northern  forests. 

There  was  peace  in  this  dark  and  blood-stained 
wilderness.  The  lynx,  the  panther,  and  the  wolf 
had  made  a covenant  of  love ; but  who  should  be 
their  surety  1 A doubt  and  a fear  mingled  with  the 
joy  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers ; and  to  their  thanksgiv- 
ings to  God  they  joined  a prayer,  that  the  hand 
which  had  given  might  still  be  stretched  forth  to 
preserve. 


1 Vimout,  Relation^  1645,  34. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


1645,  1646. 

THE  PEACE  BROKEN. 

Uncertainties.  — The  Mission  of  Jogues.  — He  reaches  the 
Mohawks.  — IIis  Eeception.  — His  Return.  — His  Second  Mis- 
sion. — Warnings  of  Danger.  — Rage  of  the  Mohawks.  — 
Murder  of  Jogues. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Iroquois  negotia- 
tors acted,  for  the  moment,  in  sincerity.  Guillaume 
Couture,  who  returned  with  them  and  spent  the 
winter  in  their  towns,  saw  sufficient  proof  that  they 
sincerely  deshed  peace.  And  yet  the  treaty  had  a 
double  defect.  First,  the  wayward,  capricious,  and 
ungoverned  nature  of  the  Indian  parties  to  it,  on 
both  sides,  made  a speedy  rupture  more  than  likely. 
Secondly,  in  spite  of  their  own  assertion  to  the 
contrary,  the  Iroquois  envoys  represented,  not  the 
confederacy  of  the  five  nations,  but  only  one  of 
these  nations,  the  Mohawks : for  each  of  the  mem- 
bers of  this  singular  league  could,  and  often  did, 
make  peace  and  war  independently  of  the  rest. 

It  was  the  Mohawks  who  had  made  war  on  the 
French  and  their  Indian  allies  on  the  lower  St. 

[296] 


1646.] 


THE  MISSION  OF  JOGUES. 


297 


Lawrence.  They  claimed,  as  against  the  other 
Iroquois,  a certain  right  of  domain  to  all  this 
region ; and  though  the  warriors  of  the  four  upper 
nations  had  sometimes  poached  on  the  Mohawk 
preserve,  by  murdering  both  French  and  Indians 
at  Montreal,  they  employed  their  energies  for  the 
most  part  in  attacks  on  the  Hurons,  the  Upper 
Algonquins,  and  other  tribes  of  the  interior.  These 
attacks  still  continued,  unaffected  by  the  peace  with 
the  Mohawks.  Imperfect,  however,  as  the  treaty 
was,  it  was  invaluable,  could  it  but  be  kept  invio- 
late ; and  to  this  end  Montmagny,  the  Jesuits,  and 
all  the  colony,  anxiously  turned  their  thoughts.^ 

It  was  to  hold  the  Mohawks  to  their  faith  that 
Couture  had  bravely  gone  back  to  winter  among 
them ; but  an  agent  of  more  acknowledged  weight 
was  needed,  and  Father  Isaac  Jogues  was  chosen. 
No  white  man,  Couture  excepted,  knew  their  lan- 
guage and  their  character  so  well.  His  errand  was 
half  political,  half  religious ; for  not  only  was  he 

1 The  Mohawks  were  at  this  time  more  numerous,  as  compared  with 
the  other  four  nations  of  the  Iroquois,  than  they  were  a few  years  later. 
They  seem  to  have  suffered  more  reverses  in  war  than  any  of  the  others. 
At  this  time  they  may  be  reckoned  at  six  or  seven  hundred  warriors. 
A war  with  the  Mohegans,  and  another  with  the  Andastes,  besides  their 
war  with  the  Algonquins  and  the  French  of  Canada  soon  after,  told 
severely  on  their  strength.  The  folloAving  are  estimates  of  the  numbers 
of  the  Iroquois  warriors  made  in  1660  by  the  author  of  the  Relation  of  that 
year,  and  by  Wentworth  Greenhalgh  in  1677,  from  personal  inspection:— 


1660.  1677. 

Mohawks 500  ..  . 300 

Oneidas 100  . . . 200 

Onondagas 300  . . . 350 

Cayugas 300  . . . 300 

Senecas  1,000  . . . 1,000 

2^  2^ 


296  THE  PEACE  BROKEN.  [1646. 

to  be  the  bearer  of  gifts,  wampum-belts,  and  mes- 
sages from  the  Governor,  but  he  was  also  to  found 
a new  mission,  christened  in  advance  with  a pro- 
phetic name,  — the  Mission  of  the  Martyrs. 

For  two  years  past,  Jogues  had  been  at  Montreal  ; 
and  it  was  here  that  he  received  the  order  of  his 
Superior  to  proceed  to  the  Mohawk  towns.  At 
first,  nature  asserted  itself,  and  he  recoiled  invol- 
untarily at  the  thought  of  the  horrors  of  which  his 
scarred  body  and  his  mutilated  hands  were  a living 
memento.^  It  was  a transient  weakness  ; and  he 
prepared  to  depart  with  more  than  willingness, 
giving  thanks  to  Heaven  that  he  had  been  found 
worthy  to  suffer  and  to  die  for  the  saving  of  souls 
and  the  greater  glory  of  God. 

He  felt  a presentiment  that  his  death  was  near, 
and  wrote  to  a friend,  “ I shall  go,  and  shall  not 
return.”^  An  Algonquin  convert  gave  him  sage 
advice.  “ Say  nothing  about  the  Faith  at  first,  for 
there  is  nothing  so  repulsive,  in  the  beginning,  as 
our  doctrine,  which  seems  to  destroy  everything 
that  men  hold  dear ; and  as  your  long  cassock 
preaches,  as  well  as  your  lips,  you  had  better  put 
on  a short  coat.”  Jogues,  therefore,  exchanged 
the  uniform  of  Loyola  for  a civilian’s  doublet  and 
hose ; “for,”  observes  his  Superior,  “one  should  be 
all  things  to  all  men,  that  he  may  gain  them  all  to 
Jesus  Christ.”^  It  would  be  well,  if  the  applica- 
tion of  the  maxim  had  always  been  as  harmless. 

1 Lettre  du  P.  Isaac  Jogues  au  R.  P.  Je'rosme  L* Allemant.  Montreal^ 

2  Mai,  1646.  MS. 

2 “ Ibo  et  non  redibo.”  Lettre  du  P.  Jogues  au  R.  P.  No  date. 

3 Laleraant,  Relation,  1646,  15. 


1646.J 


JOGUES  REACHES  THE  MOHAWKS. 


299 


Jogues  left  Three  Rivers  about  the  middle  of 
May,  with  the  Sieur  Bourdon,  engineer  to  the 
Governor,  two  Algonquins  with  gifts  to  confirm 
the  peace,  and  four  Mohawks  as  guides  and  es- 
cort. He  passed  the  Richelieu  and  Lake  Cham- 
plain, well-remembered  scenes  of  former  miseries, 
and  reached  the  foot  of  Lake  George  on  the  eve 
of  Corpus  Christi.  Hence  he  called  the  lake  Lac 
St.  Sacrement ; and  this  name  it  preserved,  until, 
a century  after,  an  ambitious  Irishman,  in  compli- 
ment to  the  sovereign  from  whom  he  sought 
advancement,  gave  it  the  name  it  bears. ^ 

From  Lake  George  they  crossed  on  foot  to  the 
Hudson,  where,  being  greatly  fatigued  by  their 
heavy  loads  of  gifts,  they  borrowed  canoes  at  an 
Iroquois  fishing  station,  and  descended  to  Fort 
Orange.  Here  Jogues  met  the  Hutch  friends  to 
whom  he  owed  his  life,  and  who  now  kindly  wel- 
comed and  entertained  him.  After  a few  days  he 
left  them,  and  ascended  the  River  Mohawk  to  the 
first  Mohawk  town.  Crowds  gathered  from  the 
neighboring  towns  to  gaze  on  the  man  whom  they 
had  known  as  a scorned  and  abused  slave,  and 
who  now  appeared  among  them  as  the  ambassador 
of  a power  which  hitherto,  indeed,  they  had  de- 
spised, but  which  in  their  present  mood  they  were 
willing  to  propitiate. 

There  w^as  a council  in  one  of  the  lodges ; and 
while  his  crowded  auditory  smoked  their  j)ipes, 
Jogues  stood  in  the  midst,  and  harangued  them. 

1 Mr.  Shea  very  reasonably  suggests,  that  a change  from  Lake  Georqe 
to  Lake  Jogues  would  be  equally  easy  and  appropriate. 


300 


THE  PEACE  BROKEN. 


[1646. 


He  offered  in  due  form  the  gifts  of  the  Governor, 
with  the  wampum  belts  and  their  messages  of 
peace,  while  at  every  pause  his  words  were  echoed 
by  a unanimous  grunt  of  applause  from  the  atten- 
tive concourse.  Peace  speeches  were  made  in 
return ; and  all  was  harmony.  When,  however, 
the  Algonquin  deputies  stood  before  the  council, 
they  and  their  gifts  were  coldly  received.  The  old 
hate,  maintained  by  traditions  of  mutual  atrocity, 
burned  fiercely  under  a thin  semblance  of  peace ; 
and  though  no  outbreak  took  place,  the  prospect 
of  the  future  was  very  ominous. 

The  business  of  the  embassy  was  scarcely  fin- 
ished, when  the  Mohawks  counselled  Jogues  and 
his  companions  to  go  home  with  all  despatch,  say- 
ing, that,  if  they  waited  longer,  they  might  meet 
on  the  way  warriors  of  the  four  upper  nations,  who 
would  inevitably  kill  the  two  Algonquin  deputies, 
if  not  the  French  also.  Jogues,  therefore,  set  out 
on  his  return ; but  not  until,  despite  the  advice 
of  the  Indian  convert,  he  had  made  the  round  of 
the  houses,  confessed  and  instructed  a few  Chris- 
tian prisoners  still  remaining  here,  and  baptized 
several  dying  Mohawks.  Then  he  and  his  party 
crossed  through  the  forest  to  the  southern  extremity 
of  Lake  George,  made  bark  canoes,  and  descended 
to  Fort  Pichelieu,  where  they  arrived  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  June.^ 

His  political  errand  was  accomplished.  Now, 
should  he  return  to  the  Mohawks,  or  should  the 
Mission  of  the  Martyrs  be  for  a time  abandoned  ? 

1 Lalemant,  Relation,  1646,  17. 


1646.1 


MOHAWK  SUPERSTITION. 


301 


Lalemant,  who  had  succeeded  Yimont  as  Superior 
of  the  missions,  held  a council  at  Quebec  with 
three  other  Jesuits,  of  whom  Jogues  was  one,  and 
it  was  determined,  that,  unless  some  new  contin- 
gency should  arise,  he  should  remain  for  the  winter 
at  Montreal.^  This  was  in  July.  Soon  after,  the 
plan  was  changed,  for  reasons  which  do  not  ap- 
pear, and  Jogues  received  orders  to  repair  to  his 
dangerous  post.  He  set  out  on  the  twenty-fourth 
of  August,  accompanied  by  a young  Frenchman 
named  Lalande,  and  three  or  four  Hurons.^  On 
the  way  they  met  Indians  who  warned  them  of  a 
change  of  feeling  in  the  Mohawk  towns,  and  the 
Hurons,  alarmed,  refused  to  go  farther.  Jogues, 
naturally  perhaps  the  most  timid  man  of  the 
party,  had  no  thought  of  drawing  back,  and  pur- 
sued his  journey  with  his  young  companion,  who, 
like  other  donnes  of  the  missions,  was  scarcely 
behind  the  Jesuits  themselves  in  devoted  enthusi- 
asm. 

The  reported  change  of  feeling  had  indeed  taken 
place ; and  the  occasion  of  it  was  characteristic. 
On  his  previous  visit  to  the  Mohawks,  Jogues, 
meaning  to  return,  had  left  in  their  charge  a small 
chest  or  box.  From  the  first  they  were  distrustful, 
suspecting  that  it  contained  some  secret  mischief. 
He  therefore  opened  it,  and  showed  them  the  con- 
tents, which  were  a few  personal  necessaries ; and 
having  thus,  as  he  thought,  reassured  them,  locked 
the  box,  and  left  it  in  their  keeping.  The  Huron 
prisoners  in  the  town  attempted  to  make  favor  with 

1 Journal  des  Sup&ieurs  des  Jdsuites.  MS.  ^ Ibid. 

26 


THE  PEACE  BROKEN.  [1646. 

their  Iroquois  enemies  by  abusing  their  French 
friends,  — declaring  them  to  be  sorcerers,  who  had 
bewitched,  by  their  charms  and  mummeries,  the 
whole  Huron  nation,  and  caused  drought,  famine, 
pestilence,  and  a host  of  insupportable  miseries. 
Thereupon,  the  suspicions  of  the  Mohawks  against 
the  box  revived  with  double  force,  and  they  were 
convinced  that  famine,  the  pest,  or  some  malignant 
spirit  was  shut  up  in  it,  waiting  the  moment  to 
issue  forth  and  destroy  them.  There  was  sickness 
in  the  town,  and  caterpillars  were  eating  their 
corn : this  was  ascribed  to  the  sorceries  of  the 
Jesuit.^  Still  they  were  divided  in  opinion.  Some 
stood  firm  for  the  French ; others  were  furious 
against  them.  Among  the  Mohawks,  three  clans 
or  families  were  predominant,  if  indeed  they  did 
not  compose  the  entire  nation,  — the  clans  of  the 
13ear,  the  Tortoise,  and  the  Wolf.^  Though,  by 
the  nature  of  their  constitution,  it  was  scarcely 
possible  that  these  clans  should  come  to  blows, 
so  intimately  were  they  bound  together  by  ties 
of  blood,  yet  they  were  often  divided  on  points  of 
interest  or  policy ; and  on  this  occasion  the  Bear 
raged  against  the  French,  and  howled  for  war, 
while  the  Tortoise  and  the  Wolf  still  clung  to  the 
treaty.  Among  savages,  with  no  government  ex- 
cept the  intermittent  one  of  councils,  the  party  of 
action  and  violence  must  always  prevail.  The 
Bear  chiefs  sang  their  war-songs,  and,  followed  by 
the  young  men  of  their  own  clan,  and  by  such 

1 Lettre  de  Marie  de  V Incarnation  a son  Fils.  Quebec,  . . . 1647. 

2 See  Introduction. 


1646.J 


KAGE  OF  THE  MOHAWKS. 


303 


others  as  they  had  infected  with  their  frenzy,  set 
forth,  in  two  bands,  on  the  war-path. 

The  warriors  of  one  of  these  bands  were  making 
their  way  through  the  forests  between  the  Mohawh 
and  Lake  George,  when  they  met  Jogues  and  La- 
lande.  They  seized  them,  stripped  them,  and  led 
them  in  triumph  to  their  town.  Here  a savage 
crowd  surrounded  them,  beating  them  with  sticks 
and  with  their  fists.  One  of  them  cut  thin  strips 
of  flesh  from  the  back  and  arms  of  Jogues,  saying, 
as  he  did  so,  “ Let  us  see  if  this  white  flesh  is  the 
flesh  of  an  oki.”  — “I  am  a man  like  yourselves,” 
replied  Jogues;  “but  I do  not  fear  death  or  tor- 
ture. I do  not  know  why  you  would  kill  me.  I 
come  here  to  confirm  the  peace  and  show  you  the 
way  to  heaven,  and  you  treat  me  like  a dog.”  ^ — 
“You  shall  die  to-morrowg”  cried  the  rabble.  “ Take 
courage,  we  shall  not  buim  you.  We  shall  strike 
you  both  with  a hatchet,  and  place  your  heads  on 
the  palisade,  that  your  brothers  may  see  you  when 
we  take  them  prisoners.”^  The  clans  of  the  Wolf 
and  the  Tortoise  still  raised  their  voices  in  behalf 
of  the  captive  Frenchmen ; but  the  fury  of  the 
minority  swept  all  before  it. 

In  the  evening,  — it  was  the  eighteenth  of  Oc- 
tober,— Jogues,  smarting  with  his  wounds  and 
bruises,  was  sitting  in  one  of  the  lodges,  when  an 
Indian  entered,  and  asked  him  to  a feast.  To  refuse 
would  have  been  an  offence.  He  arose  and  followed 

1 Lettre  du  P.  De  Quen  au  R.  P.  Lallemant ; no  date.  MS 

2 Lettre  de  J.  Labatie  a M.  La  Montague,  Fort  d'  Orange,  30  Oct.,  1646 
MS 


304 


THE  PEACE  BROKEN. 


I1G46. 

the  savage,  who  led  him  to  the  lodge  of  the  Bear 
chief.  Jogues  bent  his  head  to  enter,  when  another 
Indian,  standing  concealed  within,  at  the  side  of  the 
doorway,  struck  at  him  with  a hatchet.  An  Iroquois, 
called  by  the  French  Le  Berger,^  who  seems  to 
have  followed  in  order  to  defend  him,  bravely 
held  out  his  arm  to  ward  off  the  blow ; but  the 
hatchet  cut  through  it,  and  sank  into  the  mission- 
ary’s brain.  He  fell  at  the  feet  of  his  murderer, 
who  at  once  finished  the  work  by  hacking  off  his 
head.  Lalande  was  left  in  suspense  all  night,  and 
in  the  morning  was  killed  in  a similar  manner. 
The  bodies  of  the  two  Frenchmen  were  then 
thrown  into  the  Mohawk,  and  their  heads  dis- 
played on  the  points  of  the  palisade  which  inclosed 
the  town.^ 

Thus  died  Isaac  Jogues,  one  of  the  purest  ex- 
amples of  Homan  Catholic  virtue  which  this  West- 
ern continent  has  seen.  The  priests,  his  associates, 
praise  his  humility,  and  tell  us  that  it  reached  the 

1 It  has  been  erroneously  stated  that  this  brave  attempt  to  save 
Jogues  was  made  by  the  orator  Kiotsaton.  Le  Berger  was  one  of  those 
wlio  had  been  made  prisoners  by  Piskaret,  and  treated  kindly  by  the 
French.  In  1648,  he  voluntarily  came  to  Three  Rivers,  and  gave  him- 
self up  to  a party  of  Frenchmen.  He  was  converted,  baptized,  and 
carried  to  France,  where  his  behavior  is  reported  to  have  been  very  edi- 
fying, but  where  he  soon  died.  “ Perhaps  he  had  eaten  his  share  of 
more  than  fifty  men,’’  is  the  reflection  of  Father  Ragueneau,  after  re- 
counting his  exemplary  conduct.  — - 'Relation,  1650,  43-48. 

^ In  respect  to  the  death  of  Jogues,  the  best  authority  is  the  letter  of 
Labatie,  before  cited.  He  was  the  Fren'ch  interpreter  at  Fort  Orange,  and, 
being  near  the  scene  of  the  murder,  took  pains  to  learn  the  facts.  The 
letter  was  inclosed  in  another  written  to  Montmagny  by  the  Dutch  Gov- 
ernor, Kieft,  which  is  also  before  me,  together  with  a MS.  account, 
written  from  hearsay,  by  Father  Buteux,  and  a letter  of  De  Quen,  cited 
above.  Compare  the  Relations  of  1647  and  1650. 


1646.] 


CHARACTER  OF  JOGUES. 


305 


point  of  self-contempt,  — a crowning  virtue  in  their 
eyes ; that  he  regarded  himself  as  nothing,  and 
lived  solely  to  do  the  will  of  God  as  uttered  by  the 
lips  of  his  Superiors.  They  add,  that,  when  left 
to  the  guidance  of  his  own  judgment,  his  self-dis- 
trust made  him  very  slow  of  decision,  but  that, 
when  acting  under  orders,  he  knew  neither  hesita- 
tion nor  fear.  With  all  his  gentleness,  he  had  a 
certain  warmth  or  vivacity  of  temperament ; and  we 
have  seen  how,  during  his  first  captivity,  while 
humbly  submitting  to  every  caprice  of  his  tyrants 
and  appearing  to  rejoice  in  abasement,  a derisive 
word  against  his  faith  would  change  the  lamb  into 
the  lion,  and  the  lips  that  seemed  so  tame  would 
speak  in  sharp,  hold  tones  of  menace  and  reproof. 


CHAPTER  XXL 

1646,  1647. 

ANOTHER  WAR. 

Mohawk  Inroads.  — The  Hunters  of  Men.  — The  Capt  ve  Con- 
verts.— The  Escape  of  Marie.  — Her  Story.  — The  Algon- 
quin Prisoner’s  Revenge. — Her  Flight.  — Terror  of  the 
Colonists.  — Jesuit  Intrepidity. 

The  peace  was  broken,  and  the  hounds  of  war 
turned  loose.  The  contagion  spread  through  all 
the  Mohawk  nation,  the  war- songs  were  sung,  and 
the  warriors  took  the  path  for  Canada.  The  mis- 
erable colonists  and  then:  more  miserable  allies 
woke  from  their  dream  of  peace  to  a reality  of  fear 
and  horror.  Again  Montreal  and  Three  Rivers 
were  beset  with  murdering  savages,  skulking  in 
thickets  and  prowling  under  cover  of  night,  yet, 
when  it  came  to  blows,  displaying  a courage  al- 
most equal  to  the  ferocity  that  inspired  it.  They 
plundered  and  burned  Fort  Richelieu,  which  its 
small  garrison  had  abandoned,  thus  leaving  the 
colony  without  even  the  semblance  of  protection. 
Before  the  spring  opened,  all  the  fighting  men 
of  the  Mohawks  took  the  war-path  ; but  it  is 
clear  that  many  of  them  still  had  little  heart  for 

[306] 


1647.1 


THE  HUNTERS  OF  MEN. 


301 


their  bloody  and  perfidious  work ; for,  of  these 
hardy  and  all-enduring  warriors,  two-thirds  gave 
out  on  the  w^ay,  and  returned,  complaining  that  the 
season  was  too  severe.^  Two  hundred  or  more 
kept  on,  divided  into  several  bands. 

On  Ash-Wednesday,  the  French  at  Three  Fivers 
were  at  mass  in  the  chapel,  when  the  Iroquois, 
quietly  approaching,  plundered  two  houses  close  to 
the  fort,  containing  all  the  property  of  the  neigh- 
boring inhabitants,  which  had  been  brought  hither 
as  to  a place  of  security.  They  hid  their  booty, 
and  then  went  in  quest  of  two  large  parties  of 
Christian  Algonquins  engaged  in  their  winter  hunt. 
Two  Indians  of  the  same  nation,  whom  they 
captured,  basely  set  them  on  the  trail ; and  they 
took  up  the  chase  like  hounds  on  the  scent  of 
game.  Wrapped  in  furs  or  blanket-coats,  some 
with  gun  in  hand,  some  with  bows  and  quivers, 
and  all  wdth  hatchets,  war-clubs,  knives,  or  swords, 
— striding  on  snow-shoes,  with  bodies  half  bent, 
through  the  gray  forests  and  the  frozen  pine- 
swamps,  among  wet,  black  trunks,  along  dark 
ravines  and  under  savage  hill-sides,  their  small, 
fierce  eyes  darting  quick  glances  that  pierced  the 
farthest  recesses  of  the  naked  woods, — the  hunters 
of  men  followed  the  track  of  their  human  prey. 
At  length  they  descried  the  bark  wdgwams  of  the 
Algonquin  camp.  The  warriors  were  absent ; 
none  were  here  but  women  and  children.  The 
Iroquois  surrounded  the  huts,  and  captured  all 
the  shrieking  inmates.  Then  ten  of  them  set  out 

1 Lettre  du  P.  Buteux  au  R.  P,  Lalemant.  MS. 


308 


ANOTHER  WAR. 


[1647. 


to  find  the  traces  of  the  absent  hunters.  They 
soon  met  the  renowned  Piskaret  returning  alone. 
As  they  recognized  him  and  knew  his  mettle,  they 
thought  treachery  better  than  an  open  attack. 
They  therefore  approached  him  in  the  attitude 
of  friends ; while  he,  ignorant  of  the  rupture  of 
the  treaty,  began  to  sing  his  peace-song.  Scarcely 
had  they  joined  him,  when  one  of  them  ran  a 
sword  through  his  body ; and,  having  scalped 
him,  they  returned  in  triumph  to  their  compan- 
ions.^ All  the  hunters  were  soon  after  waylaid, 
overpowered  by  numbers,  and  killed  or  taken 
prisoners. 

Another  band  of  the  Mohawks  had  meanwhile 
pursued  the  other  party  of  Algonquins,  and  over- 
taken them  on  the  march,  as,  incumbered  with 
their  sledges  and  baggage,  they  were  moving  from 
one  hunting-camp  to  another.  Though  taken  by 
surprise,  they  made  fight,  and  killed  several  of 
their  assailants ; but  in  a few  moments  their  resis- 
tance was  overcome,  and  those  who  survived  the 
fray  were  helpless  in  the  clutches  of  the  enraged 
victors.  Then  began  a massacre  of  the  old,  the 
disabled,  and  the  infants,  with  the  usual  beating, 
gashing,  and  severing  of  fingers  to  the  rest.  The 
next  day,  the  two  bands  of  Mohawks,  each  with  its 
troop  of  captives  fast  bound,  met  at  an  appointed 
spot  on  the  Lake  of  St.  Peter,  and  greeted  each 
other  with  yells  of  exultation,  with  which  mingled 


1 Lalemant,  Relation,  1647,  4.  Marie  de  ITncarnation,  Lettre  a son 
Fils.  Quebec,  . . . 1647.  Perrot’s  account,  dra>yn  frcm  tradition,  is  dif- 
ferent, though  not  essentially  so. 


1647.] 


FEROCITY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 


309 


a wail  of  anguish,  as  the  prisoners  of  either  party 
recognized  their  companions  in  misery.  They  all 
kneeled  in  the  midst  of  their  savage  conquerors,  and 
one  of  the  men,  a noted  convert,  after  a few  words 
of  exhortation,  repeated  in  a loud  voice  a prayer, 
to  which  the  rest  responded.  Then  they  sang  an 
Algonquin  hymn,  while  the  Iroquois,  who  at  first 
had  stared  in  wonder,  broke  into  laughter  and 
derision,  and  at  length  fell  upon  them  with  renewed 
fury.  One  was  burned  alive  on  the  spot.  Another 
tried  to  escape,  and  they  burned  the  soles  of  his 
feet  that  he  might  not  repeat  the  attempt.  Many 
others  were  maimed  and  mangled ; and  some  of  the 
women  who  afterwards  escaped  affirmed,  that,  in 
ridicule  of  the  converts,  they  crucified  a small  child 
by  nailing  it  with  wooden  spikes  against  a thick 
sheet  of  bark. 

The  prisoners  were  led  to  the  Mohawk  towns ; 
and  it  is  needless  to  repeat  the  monotonous  and 
revolting  tale  of  torture  and  death.  The  men,  as 
usual,  were  burned ; but  the  lives  of  the  women 
and  children  were  spared,  in  order  to  strengthen 
the  conquerors  by  their  adoption,  — not,  however, 
until  both,  but  especially  the  women,  had  been 
made  to  endure  the  extremes  of  sufi*ering  and 
indignity.  Several  of  them  from  time  to  time 
escaped,  and  reached  Canada  with  the  story  of 
their  woes.  Among  these  was  Marie,  the  wife  of 
Jean  Baptiste,  one  of  the  principal  Algonquin  con- 
verts, captured  and  burned  with  the  rest.  Early 
in  June,  she  appeared  in  a canoe  at  Montreal, 
where  Madame  d’Ailleboust,  to  whom  she  was  well 


310 


ANOTHER  WAR 


[1647. 


known,  received  her  with  great  kindness,  and  led 
her  to  her  room  in  the  fort.  Here  Marie  was  over- 
come with  emotion.  Madame  d’AiHeboust  spoke 
Algonquin  with  ease  ; and  her  words  of  sympathy, 
joined  to  the  associations  of  a place  where  the  un- 
happy fugitive,  with  her  murdered  husband  and 
child,  had  often  found  a friendly  welcome,  so 
wrought  upon  her,  that  her  voice  was  smothered 
with  sobs. 

She  had  once  before  been  a prisoner  of  the  Iro- 
quois, at  the  town  of  Onondaga.  When  she  and 
her  companions  in  misfortune  had  reached  the  Mo- 
hawk towns,  she  was  recognized  by  several  Onon- 
dagas  who  chanced  to  be  there,  and  who,  partly 
by  threats  and  partly  by  promises,  induced  her  to 
return  with  them  to  the  scene  of  her  former  cap- 
tivity, where  they  assured  her  of  good  treatment. 
With  their  aid,  she  escaped  from  the  Mohawks, 
and  set  out  with  them  for  Onondaga.  On  thek  way, 
they  passed  the  great  town  of  the  Oneidas  ; and  her 
conductors,  fearing  that  certain  Mohawks  who  were 
there  would  lay  claim  to  her,  found  a hiding-place 
for  her  in  the  forest,  where  they  gave  her  food,  and 
told  her  to  wait  their  return.  She  lay  concealed 
all  day,  and  at  night  approached  the  town,  under 
cover  of  darkness.  A dull  red  glare  of  flames  rose 
above  the  jagged  tops  of  the  palisade  that  encom- 
passed it ; and,  from  the  pandemonium  within,  an 
uproar  of  screams,  yells,  and  bursts  of  laughter 
told  her  that  they  were  burning  one  of  her  captive 
countrymen.  She  gazed  and  listened,  shivering 
with  cold  and  aghast  with  horror.  The  thought 


1647.1 


ADVENTURES  OF  MARIE. 


311 


possessed  her  that  she  would  soon  share  his  fate, 
and  she  resolved  to  fly.  The  ground  was  still  cov- 
ered with  snow,  and  her  footprints  would  infalli- 
bly have  betrayed  her,  if  she  had  not,  instead  of 
turning  towards  home,  followed  the  beaten  Indian 
path  westward.  She  journeyed  on,  confused  and 
irresolute,  and  tortured  between  terror  and  hunger. 
At  length  she  approached  Onondaga,  a few  miles 
from  the  present  city  of  Syracuse,  and  hid  herself 
in  a dense  thicket  of  spruce  or  cedar,  whence  she 
crept  forth  at  night,  to  grope  in  the  half-melted 
snow  for  a few  ears  of  corn,  left  from  the  last  year’s 
harvest.  She  saw  many  Indians  from  her  lurking- 
place,  and  once  a tall  savage,  with  an  axe  on  his 
shoulder,  advanced  directly  towards  the  spot  where 
she  lay:  but,  in  the  extremity  of  her  fright,  she 
murmured  a prayer,  on  which  he  turned  and 
changed  his  course.  The  fate  that  awaited  her,  if 
she  remained,  — for  a fugitive  could  not  hope  for 
mercy, — ^and  the  scarcely  less  terrible  dangers  of 
the  pitiless  wilderness  between  her  and  Canada, 
filled  her  with  despair,  for  she  was  half  dead 
already  with  hunger  and  cold.  She  tied  her  girdle 
to  the  bough  of  a tree,  and  hung  herself  from  it 
by  the  neck.  The  cord  broke.  She  repeated  the 
attempt  with  the  same  result,  and  then  the  thought 
came  to  her  that  God  meant  to  save  her  life.  The 
snow  by  this  time  had  melted  in  the  forests,  and 
she  began  her  journey  for  home,  with  a few  hand- 
fuls of  corn  as  her  only  provision.  She  directed 
her  course  by  the  sun,  and  for  food  dug  roots, 
peeled  the  soft  inner  bark  of  trees,  and  sometimes 


B12 


ANOTHER  WAR. 


11647. 


caught  tortoises  in  the  muddy  brooks.  She  had 
the  good  fortune  to  find  a hatchet  in  a deserted 
camp,  and  with  it  made  one  of  those  wooden  im- 
plements which  the  Indians  used  for  kindling  fire 
by  friction.  This  saved  her  from  her  worst  suffer- 
ing ; for  she  had  no  covering  but  a thin  tunic, 
which  left  her  legs  and  arms  bare,  and  exposed 
her  at  night  to  tortures  of  cold.  She  built  her  fire 
in  some  deep  nook  of  the  forest,  warmed  herself, 
cooked  what  food  she  had  found,  told  her  rosary 
on  her  fingers,  and  slept  till  daylight,  when  she 
always  threw  water  on  the  embers,  lest  the  rising 
smoke  should  attract  attention.  Once  she  discov- 
ered a party  of  Iroquois  hunters ; hut  she  lay  con- 
cealed, and  they  passed  without  seeing  her.  She 
followed  their  trail  back,  and  found  their  bark  ca- 
noe, which  they  had  hidden  near  the  bank  of  a 
river.  It  was  too  large  for  her  use ; but,  as  she 
was  a practised  canoe -maker,  she  reduced  it  to  a 
convenient  size,  embarked  in  it,  and  descended  the 
stream.  At  length  she  reached  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  paddled  with  the  current  towards  Montreal. 
On  islands  and  rocky  shores  she  found  eggs  of 
water-fowl  in  abundance ; and  she  speared  fish 
with  a sharpened  pole,  hardened  at  the  point  with 
fire.  She  even  killed  deer,  by  driving  them  into 
the  water,  chasing  them  in  her  canoe,  and  striking 
them  on  the  head  with  her  hatchet.  When  she 
landed  at  Montreal,  her  canoe  had  still  a good 
store  of  eggs  and  dried  venison.^ 

1 This  story  is  taken  from  the  Relation  of  1647,  and  the  letter  of 
Marie  de  ITncarnation  to  her  son.  before  cited.  The  woman  must  have 


THE  CAPTIVE  ALGONQUIN. 


313 


1647  J 


Her  journey  from  Onondaga  had  occupied  about 
two  months,  under  hardships  which  no  woman  but 
a squaw  could  have  survived.  Escapes  not  less 
remarkable  of  several  other  women  are  chronicled 
in  the  records  of  this  year ; and  one  of  them,  with 
a notable  feat  of  arms  which  attended  it,  calls  for  a 
brief  notice. 

Eight  Algonquins,  in  one  of  those  fits  of  desper 
ate  valor  which  sometimes  occur  in  Indians,  en- 
tered at  midnight  a camp  where  thirty  or  forty 
Iroquois  warriors  were  buried  in  sleep,  and  with 
quick,  sharp  blows  of  their  tomahawks  began  to 
brain  them  as  they  lay.  They  killed  ten  of  them 
on  the  spot,  and  wounded  many  more.  The  rest, 
panic-stricken  and  bewildered  by  the  surprise  and 
the  thick  darkness,  fled  into  the  forest,  leaving  all 
they  had  in  the  hands  of  the  victors,  including  a 
number  of  Algonquin  captives,  of  whom  one  had 
been  unwittingly  killed  by  his  countrymen  in  the 
confusion.  Another  captive,  a woman,  had  escaped 
on  a previous  night.  They  had  stretched  her  on 
her  back,  with  limbs  extended,  and  bound  her 
wrists  and  ankles  to  four  stakes  firmly  driven  into 
the  earth, their  ordinary  mode  of  securing  pris- 
oners. Then,  as  usual,  they  all  fell  asleep.  She 
presently  became  aware  that  the  cord  that  bound 
one  of  her  wrists  was  somewhat  loose,  and,  by  long 
and  painful  efforts,  she  freed  her  hand.  To  release 
the  other  hand  and  her  feet  was  then  compar- 
alively  easy.  She  cautiously  rose.  Around  her 

descended  the  great  rapids  of  Lachine  in  her  canoe : a feat  demanding 
no  ordinary  nerve  and  skill. 


27 


314 


ANOTHER  WAR. 


[1647. 


breathing  in  deep  sleep,  lay  stretched  the  dark 
forms  of  the  unconscious  warriors,  scarcely  visible 
in  the  gloom.  She  stepped  over  them  to  the  en- 
trance of  the  hut ; and  here,  as  she  was  passing 
out,  she  descried  a hatchet  on  the  ground.  The 
temptation  was  too  strong  for  her  Indian  nature. 
She  seized  it,  and  struck  again  and  again,  with  all 
her  force,  on  the  skull  of  the  Iroquois  who  lay  at 
the  entrance.  The  sound  of  the  blows,  and  the 
convulsive  struggles  of  the  victim,  roused  the  sleep- 
ers. They  sprang  up,  groping  in  the  dark,  and 
demanding  of  each  other  what  was  the  matter.  At 
length  they  lighted  a roll  of  birch-bark,  found  their 
prisoner  gone  and  their  comrade  dead,  and  rushed 
out  in  a rage  in  search  of  the  fugitive.  She,  mean- 
while, instead  of  running  away,  had  hid  herself  in 
the  hollow  of  a tree,  which  she  had  observed  the 
evening  before.  Her  pursuers  ran  through  the 
dark  woods,  shouting  and  whooping  to  each  other ; 
and  when  all  had  passed,  she  crept  from  her  hid- 
ing-place, and  fled  in  an  opposite  ulrection.  In 
the  morning  they  found  her  tracks  and  followed 
them.  On  the  second  day  they  had  overtaken  and 
surrounded  her,  when,  hearing  their  cries  on  all 
sides,  she  gave  up  all  hope.  But  near  at  hand,  in 
the  thickest  depths  of  the  forest,  the  beavers  had 
dammed  a brook  and  formed  a pond,  full  of  gnawed 
stumps,  dead  fallen  trees,  rank  weeds,  and  tangled 
bushes.  She  plunged  in,  and,  swimming  and  wad- 
ing, found  a hiding-place,  where  her  body  was  con- 
cealed by  the  water,  and  her  head  by  the  masses  of 
dead  and  living  vegetation.  Her  pursuers  were  at 


1647.] 


THE  FUGITIVE  SQUAW. 


815 


fault,  and,  after  a long  search,  gave  up  the  chase 
in  despair.  Shivering,  naked,  and  half-starved,  she 
crawled  out  from  her  wild  asylum,  and  resumed 
her  flight.  By  day,  the  briers  and  bushes  tore  her 
unprotected  limbs ; by  night,  she  shivered  with 
cold,  and  the  mosquitoes  and  small  black  gnats 
of  the  forest  persecuted  her  with  torments  which 
the  modern  sportsman  will  appreciate.  She  sub- 
sisted on  such  roots,  bark,  reptiles,  or  other  small 
animals,  as  her  Indian  habits  enabled  her  to  gather 
on  her  way.  She  crossed  streams  by  swimming, 
or  on  rafts  of  driftwood,  lashed  together  with 
strips  of  linden-bark ; and  at  length  reached  the 
St.  Lawrence,  where,  with  the  aid  of  her  hatchet, 
she  made  a canoe.  Her  home  was  on  the  Ottawa, 
and  she  was  ignorant  of  the  great  river,  or,  at 
least,  of  this  part  of  it.  She  had  scarcely  even 
seen  a Frenchman,  but  had  heard  of  the  French  as 
friends,  and  kneAV  that  their  dwellings  were  on 
the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  was  her 
only  guide  ; and  she  drifted  on  her  way,  doubtful 
whether  the  vast  current  would  bear  her  to  the 
abodes  of  the  living  or  to  the  land  of  souls.  She 
passed  the  watery  wilderness  of  the  Lake  of  St. 
Peter,  and  presently  descried  a Huron  canoe. 
Fearing  that  it  was  an  enemy,  she  hid  herself, 
and  resumed  her  voyage  in  the  evening,  when  she 
soon  came  in  sight  of  the  wooden  buildings  and 
palisades  of  Three  Fivers.  Several  Hurons  saw 
her  at  the  same  moment,  and  made  towards  her  ; 
on  which  she  leaped  ashore  and  hid  in  the  bushes, 
whence,  being  entirely  without  clothing,  she  would 


316 


ANOTHER  WAR. 


[1647 


not  come  out  till  one  of  them  threw  her  his  coat. 
Having  wrapped  herself  in  it,  she  went  with  them 
to  the  fort  and  the  house  of  the  Jesuits,  in  a 
wretched  state  of  emaciation,  but  in  high  spirits 
at  the  happy  issue  of  her  voyageJ 

Such  stories  might  be  multiplied ; but  these  will 
suffice.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  dwell  further  on  the 
bloody  record  of  inroads,  butcheries,  and  tortures. 
We  have  seen  enough  to  show  the  nature  of  the 
scourge  that  now  fell  without  mercy  on  the  Indians 
and  the  French  of  Canada.  There  was  no  safety 
but  in  the  imprisonment  of  palisades  and  ramparts. 
A deep  dejection  sank  on  the  white  and  red  men 
alike ; but  the  Jesuits  would  not  despair. 

“ Do  not  imagine,”  writes  the  Father  Superior, 
“ that  the  rage  of  the  Iroquois,  and  the  loss  of 
many  Christians  and  many  catechumens,  can  bring 
to  nought  the  mystery  of  the  cross  of  Jesus  Christ, 
and  the  efficacy  of  his  blood.  W e shall  die ; we 
shall  be  captured,  burned,  butchered:  be  it  so. 
Those  who  die  in  their  beds  do  not  always  die  the 
best  death.  I see  none  of  our  company  cast  down. 
On  the  contrary,  they  ask  leave  to  go  up  to  the 
Hurons,  and  some  of  them  protest  that  the  fires 
of  the  Iroquois  are  one  of  their  motives  for  the 
journey.”  ^ 


1 Laleniant,  Relation,  1647,  16,  16. 


2 Ibid,,  8. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


1645-1651. 

PRIEST  AND  PURmiN. 

Miscou.  — Tadoussac. — Journeys  of  De  Quen.  — Druilletes.- 
His  Winter  with  the  Montagnais. — Influence  of  the  Mis- 
sions.— The  Abenaquis.  — Druilletes  on  the  Kennebec. — 
His  Embassy  to  Boston.  — Gibbons.  — Dudley.  — Bradford. 
— Eliot.  — Endicott. — French  and  Puritan  Colonization. 
— Failure  of  Druilletes’s  Embassy.  — New  Regulations.— 
New-Year’s  Day  at  Quebec. 

Before  passing  to  the  closing  scenes  of  this 
Avilderness  drama,  we  will  touch  briefly  on  a few 
points  aside  from  its  main  action,  yet  essential  to 
an  understanding  of  the  scope  of  the  mission. 
Besides  their  establishments  at  Quebec,  Sillery, 
Three  Rivers,  and  the  neighborhood  of  Lake 
Huron,  the  Jesuits  had  an  outlying  post  at  the 
island  of  Miscou,  on  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
near  the  entrance  of  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs,  where 
they  instructed  the  wandering  savages  of  those 
shores,  and  confessed  the  French  fishermen.  The 
island  was  unhealthy  in  the  extreme.  Several  of 
the  priests  sickened  and  died;  and  scarcely  one 

convert  repaid  their  toils.  There  was  a more  sue- 

21*  [317] 


318 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


[1640--47. 


cessful  mission  at  Tadoussac,  or  Sadilege,  as  the 
neighboring  Indians  called  it.  In  winter,  this 
place  was  a solitude ; but  in  summer,  when  the 
Montagnais  gathered  from  their  hunting-grounds 
to  meet  the  French  traders,  Jesuits  came  yearly 
from  Quebec  to  instruct  them  in  the  Faith.  Some- 
times they  followed  them  northward,  into  wilds 
where,  at  this  day,  a white  man  rarely  penetrates. 
Thus,  in  1646,  De  Quen  ascended  the  Saguenay, 
and,  by  a series  of  rivers,  torrents,  lakes,  and  rapids, 
reached  a Montagnais  horde  called  the  Nation  of 
the  Porcupine,  where  he  found  that  the  teachings 
at  Tadoussac  had  borne  fruit,  and  that  the  converts 
had  planted  a cross  on  the  borders  of  the  savage 
lake  where  they  dwelt.  There  was  a kindred  band, 
the  Nation  of  the  White  Fish,  among  the  rocks  and 
forests  north  of  Three  Fivers.  They  proved  tract- 
able beyond  all  others,  threw  away  their  “ medi- 
cines ” or  fetiches,  burned  their  magic  drums, 
renounced  their  medicine-songs,  and  accepted  in- 
stead rosaries,  crucifixes,  and  versions  of  Catholic 
hymns. 

In  a former  chapter,  we  followed  Father  Paul 
Le  Jeune  on  his  winter  roamings,  with  a band  of 
Montagnais,  among  the  forests  on  the  northern 
boundary  of  Maine.  Now  Father  Gabriel  Druil- 
letes  sets  forth  on  a similar  excursion,  but  with  one 
essential  difference.  Le  Jeune’s  companions  were 
heathen,  who  persecuted  him  day  and  night  with 
their  gibes  and  sarcasms.  Those  of  Druilletes  were 
all  converts,  who  looked  on  him  as  a friend  and  a 
father.  There  were  prayers,  confessions,  masses, 


1644-4f.| 


INFLUENCE  OF  THE  MISSIONS. 


319 


and  invocations  of  St.  Joseph.  They  built  their 
bark  chapel  at  every  camp,  and  no  festival  of  the 
Church  passed  unobserved.  On  Good  Friday  they 
laid  their  best  robe  of  beaver-skin  on  the  snow, 
placed  on  it  a crucifix,  and  knelt  around  it  in 
prayer.  What  was  their  prayer  ? It  was  a peti- 
tion for  the  forgiveness  and  the  conversion  of  their 
enemies,  the  Iroquois.^  Those  who  know  the  in- 
tensity and  tenacity  of  an  Indian’s  hatred  will  see 
in  this  something  more  than  a change  from  one 
superstition  to  another.  An  idea  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  mind  of  the  savage,  to  which  he  had 
previously  been  an  utter  stranger.  This  is  the  most 
remarkable  record  of  success  in  the  whole  body 
of  the  Jesuit  Relations;  but  it  is  very  far  from 
being  the  only  evidence,  that,  in  teaching  the  dog- 
mas and  observances  of  the  Foman  Church,  the 
missionaries  taught  also  the  morals  of  Christianity. 
When  we  look  for  the  results  of  these  missions,  we 
soon  become  aware  that  the  influence  of  the  French 
and  the  .Jesuits  extended  far  beyond  the  circle  of 
conc  erts.  It  eventually  modified  and  softened  the 
manners  of  many  unconverted  tribes.  In  the  wars 
of  the  next  century  we  do  not  often  find  those  ex- 
amples of  diabolic  atrocity  with  which  the  earlier 
annals  are  crowded.  The  savage  burned  his  ene- 
mies alive,  it  is  true,  but  he  rarely  ate  them  ; 
neither  did  he  torment  them  with  the  same  delib- 
eration and  persistency.  He  was  a savage  still, 
but  not  so  often  a devil.  The  improvement  was 
not  great,  but  it  was  distinct ; and  it  seems  to  have 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1645,  16. 


320 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


[1644-45. 


taken  place  wherever  Indian  tribes  were  in  close 
relations  with  any  respectable  community  of  white 
men.  Thus  Philip’s  war  in  New  England,  cruel  as 
it  was,  was  less  ferocious,  judging  from  Canadian 
experience,  than  it  would  have  been,  if  a genera- 
tion of  civilized  intercourse  had  not  worn  down 
the  sharpest  asperities  of  barbarism.  Yet  it  was  to 
French  priests  and  colonists,  mingled  as  they  were 
soon  to  be  among  the  tribes  of  the  vast  interior, 
that  the  change  is  chiefly  to  be  ascribed.  In  this 
softening  of  manners,  such  as  it  was,  and  in  the 
obedient  Catholicity  of  a few  hundred  tamed  savages 
gathered  at  stationary  missions  in  various  parts  of 
Canada,  we  find,  after  a century  had  elapsed,  all 
the  results  of  the  heroic  toil  of  the  Jesuits.  The 
missions  had  failed,  because  the  Indians  had  ceased 
to  exist.  Of  the  great  tribes  on  whom  rested  the 
hopes  of  the  early  Canadian  Fathers,  nearly  all  were 
virtually  extinct.  The  missionaries  built  labor! 
ously  and  well,  but  they  were  doomed  to  build  on 
a failing  foundation.  The  Indians  melted  away, 
not  because  civilization  destroyed  them,  but  be- 
cause their  own  ferocity  and  intractable  indolence 
made  it  impossible  that  they  should  exist  in  its 
presence.  Either  the  plastic  energies  of  a higher 
race  or  the  servile  pliancy  of  a lower  one  would, 
each  in  its  way,  have  preserved  them : as  it  was, 
their  extinction  was  a foregone  conclusion.  As  for 
the  religion  which  the  Jesuits  taught  them,  however 
Protestants  may  carp  at  it,  it  was  the  only  form  of 
Christianity  likely  to  take  root  in  their  crude  and 
barbarous  nature. 


1646.]  DRUILLETES  ON  THE  KENNEBEC.  321 

To  return  to  Druilletes.  The  smoke  of  the  wig- 
wam blinded  him  ; and  it  is  no  matter  of  surprise 
to  hear  that  he  was  cured  by  a miracle.  He  re- 
turned from  his  winter  roving  to  Quebec  in  high 
health,  and  soon  set  forth  on  a new  mission.  On 
the  Eiver  Kennebec,  in  the  present  State  of  Maine, 
dwelt  the  Abenaquis,  an  Algonquin  people,  destined 
hereafter  to  become  a thorn  in  the  sides  of  the  New- 
England  colonists.  Some  of  them  had  visited  their 
friends,  the  Christian  Indians  of  Sillery.  Here  they 
became  converted,  went  home,  and  preached  the 
Faith  to  their  countrymen,  and  this  to  such  pur- 
pose that  the  Abenaquis  sent  to  Quebec  to  ask  for 
a missionary.  Apart  from  the  saving  of  souls, 
there  were  solid  reasons  for  acceding  to  their  re- 
quest. The  Abenaquis  were  near  the  colonies 
of  New  England,  — indeed,  the  Plymouth  colony, 
under  its  charter,  claimed  jurisdiction  over  them ; 
and  in  case  of  rupture,  they  would  prove  service- 
able friends  or  dangerous  enemies  to  New  France.^ 
Their  messengers  were  favorably  received ; and 
Druilletes  was  ordered  to  proceed  upon  the  new 
mission. 

He  left  Sillery,  with  a party  of  Indians,  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  August,  1646,^  and  following,  as 
it  seems,  the  route  by  which,  a hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  years  later,  the  soldiers  of  Arnold  made  their 
way  to  Quebec,  he  reached  the  waters  of  the 
Kennebec  and  descended  to  the  Abenaqui  \dllages. 
Here  he  nursed  the  sick,  baptized  the  dying,  and 


1 Charlevoix,  I.  280,  gives  tliis  as  a motive  of  the  mission. 
^ Lalemant,  Relation^  1647,  51. 


322 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


[1646-47. 


gave  such  instruction  as,  in  his  ignorance  of  the 
language,  he  was  able.  Apparently  he  had  been 
ordered  to  reconnoitre ; for  he  presently  descended 
the  river  from  Norridgewock  to  the  first  English 
trading-post,  where  Augusta  now  stands.  Thence 
he  continued  his  journey  to  the  sea,  and  followed 
the  coast  in  a canoe  to  the  Penobscot,  visiting  seven 
or  eight  English  posts  on  the  way,  where,  to  his 
surprise,  he  was  very  well  received.  At  the  Pe- 
nobscot he  found  several  Capuchin  friars,  under 
their  Superior,  Father  Ignace,  who  welcomed  him 
with  the  utmost  cordiality.  Eeturning,  he  again 
ascended  the  Kennebec  to  the  English  post  at 
Augusta.  At  a spot  three  miles  above  the  Indians 
had  gathered  in  considerable  numbers,  and  here 
they  built  him  a chapel  after  their  fashion.  He 
remained  till  midwinter,  catechizing  and  baptizing, 
and  waging  war  so  successfully  against  the  Indian 
sorcerers,  that  medicine-bags  were  thrown  away, 
and  charms  and  incantations  were  supplanted  by 
prayers.  In  January  the  whole  troop  set  off  on 
• their  grand  hunt,  Druilletes  following  them,  — 
“ with  toil,”  says  the  chronicler,  ‘‘  too  great  to  buy 
the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  but  very  small  as  a 
price  for  the  Kmgdom  of  Heaven.”  ^ They  en- 
camped on  Moosehead  Lake,  where  new  disputes 
with  the  “medicine-men”  ensued,  and  the  Father 
again  remained  master  of  the  field.  When,  after  a 
prosperous  hunt,  the  party  returned  to  the  English 
trading-house,  John  Winslow,  the  agent  in  charge 

1 Lalemant,  Relation,  1647,  64.  For  an  account  of  this  mission,  see 
also  Maurault,  Histoire  des  Ahenakis,  116-156 


1650.] 


DRUILLETES  SENT  10  BOSTON. 


323 


again  received  the  missionary  with  a kindness  which 
showed  no  trace  of  jealousy  or  religious  prejudiced 

Early  in  the  summer  Druilletes  went  to  Quebec; 
and  during  the  two  following  years,  the  Abenaquis, 
for  reasons  which  are  not  clear,  were  left  without  a 
missionary.  He  spent  another  winter  of  extreme 
hardship  with  the  Algonquins  on  their  winter  rov- 
ings, and  during  summer  instructed  the  wandering 
savages  of  Tadoussac.  It  was  not  until  the  autumn 
of  1650  that  he  again  descended  the  Kennebec. 
This  time  he  went  as  an  envoy  charged  with  the 
negotiation  of  a treaty.  His  journey  is  worthy  of 
notice,  since,  with  the  unimportant  exception  of 
Jogues’s  embassy  to  the  Mohawks,  it  is  the  first 
occasion  on  which  the  Canadian  Jesuits  appear  in 
a character  distinctly  political.  Afterwards,  when 
the  fervor  and  freshness  of  the  missions  had  passed 
away,  they  frequently  did  the  work  of  political 
agents  among  the  Indians : but  the  Jesuit  of  the 
earlier  period  was,  with  rare  exceptions,  a mis- 
sionary only ; and  though  he  was  expected  to  exert 
a powerful  influence  in  gaining  subjects  and  allies 
for  France,  he  was  to  do  so  by  gathering  them 
under  the  wings  of  the  Church. 

The  Colony  of  Massachusetts  had  applied  to  the 
French  officials  at  Quebec,  with  a view  to  a recipro- 
city of  trade.  The  Iroquois  had  brought  Canada 
to  extremity,  and  the  French  Governor  conceived 
tlie  hope  of  gaining  the  powerful  support  of  New 


A Winslow  would  scarcely  have  recognized  his  own  name  in  the  Jesuit 
spelling,  — “ Le  Sieur  de  Houinslaud.’’  In  his  journal  of  1650  Druilletes 
is  more  successful  in  his  orthograpliy,  and  spells  it  Winslau. 


324 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


ri6r»o. 


England  by  granting  tbe  desired  privileges  on  con- 
dition of  military  aid.  But,  as  tbe  Puritans  would 
scarcely  see  it  for  their  interest  to  provoke  a dan- 
gerous enemy,  who  had  thus  far  never  molested 
them,  it  was  resolved  to  urge  the  proposed  alliance 
as  a point  of  duty.  The  Abenaquis  had  suffered 
from  Mohawk  inroads ; and  the  French,  assuming 
for  the  occasion  that  they  were  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  English  colonies,  argued  that  they  were 
bound  to  protect  them.  Druilletes  went  in  a double 
character,  — as  an  envoy  of  the  government  at  Que- 
bec, and  as  an  agent  of  his  Abenaqui  flock,  who 
had  been  advised  to  petition  for  English  assistance. 
The  time  seemed  inauspicious  for  a Jesuit  visit 
to  Boston ; for  not  only  had  it  been  announced 
as  foremost  among  the  objects  in  colonizing  New 
England,  “ to  raise  a bulwark  against  the  kingdom 
of  Antichrist,  which  the  Jesuits  labor  to  rear  up  in 
all  places  of  the  world,”  ^ but,  three  years  before, 
the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  had  enacted,  that 
Jesuits  entering  the  colony  should  be  expelled,  and 
if  they  returned,  hanged.^ 

Nevertheless,  on  the  first  of  September,  Druil- 
letes set  forth  from  Quebec  with  a Christian  chief 
of  Sillery,  crossed  forests,  mountains,  and  torrents, 
and  reached  Norridgewock,  the  highest  Abenaqui 
settlement  on  the  Kennebec.  Thence  he  descended 
to  the  English  trading-house  at  Augusta,  where  his 


1 Considerations  for  the  Plantation  in  New  England.  — See  Hutchinson, 
Collection,  27.  Mr.  Savage  thinks  that  this  paper  was  by  Winthrop.  See 
Savage’s  Wintlirop.  I.  300,  note. 

2 See  the  Act,  in  Hazard,  550 


1650.] 


EDWARD  GIBBONS. 


325 


fast  friend,  the  Puritan  Winslow,  gave  him  a warm 
welcome,  entertained  him  hospitably,  and  promised 
to  forward  the  object  of  his  mission.  He  went  with 
him,  at  great  personal  inconvenience,  to  Merrymeet- 
ing Bay,  where  Druilletes  embarked  in  an  English 
vessel  for  Boston.  The  passage  was  stormy,  and 
tlie  wind  ahead.  He  was  forced  to  land  at  Cape 
xinn,  or,  as  he  calls  it,  Kepane^  whence,  partly  on 
foot,  partly  in  boats  along  the  shore,  he  made  his 
way  to  Boston.  The  three-hilled  city  of  the  Puri- 
tans lay  chill  and  dreary  under  a December  sky,  as 
the  priest  crossed  in  a boat  from  the  neighboring 
peninsula  of  Charlestown. 

Winslow  was  agent  for  the  merchant,  Edward 
Gibbons,  a personage  of  note,  whose  life  presents 
curious  phases,  — a reveller  of  Merry  Mount,  a 
bold  sailor,  a memiber  of  the  church,  an  adventur- 
ous trader,  an  associate  of  buccaneers,  a magistrate 
of  the  commonwealth,  and  a major-general.^  The 
Jesuit,  with  credentials  from  the  Governor  of  Can- 
ada and  letters  from  AVinslow,  met  a reception 
widely  different  from  that  which  the  law  enjoined 
against  persons  of  his  profession.^  Gibbons  wel- 
comed him  heartily,  prayed  him  to  accept  no  other 
lodging  than  his  house  while  he  remained  in  Bos- 
ton, and  gave  him  the  key  of  a chamber,  in  order 
that  he  might  pray  after  his  own  fashion,  without 
fear  of  disturbance.  An  accurate  Catholic  writer 

1 An  account  of  him  will  be  found  in  Palfrey,  Hist,  of  New  England^ 
n.  225,  note. 

2 In  the  Act,  an  exception,  however,  was  made  in  favor  of  Jesuits 
coming  as  ambassadors  or  envoys  from  their  government,  who  were  de- 
clared not  liable  to  the  penalty  of  hanging. 

28 


326 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


11650. 


thinks  it  likely  that  he  brought  with  him  the  means 
of  celebrating  the  Mass.^  If  so,  the  house  of  the 
Puritan  was,  no  doubt,  desecrated  by  that  Popish 
abomination ; but  be  this  as  it  may,  Massachusetts, 
in  the  person  of  her  magistrate,  became  the  gra- 
cious host  of  one  of  those  whom,  next  to  the  De^dl 
and  an  Anglican  bishop,  she  most  abhorred. 

On  the  next  day.  Gibbons  took  his  guest  to  Kox- 
bury,  — called  Hogshray  by  Druilletes,  — to  see  the 
Governor,  the  harsh  and  narrow  Dudley,  grown  gray 
in  repellent  virtue  and  grim  honesty.  Some  half  a 
century  before,  he  had  served  in  France,  under 
Henry  the  Fourth  ; but  he  had  forgotten  his  French, 
and  called  for  an  interpreter  to  explain  the  visitor’s 
credentials.  He  received  Druilletes  with  courtesy, 
and  promised  to  call  the  magistrates  together  on 
the  following  Tuesday  to  hear  his  proposals.  They 
met  accordingly,  and  Druilletes  was  asked  to  dine 
with  them.  The  old  Governor  sat  at  the  head  of 
the  table,  and  after  dinner  invited  the  guest  to 
open  the  business  of  his  embassy.  They  listened 
to  him,  desired  him  to  withdraw,  and,  after  consult- 
ing among  themselves,  sent  for  him  to  join  them 
again  at  supper,  when  they  made  him  an  answer, 
of  which  the  record  is  lost,  but  which  evidently 
was  not  definitive. 

As  the  Abenaqui  Indians  were  within  the  juris- 
diction of  Plymouth,^  Druilletes  proceeded  thither 

1 J.  G.  Shea,  in  Boston  Pilot. 

2 For  the  documents  on  the  title  of  Plymouth  to  lands  on  the  Kenne- 
bec, see  Drake’s  additions  to  Baylies’s  History  of  New  Plymouth,  36,  where 
they  are  illustrated  by  an  ancient  map.  The  patent  was  obtained  as  early 
as  1628,  and  a trading-house  soon  after  established. 


1650-61.] 


ENDICOTT. 


327 


in  his  character  of  their  agent.  Here,  again,  he 
was  received  with  courtesy  and  kindness.  Gov- 
ernor Bradford  invited  him  to  dine,  and,  as  it  was 
Friday,  considerately  gave  him  a dinner  of  fish. 
Druilletes  conceived  great  hope  that  the  colony 
could  be  Avrought  upon  to  give  the  desired  assist- 
ance; for  some  of  the  chief  inhabitants  had  an 
interest  in  the  trade  with  the  Abenaquis.^  He 
came  back  by  land  to  Boston,  stopping  again  at 
Eoxbury  on  the  way.  It  was  night  when  he  ar- 
rived ; and,  after  the  usual  custom,  he  took  lodg- 
ing with  the  minister.  Here  were  several  young 
Indians,  pupils  of  his  host:  for  he  was  no  other 
than  the  celebrated  Eliot,  who,  during  the  past 
summer,  had  established  his  mission  at  Natick,^ 
and  Avas  noAV  laboring,  in  the  fulness  of  his  zeal,  in 
the  Avork  of  civilization  and  conversion.  There  was 
great  sympathy  betAveen  the  two  missionaries ; and 
Eliot  prayed  his  guest  to  spend  the  Avinter  Avith  him. 

At  Salem,  Avhich  Druilletes  also  visited,  in  com- 
pany Avith  the  minister  of  Marblehead,  he  had  an 
interview  Avith  the  stern,  but  manly,  Endicott,  who, 
he  says,  spoke  French,  and  expressed  both  interest 
and  good-Avill  toAvards  the  objects  of  the  expedition. 
As  the  envoy  had  no  money  left,  Endicott  paid  his 
charges,  and  asked  him  to  dine  with  the  magis- 
trates.^ 

1 The  Record  of  the  Colony  of  Plymouth,  June  6, 1651;  contains,  however 
the  entry,  “ The  Court  declare  themselves  not  to  be  willing  to  aid  them 
{the  French)  in  their  design,  or  to  grant  tliem  liberty  to  go  through  their 
jurisdiction  for  the  aforesaid  purpose”  [to  attack  the  Mohawks). 

2 See  Palfrey,  New  England,  II.  3S6. 

* On  Druilletes’s  visit  to  New  England,  see  his  jownal,  entitled  Narr€ 


328 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


[1650-61 


Dmilletes  was  evidently  struck  with  the  thrift  ‘ 
and  vigor  of  these  sturdy  young  colonies,  and  the 
strength  of  their  population.  He  says  that  Boston, 
meaning  Massachusetts,  could  alone  furnish  four 
thousand  fighting  men,  and  that  the  four  united 
colonies  could  count  forty  thousand  souls. ^ These 
numbers  may  be  challenged ; but,  at  all  events,  the 
contrast  was  striking  with  the  attenuated  and  suf- 
fering bands  of  priests,  nuns,  and  fur-traders  on 
the  St.  Lawrence.  About  twenty-one  thousand  per- 
sons had  come  from  Old  to  New  England,  with 
the  resolve  of  making  it  their  home ; and  though 
this  immigration  had  virtually  ceased,  the  natural 
increase  had  been  great.  The  necessity,  or  the 
strong  desire,  of  escaping  from  persecution  had 
given  the  impulse  to  Puritan  colonization  ; while, 
on  the  other  hand,  none  but  good  Catholics,  the 
favored  class  of  France,  were  tolerated  in  Canada. 
These  had  no  motive  for  exchanging  the  comforts 
of  home  and  the  smiles  of  Fortune  for  a starving 
wilderness  and  the  scalping-knives  of  the  Iroquois. 
The  Huguenots  would  have  emigrated  in  swarms ; 
but  they  were  rigidly  forbidden.  The  zeal  of  propa- 
gandism  and  the  fur-trade  were,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  vital  forces  of  New  France.  Of  her  feeble 
population,  the  best  part  was  bound  to  perpetual 
chastity ; while  the  fur- traders  and  those  in  their 


du  Voyage  faict  pour  la  Mission  des  Ahenaquois,  et  des  Connoissances  tire'z  de  la 
Nouvelle  Angleterre  et  des  Dispositions  des  Magistrats  de  cette  Republique  pour 
le  Secours  contre  les  Iroquois.  See  also  Druilletes,  Rapport  sur  le  Resultat  dese* 
Negotiations,  in  Ferland,  Notes  sur  les  Registres,  95. 

1 Druilletes,  Reflexions  touchant  ce  qidon  peut  esperer  de  la  Nouvelle  A ngl» 
tetre  contre  I’lrocqmns  (sic),  appended  to  his  journal. 


1650-51.]  THE  EIYAL  COLONIES.  *32d 

service  rarely  brought  their  wives  to  the  wilderness. 
The  fur-trader,  moreover,  is  always  the  worst  of 
colonists ; since  the  increase  of  population,  by  dimin- 
ishing the  numbers  of  the  fur-bearing  animals,  is 
adverse  to  his  interest.  But  behind  all  this  there 
was  in  the  religious  ideal  of  the  rival  colonies  an 
influence  which  alone  would  have  gone  far  to  pro- 
duce the  contrast  in  material  growth. 

To  the  mind  of  the  Puritan,  heaven  was  God’s 
throne  ; but  no  less  was  the  earth  His  footstool : and 
each  in  its  degree  and  its  kind  had  its  demands  on 
man.  He  held  it  a duty  to  labor  and  to  multiply ; 
and,  building  on  the  Old  Testament  quite  as  much 
as  on  the  New,  thought  that  a reward  on  earth  as 
well  as  in  heaven  awaited  those  who  were  faithful 
to  the  law.  Doubtless,  such  a belief  is  widely  open 
to  abuse,  and  it  would  be  folly  to  pretend  that  it 
escaped  abuse  in  New  England ; but  there  was  in 
it  an  element  manly,  healthful,  and  invigorating. 
On  the  other  hand,  those  who  shaped  the  character, 
and  in  great  measure  the  destiny,  of  New  France 
had  always  on  their  lips  the  nothingness  and  the 
vanity  of  life.  For  them,  time  was  nothing  but  a 
preparation  for  eternity,  and  the  highest  virtue  con- 
sisted in  a renunciation  of  all  the  cares,  toils,  and 
interests  of  earth.  That  such  a doctrine  has  often 
been  joined  to  an  intense  worldliness,  all  history 
proclaims ; but  with  this  we  have  at  present 
nothing  to  do.  If  all  mankind  acted  on  it  in 
good  faith,  the  world  would  sink  into  decrepitude. 
It  is  the  monastic  idea  carried  into  the  wide 

field  of  active  life,  and  is  like  the  error  of  those 
, 28* 


330 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


[1651 


who,  in  their  zeal  to  cultivate  their  higher  nature, 
suffer  the  neglected  body  to  dwindle  and  pine, 
till  body  and  mind  alike  lapse  into  feebleness  and 
disease. 

Druilletes  returned  to  the  Abenaquis,  and  thence 
to  Quebec,  full  of  hope  that  the  object  of  his  mis- 
sion was  in  a fair  way  of  accomplishment.  The 
Governor,  d’Ailleboust,^  who  had  succeeded  Mont- 
magny,  called  his  council,  and  Druilletes  was  again 
dispatched  to  New  England,  together  with  one 
of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Quebec,  Jean  Paul 
Godefroy.^  They  repaired  to  New  Haven,  and 
appeared  before  the  Commissioners  of  the  Four 
Colonies,  then  in  session  there ; but  their  errand 
proved  bootless.  The  Commissioners  refused  either 
to  declare  war  or  to  permit  volunteers  to  be  raised 
in  New  England  against  the  Iroquois.  The  Puritan, 
like  his  descendant,  would  not  fight  without  a rea- 
son. The  bait  of  free-trade  with  Canada  failed  to 
tempt  him ; and  the  envoys  retraced  their  steps, 
with  a flat,  though  courteous  refusal.^ 

Now  let  us  stop  for  a moment  at  Quebec,  and 
observe  some  notable  changes  that  had  taken  place 

1 The  same  who,  with  his  wife,  had  joined  the  colonists  of  Montreal.- 
See  ante,  p.  264. 

2 He  was  one  of  the  Governor’s  council.  — Ferland,  Notes  sur  les  Re- 
gistres,  67. 

3 On  Druilletes’s  second  embassy,  see  Lettre  €crite  par  le  Conseil  de 
Quebec  aux  Commissionaires  de  la  Noiwelle  Angleterre,  in  Charlevoix,  I.  287  ; 
Extrait  des  Registres  de  r Ancien  Conseil  de  Quebec,  Ibid.,  I.  288;  Copy  of  a 
Letter  from  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  to  the  Governor  of  Can- 
ada, in  Hazard,  II.  183 ; Answare  to  the  Propositions  presented  by  the  hon- 
ered  French  Agents,  Ibid.,  II.  184;  and  Hutchinson,  Collection  cf  Papers, 
240.  Also,  Records  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  Sept.  5 
1651 ; and  Cornmissicn  of  Druilletes  ajid  Godefroy,  in  N.Y.  Col.  Docs.,  IX.  6 


J645-51.] 


NEW  REGULATIONS. 


331 


in  the  affairs  of  the  colony.  The  Company  of  the 
Hundred  Associates,  whose  outlay  had  been  great 
and  their  profit  small,  transferred  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  colony  their  monopoly  of  the  fur- trade,  and 
with  it  their  debts.  The  inhabitants  also  assumed 
their  obligations  to  furnish  arms,  munitions,  sol 
diers,  and  works  of  defence,  to  pay  the  Governoi 
and  other  officials,  introduce  emigrants,  and  com 
tribute  to  support  the  missions.  The  Company 
was  to  receive,  besides,  an  annual  acknowledge- 
ment  of  a thousand  pounds  of  beaver,  and  was  to 
retain  all  seigniorial  rights.  The  inhabitants  were 
to  form  a corporation,  of  which  any  one  of  them 
might  be  a member ; and  no  individual  could  trade 
on  his  own  account,  except  on  condition  of  selling 
at  a fixed  price  to  the  magazine  of  this  new  com- 
pany.^ 

This  change  took  place  in  1645.  It  was  fol- 
lowed, in  1647,  by  the  establishment  of  a Council, 
composed  of  the  Governor-General,  the  Superior 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  Governor  of  Montreal,  who 
were  invested  with  absolute  powers,  legislative, 
judicial,  and  executive.  The  Governor- General 
had  an  appointment  of  twenty-five  thousand  livres, 
besides  the  privilege  of  bringing  over  seventy  tons 
of  freight,  yearly,  in  the  Company’s  ships.  Out  of 
this  he  was  required  to  pay  the  soldiers,  repair  the 
forts,  and  supply  arms  and  munitions.  Ten  thou- 
sand livres  and  thirty  tons  of  freight,  with  similar 
conditions,  were  assigned  to  the  Governor  of  Mont- 

1 Articles  accord^s  entre  les  Directeurs  et  Associes  de  la  Compa^nie  dt  la 
^eiie  France  el  les  Deputes  des  Hahitans  da  dit  Pays,  6 Mars,  1645.  MS. 


332 


PRIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


[1645-61 


real.  Under  these  circumstances,  one  cannot  won- 
der that  the  colony  was  but  indifferently  defended 
against  the  Iroquois,  and  that  the  King  had  to 
send  soldiers  to  save  it  from  destruction.  In  the 
next  year,  at  the  instance  of  Maisonneuve,  another 
change  was  made.  A specified  sum  was  set  apart 
for  purposes  of  defence,  and  the  salaries  of  the 
Governors  were  proportionably  reduced.  The 
Governor- General,  Montmagny,  though  he  seems 
to  have  done  better  than  could  reasonably  have 
been  expected,  was  removed ; and,  as  Maisonneuve 
declined  the  office,  d’Ailleboust,  another  Montre- 
alist,  was  appointed  to  it.  This  movement,  indeed, 
had  been  accomplished  by  the  interest  of  the  Mont- 
real party  ; for  already  there  was  no  slight  jealousy 
between  Quebec  and  her  rival. 

The  Council  was  reorganized,  and  now  consisted 
of  the  Governor,  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
three  of  the  principal  inhabitants.^  These  last 
were  to  be  chosen  every  three  years  by  the  Council 
itself,  in  conjunction  with  the  Syndics  of  Quebec, 
Montreal,  and  Three  Eivers.  The  Syndic  was  an 
officer  elected  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  community 
to  which  he  belonged,  to  manage  its  affairs.  Hence 
a slight  ingredient  of  liberty  was  introduced  into 
the  new  organization. 

The  colony,  since  the  transfer  of  the  fur-trade, 
had  become  a resident  corporation  of  merchants, 
with  the  Governor  and  Council  at  its  head.  They 
were  at  once  the  directors  of  a trading  company, 

i The  Governors  of  Montreal  and  Three  Rivers,  when  present,  had 
also  seats  in  the  Council. 


1661.] 


QUEBEC. 


333 


a legislative  assembly,  a court  of  justice,  and  an 
executive  body:  more  even  than  this,  for  they 
regulated  the  private  affairs  of  families  and  indh 
viduals.  The  appointment  and  payment  of  clerks 
and  the  examining  of  accounts  mingled  with  high 
functions  of  government ; and  the  new  corporation 
of  the  inhabitants  seems  to  have  been  managed 
with  very  little  consultation  of  its  members.  How 
the  Father  Superior  acquitted  himself  in  his  ca- 
pacity of  director  of  a fur-company  is  nowhere 
recorded.^ 

As  for  Montreal,  though  it  had  given  a Governor 
to  the  colony,  its  prospects  were  far  from  hopeful. 
The  ridiculous  Dauversiere,  its  chief  founder,  was 
sick  and  bankrupt ; and  the  Associates  of  Mont- 
real, once  so  full  of  zeal  and  so  abounding  in 
wealth,  were  reduced  to  nine  persons.  What  it 
had  left  of  vitality  was  in  the  enthusiastic  Made- 
moiselle Mance,  the  earnest  and  disinterested 
soldier,  Maisonneuve,  and  the  priest,  Olier,  with 
his  new  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice. 

Let  us  visit  Quebec  in  midwinter.  We  pass  the 
warehouses  and  dwellings  of  the  lower  town,  and 
as  we  climb  the  zigzag  way  now  called  Mountain 
Street,  the  frozen  river,  the  roofs,  the  summits  of 
the  cliff,  and  all  the  broad  landscape  below  and 
around  us  glare  in  the  sharp  sunlight  with  a 
dazzling  whiteness.  At  the  top,  scarcely  a private 
house  is  to  be  seen  but,  instead,  a fort,  a church, 
a hospital,  a cemetery,  a house  of  the  Jesuits,  and 

1 Those  curious  in  regard  to  these  new  regulations  will  find  an  ac* 
count  of  them,  at  greater  length,  in  Ferland  and  Faillon. 


334 


PEIEST  AND  PURITAN. 


[1645-51 


an  Ursuline  convent.  Yet,  regaidless  of  the  keen 
air,  soldiers,  Jesuits,  servants,  officials,  women,  all 
of  the  little  community  who  are  not  cloistered,  are 
abroad  and  astir.  Despite  the  gloom  of  the  times, 
an  unwonted  cheer  enlivens  this  rocky  perch  of 
France  and  the  Faith;  for  it  is  New-Year’s  Day, 
and  there  is  an  active  interchange  of  greetings  and 
presents.  Thanks  to  the  nimble  pen  of  the  Father 
Superior,  we  know  what  each  gave  and  what  each 
received.  He  thus  writes  in  his  private  journal:  — 
“ The  soldiers  went  with  their  guns  to  salute 
Monsieur  the  Governor ; and  so  did  also  the  inhab- 
itants in  a body.  He  was  beforehand  with  us, 
and  came  here  at  seven  o’clock  to  wish  us  a happy 
New- Year,  each  in  turn,  one  after  another.  I 
went  to  see  him  after  mass.  Another  time  we 
must  be  beforehand  with  him.  M.  Giffard  also 
came  to  see  us.  The  Hospital  nuns  sent  us  letters 
of  compliment  very  early  in  the  morning ; and  the 
Ursulines  sent  us  some  beautiful  presents,  with 
candles,  rosaries,  a crucifix,  etc.,  and,  at  dinner- 
time, two  excellent  pies.  I sent  them  two  images, 
in  enamel,  of  St.  Ignatius  and  St.  Francis  Xavier. 
We  gave  to  M.  Giffard  Father  Bonnet’s  book  on 
the  life  of  Our  Lord ; to  M.  des  Chatelets,  a little 
volume  on  Eternity ; to  M.  Bourdon,  a telescope 
and  compass  ; and  to  others,  reliquaries,  rosaries, 
medals,  images,  etc.  I went  to  see  M.  Giffard, 
M.  Couillard,  and  Mademoiselle  de  Bepentigny. 
The  Ursulines  sent  to  beg  that  I would  come  and 
see  them  before  the  end  of  the  day.  I went,  and 
paid  my  compliments  also  to  Madame  de  la  Pel  trie, 


1645-51.1 


NEW-YEAR’S  DAY. 


335 


who  sent  us  some  presents.  I was  near  leaving 
this  out,  which  would  have  been  a sad  oversight. 
We  gave  a crucifix  to  the  woman  who  washes  the 
church-linen,  a bottle  of  eau-de-vie  to  Abraham, 
four  handkerchiefs  to  his  wife,  some  books  of  devo- 
tion to  others,  and  two  handkerchiefs  to  Robert 
Hache.  He  asked  for  two  more,  and  we  gave 
them  to  him.”  ^ 

1 Journal  des  Superieurs  des  Jf^suites,  MS.  Only  fragments  of  this 
curious  record  are  extant.  It  was  5egun  by  Lalemant  in  1645.  Eor  the 
privilege  of  having  what  remains  ot  it  copied  I am  indebted  to  M.  Jacques 
Viger.  The  entry  translated  above  is  of  Jan.  1,  1646.  Of  the  persons 
named  in  it,  Giffard  was  seigneur  of  Beauport,  and  a member  of  the  Coun- 
cil ; Des  Chatelets  was  one  of  the  earliest  settlers,  and  connected  by 
marriage  with  Giffard ; Couillard  was  son-in-law  of  the  first  settler,  He- 
bert ; Mademoiselle  de  llepentigny  was  daughter  of  Le  Gardeur  de 
Repentigny,  commander  of  the  fleet ; Madame  de  la  Peltrie  has  been 
described  already  ; Bourdon  was  chief  engineer  of  the  colony ; Abraham 
was  Abraham  Martin,  pilot  for  the  King  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  from  whom 
the  historic  Plains  of  Abraham  received  their  name.  (See  Ferland,  Notes 
Kur  Registres,  16.)  The  rest  were  servants,  or  persons  of  humble  station. 


CHAPTEE  XXIIl. 


1645-1648. 

A DOOMED  NATION. 

Indian  Infatuation.  — Iroquois  and  Huron.  — Huron  Triumphs. 
— The  Captive  Iroquois.  — His  Ferocity  and  Fortitude. — 
Partisan  Exploits.  — Diplomacy.  — The  Andastes.  — The  Hu- 
ron Embassy.  — New  Negotiations.  — The  Iroquois  Ambas- 
sador.— His  Suicide.  — Iroquois  Honor. 

It  was  a strange  and  miserable  spectacle  to 
behold  the  savages  of  this  continent  at  the  time 
when  the  knell  of  their  common  ruin  had  already 
sounded.  Civilization  had  gained  a foothold  on 
their  borders.  The  long  and  gloomy  reign  of  bar- 
barism was  drawing  near  its  close,  and  their  united 
efforts  could  scarcely  have  availed  to  sustain  it. 
Yet,  in  this  crisis  of  their  destiny,  these  doomed 
tribes  were  tearing  each  other’s  throats  in  a wolfish 
fury,  joined  to  an  intelligence  that  served  little 
purpose  but  mutual  destruction. 

How  the  quarrel  began  between  the  Iroquois 
and  their  Huron  kindred  no  man  can  tell,  and  it  is 
not  worth  while  to  conjecture.  At  this  time,  the 
ruling  passion  of  the  savage  Confederates  was  the 
annihilation  of  this  rival  people  and  of  their  Algon- 


1645-48.1 


IROQUOIS  AND  HURON. 


337 


quin  allies,  — if  the  understanding  between  the  Hu- 
rons  and  these  incoherent  hordes  can  be  called  an 
alliance.  United,  they  far  outnumbered  the  Iro- 
quois. Indeed,  the  Hurons  alone  were  not  much 
inferior  in  force  ; for,  by  the  largest  estimates,  the 
strength  of  the  five  Iroquois  nations  must  now 
have  been  considerably  less  than  three  thousand 
warriors.  Their  true  superiority  was  a moral  one. 
They  were  in  one  of  those  transports  of  pride, 
self-confidence,  and  rage  for  ascendency,  which, 
in  a savage  people,  marks  an  era  of  conquest. 
With  all  the  defects  of  their  organization,  it  ivas 
far  better  than  that  of  their  neighbors.  There 
w^ere  bickerings,  jealousies,  plottings  and  counter- 
plottings, separate  wars  and  separate  treaties,  among 
the  five  members  of  the  league  ; yet  nothing  could 
sunder  them.  The  bonds  that  united  them  were 
like  cords  of  India-rubber : they  would  stretch,  and 
the  parts  would  be  seemingly  disjoined,  only  to 
return  to  their  old  union  with  the  recoil.  Such 
was  the  elastic  strength  of  those  relations  of  clan- 
ship which  were  the  life  of  the  league.^ 

The  first  meeting  of  white  men  with  the  Hurons 
found  them  at  blows  with  the  Iroquois ; and  from 
that  time  forward,  the  war  raged  with  increasing 
fury.  Small  scalping-parties  infested  the  Huron 
forests,  killing  squaws  in  the  cornfields,  or  entering 
villages  at  midnight  to  tomahawk  their  sleeping  in- 
habitants. Often,  too,  invasions  were  made  in  force 
Sometimes  towns  were  set  upon  and  burned,  and 
sometimes  there  were  deadly  conflicts  in  the  depths 

1 See  ante,  Introduction. 

29 


338 


A DOOMED  NATION. 


[1638. 


of  the  forests  and  the  passes  of  the  hills.  The 
invaders  were  not  always  successful.  A bloody  re- 
buff and  a sharp  retaliation  now  and  then  requited 
them.  Thus,  in  1638,  a war-party  of  a hundred 
Iroquois  met  in  the  forest  a band  of  three  hundred 
Huron  and  Algonquin  warriors.  They  might  have 
retreated,  and  the  greater  number  were  for  doing 
so ; but  Ononkwaya,  an  Oneida  chief,  refused. 
‘‘  Look  ! ” he  said,  “ the  sky  is  clear ; the  Sun  be- 
holds us.  If  there  were  clouds  to  hide  our  shame 
from  his  sight,  we  might  fly ; but,  as  it  is,  we  must 
fight  while  we  can.”  They  stood  their  ground  for 
a time,  but  were  soon  overborne.  Four  or  five 
escaped ; but  the  rest  were  surrounded,  and  killed 
or  taken.  This  year.  Fortune  smiled  on  the  Hu- 
rons  ; and  they  took,  in  all,  more  than  a hundred 
prisoners,  who  were  distributed  among  their  various 
towns,  to  be  burned.  These  scenes,  with  them, 
occurred  always  in  the  night ; and  it  was  held  to 
be  of  the  last  importance  that  the  torture  should  be 
protracted  from  sunset  till  dawn.  The  too  valiant 
Ononkwaya  was  among  the  victims.  Even  in  death 
he  took  his  revenge ; for  it  was  thought  an  augury 
of  disaster  to  the  victors,  if  no  cry  of  pain  could  be 
extorted  from  the  sufferer,  and,  on  the  present 
occasion,  he  displayed  an  unflinching  courage,  rare 
even  among  Indian  warriors.  His  execution  took 
place  at  the  town  of  Teanaustaye,  called  St.  Joseph 
by  the  Jesuits.  The  Fathers  could  not  save  his 
life,  but,  what  was  more  to  the  purpose,  they  bap- 
tized him.  On  the  scaffold  where  he  was  burned, 
he  wrought  himself  into  a fury  which  seemed  to 


1638-48.J 


IROQUOIS  AND  HURON. 


339 


render  him  insensible  to  pain.  Thinking  him 
nearly  spent,  his  tormentors  scalped  him,  when, 
to  their  amazement,  he  leaped  up,  snatched  the 
brands  that  had  been  the  instruments  of  his  tor- 
ture, drove  the  screeching  crowd  from  the  scaffold, 
and  held  them  all  at  bay,  while  they  pelted  him 
fiom  below  with  sticks,  stones,  and  showers  of 
live  coals.  At  length  he  made  a false  step  and 
fell  to  the  ground,  when  they  seized  him  and 
threw  him  into  the  fire.  He  instantly  leaped  out, 
covered  with  blood,  cinders,  and  ashes,  and  rushed 
upon  them,  with  a blazing  brand  in  each  hand. 
The  crowd  gave  way  before  him,  and  he  ran 
towards  the  town,  as  if  to  set  it  on  fire.  They 
threw  a pole  across  his  way,  which  tripped  him 
and  flung  him  headlong  to  the  earth,  on  which 
they  all  fell  upon  him,  cut  off  his  hands  and  feet, 
and  again  threw  him  into  the  fire.  He  rolled  him- 
self out,  and  crawled  forward  on  his  elbows  and 
knees,  glaring  upon  them  with  such  unutterable 
ferocity  that  they  recoiled  once  more,  till,  seeing 
that  he  was  helpless,  they  threw  themselves  upon 
him,  and  cut  off  his  head.^ 

When  the  Iroquois  could  not  win  by  force,  they 
were  sometimes  more  successful  with  treachery.  In 
the  summer  of  1645,  two  war-parties  of  the  hostile 
nations  met  in  the  forest.  The  Hurons  bore  them- 
selves so  well  that  they  had  nearly  gained  the  day, 
when  the  Iroquois  called  for  a parley,  displayed  a 
great  number  of  wampum-belts,  and  said  that  they 

1 Lalemant,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1639,  68.  It  was  this  chief  whose 
severed  hand  was  thrown  to  the  Jesuits.  See  ante,  p.  137. 


340 


A DOOMED  NATION. 


[1638-43. 


wished  to  treat  for  peace.  The  Ilurons  had  the 
folly  to  consent.  The  chiefs  on  both  sides  sat  down 
to  a council,  during  which  the  Iroquois,  seizing  a 
favorable  moment,  fell  upon  their  dupes  and  routed 
them  completely,  killing  and  capturing  a consider- 
able number.^ 

The  large  frontier  town  of  St.  Joseph  was  well 
fortified  with  palisades,  on  which,  at  intervals,  were 
wooden  watch-towers.  On  an  evening  of  this 
same  summer  of  1645,  the  Iroquois  approached 
the  place  in  force ; and  the  young  Huron  warriors, 
mounting  their  palisades,  sang  their  war-songs  all 
night,  with  the  utmost  power  of  their  lungs,  in 
order  that  the  enemy,  knowing  them  to  be  on  their 
guard,  might  be  deterred  from  an  attack.  The 
night  was  dark,  and  the  hideous  dissonance  re- 
sounded far  and  wide;  yet,  regardless  of  the  din, 
two  Iroquois  crept  close  to  the  palisade,  where  they 
lay  motionless  till  near  dawn.  By  this  time  the 
last  song  had  died  away,  and  the  tired  singers  had 
left  their  posts  or  fallen  asleep.  One  of  the  Iro- 
quois, with  the  silence  and  agility  of  a wild-cat, 
climbed  to  the  top  of  a watch-tower,  where  he 
found  two  slumbering  Hurons,  brained  one  of  them 
with  his  hatchet,  and  threw  the  other  down  to  his 
comrade,  who  quickly  despoiled  him  of  his  life  and 
his  scalp.  Then,  with  the  reeking  trophies  of  their 
exploit,  the  adventurers  rejoined  their  countrymen 
in  the  forest. 

The  Hurons  planned  a counter-stroke  ; and  three 
of  them,  after  a journey  of  twenty  days,  reached 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1646,  55. 


1647.1 


DIPLOLIACY  AND  WAR. 


Ml 


the  great  town  of  the  Senecas.  They  entered  it  at 
midnight,  and  found,  as  usual,  no  guard ; hut  the 
doors  of  the  houses  were  made  fast.  They  cut  a 
hole  in  the  bark  side  of  one  of  them,  crept  in, 
stirred  the  fading  embers  to  give  them  light,  chose 
each  his  man,  tomahawked  him,  scalped  him,  and 
escaped  in  the  confusion.^ 

Despite  such  petty  triumphs,  the  Hurons  felt 
themselves  on  the  verge  of  ruin.  Pestilence  and 
war  had  wasted  them  away,  and  left  hut  a skeleton 
of  their  former  strength.  In  their  distress,  they 
cast  about  them  for  succor,  and,  remembering  an 
ancient  friendship  with  a kindred  nation,  the  An- 
dastes,  they  sent  an  embassy  to  ask  of  them  aid  in 
war  or  intervention  to  obtain  peace.  This  power- 
ful people  dwelt,  as  has  been  shown,  on  the  Piver 
Susquehanna.^  The  way  was  long,  even  in  a direct 
line ; but  the  Iroquois  lay  between,  and  a wide 
circuit  was  necessary  to  avoid  them.  A Christian 
chief,  whom  the  Jesuits  had  named  Charles,  to- 
gether with  four  Christian  and  four  heathen  Hurons, 
bearing  wampum-belts  and  gifts  from  the  council, 
departed  on  this  embassy  on  the  thirteenth  of  April, 
1647,  and  reached  the  great  town  of  the  Andastes 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1646,  55,  56. 

2 See  Introduction.  The  Susquehannocks  of  Smith,  clearly  the  same 
people,  are  placed,  in  his  map,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  some 
twenty  miles  from  its  mouth.  He  speaks  of  them  as  great  enemies  of  the 
Massawoniekes  (Mohawks).  No  other  savage  people  so  boldly  resisted 
the  Iroquois ; but  the  story  in  Hazard’s  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  that  a 
hundred  of  them  beat  off“  sixteen  hundred  Senecas,  is  disproved  by  the 
fact,  that  the  Senecas,  in  their  best  estate,  never  had  so  many  warriors. 
Tlie  miserable  remnant  of  the  Andastes,  called  Conestogas,  were  inassa* 
cred  by  the  Paxton  Boys,  in  1763.  See  “ Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,”  414 
Compare  Historical  Magazine,  II.  294. 


342 


A DOOMED  NATION. 


[1647, 


early  in  June.  It  contained,  as  the  Jesuits  were 
told,  no  less  than  thirteen  hundred  warriors.  The 
council  assembled,  and  the  chief  ambassador  ad- 
dressed them : — 

“ We  come  from  the  Land  of  Souls,  where  all 
is  gloom,  dismay,  and  desolation.  Our  fields  are 
covered  with  blood  ; our  houses  are  filled  only  with 
the  dead ; and  we  ourselves  have  but  life  enough  to 
beg  our  friends  to  take  pity  on  a people  who  are 
drawing  near  their  end.”  ^ Then  he  presented  the 
wampum-belts  and  other  gifts,  saying  that  they 
were  the  voice  of  a dying  country. 

The  Andastes,  who  had  a mortal  quarrel  with  the 
Mohawks,  and  who  had  before  promised  to  aid 
the  Huroiis  in  case  of  need,  returned  a favorable 
answer,  but  were  disposed  to  try  the  virtue  of 
diplomacy  rather  than  the  tomahawk.  After  a 
series  of  councils,  they  determined  to  send  ambas- 
sadors, not  to  their  old  enemies,  the  Mohawks,  but 
to  the  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  and  Cayugas,^  who 
were  geographically  the  central  nations  of  the 
Iroquois  league,  while  the  Mohawks  and  the  Sene- 
cas were  respectively  at  its  eastern  and  western 
extremities.  By  inducing  the  three  central  nations, 

1 “ II  leur  dit  qu’il  venoit  du  pays  des  Ames,  oii  la  guerre  et  la  ter- 
reur  des  ennemis  aiioit  tout  desole,  ou  les  campagnes  n’estoient  couuertes 
que  de  sang,  oii  les  cabanes  n’estoient  remplies  que  de  cadaures,  et  qu’il 
ne  leur  restoit  a eux-mesmes  de  vie,  sinon  autant  qu’ils  en  auoient  eu 
besoin  pour  venir  dire  a leurs  amis,  qu’ils  eussent  pitie  d’vn  pays  qui 
tiroit  ^ sa  fin.”  — Eagueneau,  Relation  des  Hnrons,  1648,  58. 

2 Examination  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  Ouiouenronnons  of  Eagueneau 
{Relation  des  Hurons,  1648,  46,  59)  were  the  Oiogouins  or  Goijogouins,  that 
is  to  say,  the  Cayugas.  They  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  Ouen- 
rohronnons,  a small  tribe  hostile  to  the  Iroquois,  who  took  refuge  among 
the  Hurons  in  1638. 


1647.]  NEW  NEGOTIATIONS'.  841^ 

and,  if  possible,  the  Senecas  also,  to  conclude  a 
treaty  with  the  Hurons,  these  last  would  be  enabled 
to  concentrate  their  force  against  the  Mohawks, 
whom  the  Andastes  would  attack  at  the  same  time, 
unless  they  humbled  themselves  and  made  peace. 
This  scheme,  it  will  be  seen,  was  based  on  the 
assumption,  that  the  dreaded  league  of  the  Iroquois 
was  far  from  being  a unit  in  action  or  counsel. 

Charles,  with  some  of  his  colleagues,  now  set 
out  for  home,  to  report  the  result  of  their  mission ; 
but  the  Senecas  were  lying  in  wait  for  them,  and 
they  were  forced  to  make  a wide  sweep  through 
the  Alleghanies,  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  appar- 
ently Ohio,  to  avoid  these  vigilant  foes.  It  was 
October  before  they  reached  the  Huron  towns, 
and  meanwhile  hopes  of  peace  had  arisen  from 
another  quarter.^ 

Early  in  the  spring,  a band  of  Onondagas  had 
made  an  inroad,  but  were  roughly  handled  by  the 
Hurons,  who  killed  several  of  them,  captured  oth- 
ers, and  put  the  rest  to  flight.  The  prisoners  were 
burned,  with  the  exception  of  one  who  committed 
suicide  to  escape  the  torture,  and  one  other,  the 
chief  man  of  the  party,  whose  name  was  Annenrais. 
Some  of  the  Hurons  were  dissatisfied  at  the  mercy 
shown  him,  and  gave  out  that  they  would  kill  him ; 
on  which  the  chiefs,  who  never  placed  themselves 
in  open  opposition  to  the  popular  will,  secretly 
fitted  him  out,  made  him  presents,  and  aided  him 
to  escape  at  night,  with  an  understanding  that  he 

1 On  this  mission  of  the  Hurons  to  the  Andastes,  see  Ragueneau, 
Relation  des  Hurons,  1648,  58-60. 


344 


A DOOMED  NATION. 


[1647. 


should  use  his  influence  at  Onondaga  in  favor 
of  peace.  After  crossing  Lake  Ontario,  he  met 
nearly  all  the  Onondaga  warriors  on  the  march  to 
avenge  his  supposed  death ; for  he  was  a man  of 
high  account.  They  greeted  him  as  one  risen  from 
the  grave  ; and,  on  his  part,  he  persuaded  them  to 
renounce  their  warlike  purpose  and  return  home. 
On  their  arrival,  the  chiefs  and  old  men  were 
called  to  council,  and  the  matter  was  debated  with 
the  usual  deliberation. 

About  this  time  the  ambassador  of  the  Andastes 
appeared  with  his  wampum-belts.  Both  this  nation 
and  the  Onondagas  had  secret  motives  which  were 
perfectly  in  accordance.  The  Andastes  hated  the 
Mohawks  as  enemies,  and  the  Onondagas  were  jeal- 
ous of  them  as  confederates ; for,  since  they  had 
armed  themselves  with  Dutch  guns,  their  arrogance 
and  boastings  had  given  umbrage  to  their  brethren 
of  the  league ; and  a peace  with  the  Hurons  would 
leave  the  latter  free  to  turn  their  undivided  strength 
against  the  Mohawks,  and  curb  their  insolence. 
The  Oneidas  and  the  Cayugas  were  of  one  mind 
with  the  Onondagas.  Three  nations  of  the  league, 
to  satisfy  their  spite  against  a fourth,  would  strike 
hands  with  the  common  enemy  of  all.  It  was 
resolved  to  send  an  embassy  to  the  HurOns.  Yet 
it  may  be,  that,  after  all,  the  Onondagas  had  but 
half  a mind  for  peace.  At  least,  they  were  un- 
fortunate in  their  choice  of  an  ambassador.  He 
was  by  birth  a Huron,  who,  having  been  captured 
when  a boy,  adopted  and  naturalized,  had  become 
more  an  Iroquois  than  the  Iroquois  themselves ; 


1^47.]  THE  IROQUOIS  AMBASSADOR.  345 

and  scarcely  one  of  the  fierce  confederates  had 
shed  so  much  Huron  blood.  When  he  reached 
the  town  of  St.  Ignace,  which  he  did  about  mid- 
summer, and  delivered  his  messages  and  wampum- 
belts,  there  was  a great  division  of  opinion  among 
the  Hurons.  The  Bear  Nation  — the  member  of 
their  confederacy  which  was  farthest  from  the  Iro- 
quois, and  least  exposed  to  danger  — Avas  for  re- 
jecting OA'ertures  made  by  so  offensive  an  agency; 
but  those  of  the  Hurons  who  had  suffered  most 
were  eager  for  peace  at  any  price,  and,  after 
solemn  deliberation,  it  was  resolved  to  send  an 
embassy  in  return.  At  its  head  was  placed  a 
Christian  chief  named  Jean  Baptiste  Atironta;  and 
on  the  first  of  August  he  and  four  others  departed 
for  Onondaga,  carrying  a profusion  of  presents,  and 
accompanied  by  the  apostate  envoy  of  the  Iroquois. 
As  the  ambassadors  had  to  hunt  on  the  way  for 
subsistence,  besides  making  canoes  to  cross  Lake 
Ontario,  it  was  twenty  days  before  they  reached 
their  destination.  When  they  arrived,  there  was 
great  jubilation,  and,  for  a full  month,  nothing  but 
councils.  Having  thus  sifted  the  matter  to  the 
bottom,  the  Onondagas  determined  at  last  to  send 
another  embassy  Avith  Jean  Baptiste  on  his  return, 
and  with  them  fifteen  Huron  prisoners,  as  an  ear- 
nest of  their  good  intentions,  retaining,  on  their 
part,  one  of  Baptiste’s  colleagues  as  a hostage. 
This  time  they  chose  for  their  envoy  a chief  of 
their  OAvn  nation,  named  ScandaAvati,  a man  of 
renoAvn,  sixty  years  of  age,  joining  Avith  him  tAvo 
colleagues.  The  old  Onondaga  entered  on  his 


346 


A DOOMED  NATION 


[1617 


mission  with  a troubled  mind,  llis  anxiety  was 
not  so  much  for  his  life  as  for  his  honor  and  dig- 
nity ; for,  while  the  Oneidas  and  the  Ca}ugas  were 
acting  in  concurrence  with  the  Onondagas,  the 
Senecas  had  refused  any  part  in  the  embassy,  and 
still  breathed  nothing  but  war.  Would  they,  or 
still  more  the  Mohawks,  so  far  forget  the  consid- 
eration due  to  one  whose  name  had  been  great  in 
the  councils  of  the  League  as  to  assault  the  Hu- 
rons  while  he  was  among  them  in  the  character 
of  an  ambassador  of  his  nation,  whereby  his  honor 
would  be  compromised  and  his  life  endangered] 
His  mind  brooded  on  this  idea,  and  he  told  one  of 
his  colleagues,  that,  if  such  a slight  were  put  upon 
him,  he  should  die  of  mortification.  ‘‘  I am  not  a 
dead  dog,”  he  said,  ‘‘  to  be  despised  and  forgotten. 
I am  worthy  that  all  men  should  turn  their  eyes 
on  me  while  I am  among  enemies,  and  do  nothing 
that  may  involve  me  in  danger.” 

What  with  hunting,  fishing,  canoe-making,  and 
bad  weather,  the  progress  of  the  august  travellers 
was  so  slow,  that  they  did  not  reach  the  Huron 
towns  till  the  twenty-third  of  October.  Scanda- 
wati  presented  seven  large  belts  of  wampum,  each 
composed  of  three  or  four  thousand  beads,  which 
the  Jesuits  call  the  pearls  and  diamonds  of  the 
country.  He  delivered,  too,  the  fifteen  captives, 
and  promised  a hundred  more  on  the  final  conclu- 
sion of  peace.  The  three  Onondagas  remained,  as 
surety  for  the  good  faith  of  those  who  sent  them, 
until  the  beginning  of  January,  when  the  Hurons 
on  their  part  sent  six  ambassadors  to  conclude  the 


1648.J 


IROQUOIS  SUICIDE. 


M1 


treaty,  one  of  the  Onondagas  accompanying  them. 
Soon  there  came  dire  tidings.  The  prophetic  heart 
of  the  old  chief  had  not  deceived  him.  The  Sen- 
ecas and  Mohawks,  disregarding  negotiations  in 
which  they  had  no  part,  and  resolved  to  bring 
them  to  an  end,  were  invading  the  country  in 
force.  It  might  be  thought  that  the  Hurons  would 
take  their  revenge  on  the  Onondaga  envoys,  now 
hostages  among  them ; but  they  did  not  do  so,  for 
the  character  of  an  ambassador  was,  for  the  most 
part,  held  in  respect.  One  morning,  however, 
Scandawati  had  disappeared.  They  w^ere  full  of 
excitement ; for  they  thought  that  he  had  escaped 
to  the  enemy.  They  ranged  the  woods  in  search 
of  him,  and  at  length  found  him  in  a thicket  near 
the  town.  He  lay  dead,  on  a bed  of  spruce-boughs 
which  he  had  made,  his  throat  deeply  gashed  with 
a knife.  He  had  died  by  his  own  hand,  a victim 
of  mortified  pride.  “ See,”  writes  Father  Fague- 
neau,  how  much  our  Indians  stand  on  the  point 
of  honor ! ” ^ 

We  have  seen  that  one  of  his  two  colleagues 
had  set  out  for  Onondaga  with  a deputation  of  six 
Hurons.  This  party  was  met  by  a hundred  Mo- 
haAvks,  wFo  captured  them  all  and  killed  the  six 
Hurons,  hut  spared  the  Onondaga,  and  compelled 
him  to  join  them.  Soon  after,  they  made  a sudden 
onset  on  about  three  hundred  Hurons  journeying 
through  the  forest  from  the  town  of  St.  Ignace ; 
and,  as  many  of  them  were  women,  they  routed 

1 This  remarkable  story  is  told  by  Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons^ 
1648,  56-58.  He  was  present  at  the  time,  and  knew  all  the  circumstances 


348 


A DOOMED  NATION. 


[1648. 


the  whole,  and  took  forty  prisoners.  The  Onon- 
daga bore  part  in  the  fray,  and  captured  a Chris- 
tian Huron  girl ; but  the  next  day  he  insisted  on 
returning  to  the  Huron  town.  “ Kill  me,  if  you 
will,”  he  said  to  the  Mohawks,  “but  I cannot  follow 
you  ; for  then  I should  be  ashamed  to  appear  among 
my  countrymen,  who  sent  me  on  a message  of 
peace  to  the  Hurons  ; and  I must  die  with  them, 
sooner  than  seem  to  act  as  their  enemy.”  On  this, 
the  Mohawks  not  only  permitted  him  to  go,  but 
gave  him  the  Huron  girl  whom  he  had  taken ; and 
the  Onondaga  led  her  back  in  safety  to  her  country- 
men.^ Here,  then,  is  a ray  of  light  out  of  Egyp- 
tian darkness.  The  principle  of  honor  was  not 
extinct  in  these  wild  hearts. 

We  hear  no  more  of  the  negotiations  between 
the  Onondagas  and  the  Hurons.  They  and  their 
results  were  swept  away  in  the  storm  of  events 
soon  to  be  related. 

1 “ Celiiy  qui  I’auoit  prise  estoit  Onnontaeronnon,  qiii  estant  icy  en  os 
tage  a cause  de  la  paix  qui  se  traite  auec  les  Onnontaeronnons,  et  s’estant 
trouue  auec  nos  Hurons  a cette  cliasse,  y fut  pris  tout  des  premiers  par  les 
Sonnontoueronnons  {Anyiieronnons'?),  qui  I’ayans  reconnu  ne  luy  firent 
aucun  mal,  et  mesme  Tobligerent  de  les  suiure  et  prendre  part  a leur  vic- 
toire ; et  ainsi  en  ce  rencontre  cet  Onnontaeronnon  auoit  fait  sa  prise, 
tenement  neantmoins  qu’il  desira  s’en  retourner  le  lendemain,  disant  aux 
Sonnontoueronnons  qu’ils  le  tuassent  s’ils  vouloient,  mais  qu’il  ne  pouuoit 
se  resoudre  a les  suiure,  et  qu’il  auroit  honte  de  reparoistre  en  son  pays, 
les  affaires  qui  I’auoient  amene  aux  Hurons  pour  la  paix  ne  permettant  pas 
qu’il  fist  autre  chose  que  de  mourir  avec  eux  plus  tost  que  de  paroistre 
s’estre  comporte  en  ennemy,  Ainsi  les  Sonnontoueronnons  luy  permirent 
de  s’en  retourner  et  de  ramener  cette  bonne  Chrestienne,  qui  estoit  sa 
captiue,  laquelle  nous  a console  par  le  recit  des  entretiens  de  ces  pauures 
gens  dans  leur  affliction.”  — Ragueneau,  BeJation  des  Hurons,  1648,  65. 

Apparently  the  word  Sonnontoueronnons  (Senecas),  in  the  above,  should 
read  Annieronnons  (Mohawks)  ; for,  on  pp.  50,  57,  the  writer  twice  speaks 
of  the  party  as  Mohawks. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


1645-1648. 

THE  HURON  CHURCH. 

Hopes  of  the  Mission.  — Christian  and  Heathen. — Body  and 
Soul.  — Position  of  Proselytes. —The  Huron  Girl’s  Visit 
TO  Heaven.  ■ — A Crisis.  — Huron  Justice.  — Murder  and 
Atonement.  — Hopes  and  Pears. 

How  did  it  fare  with  the  missions  in  these  days 
of  woe  and  terror'?  They  had  thriven  beyond 
hope.  The  Hurons,  in  their  time  of  trouble,  had 
become  tractable.  They  humbled  themselves,  and, 
in  their  desolation  and  despair,  came  for  succor  to 
the  priests.  There  was  a harvest  of  converts,  not 
only  exceeding  in  numbers  that  of  all  former  years, 
but  giving  in  many  cases  undeniable  proofs  of  sin- 
cerity and  fervor.  In  some  towns  the  Christians 
outnumbered  the  heathen,  and  in  nearly  all  they 
formed  a strong  party.  The  mission  of  La  Concep- 
tion, or  Ossossane,  was  the  most  successful.  Here 
there  were  now  a church  and  one  or  more  resident 
Jesuits,  — as  also  at  St.  Joseph,  St.  Ignace,  St. 
Michel,  and  St.  Jean  Baptiste : ^ for  we  have  seen 
that  the  Huron  towns  were  christened  with  names 
of  saints.  Each  church  had  its  bell,  which  was 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1616,  56. 

30  [349] 


350 


THE  HURON  CHURCH. 


[1645-48 


sometimes  hung  in  a neighboring  tree.^  Every 
morning  it  rang  its  summons  to  mass ; and,  issu- 
ing from  their  dwellings  of  bark,  the  converts 
gathered  within  the  sacred  precinct,  where  the 
bare,  rude  walls,  fresh  from  the  axe  and  saw,  con- 
trasted with  the  sheen  of  tinsel  and  gilding,  and 
the  hues  of  gay  draperies  and  gaudy  pictures.  At 
evening  they  met  again  at  prayers  ; and  on  Sun- 
day, masses,  confession,  catechism,  sermons,  and 
repeating  the  rosary  consumed  the  whole  day.^ 

These  converts  rarely  took  part  in  the  burning 
of  prisoners.  On  the  contrary,  they  sometimes  set 
their  faces  against  the  practice ; and  on  one  occa- 
sion, a certain  ^^tienne  Totiri,  while  his  heathen 
countrymen  were  tormenting  a captive  Iroquois  at 
St.  Ignace,  boldly  denounced  them,  and  promised 
them  an  eternity  of  flames  and  demons,  unless  they 
desisted.  Not  content  with  this,  he  addressed  an 
exhortation  to  the  sufferer  in  one  of  the  intervals 
of  his  torture.  The  dying  wretch  demanded  bap- 
tism, wdiich  Etienne  took  it  upon  himself  to  ad- 
minister, amid  the  bootings  of  the  crowd,  who,  as 
he  ran  with  a cup  of  water  from  a neighboring 
house,  pushed  him  to  and  fro  to  make  him  spill  it, 
crying  out,  Let  him  alone  ! Let  the  devils  burn 
him  after  we  have  done  ! ” ^ 

1 A fragment  of  one  of  these  bells,  found  on  the  site  of  a Huron  town, 
is  preserved  in  the  museum  of  Huron  relics  at  the  Laval  University, 
Quebec.  The  bell  was  not  large,  but  was  of  very  elaborate  workman- 
ship. Before  1644  the  Jesuits  had  used  old  copper  kettles  as  a substitute. 
— Leitre  de  Lalemant,  31  March,  1644. 

2 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1646,  56. 

3 Ibid.,  58.  The  Hurons  often  resisted  the  baptism  of  their  prisoners, 
on  the  ground  that  Hell,  and  not  Heaven,  was  the  place  to  which  they 


1645-48.J 


THE  TORTURE. 


351 


In  regard  to  these  atrocious  scenes,  which  formed 
the  favorite  Huron  recreation  of  a summer  night, 
the  Jesuits,  it  must  he  confessed,  did  not  quite 
come  up  to  the  requirements  of  modern  sensibility. 
They  were  offended  at  them,  it  is  true,  and  pre- 
vented them  when  they  could ; hut  they  were 
wholly  given  to  the  saving  of  souls,  and  held  the 
body  in  scorn,  as  the  vile  source  of  incalculable 
mischief,  worthy  the  worst  inflictions  that  could  be 
put  upon  it.  What  were  a few  hours  of  suffering 
to  an  eternity  of  bliss  or  woe  ? If  the  victim  were 
heathen,  these  brief  pangs  were  but  the  faint  pre- 
lude of  an  undying  flame ; and  if  a Clmstian, 
they  were  the  fiery  portal  of  Heaven.  They 
might,  indeed,  be  a blessing ; since,  accepted  in 
atonement  for  sin,  they  would  shorten  the  torments 
of  Purgatory,  Yet,  while  schooling  themselves  to 
despise  the  body,  and  all  the  pain  or  pleasure  that 
pertained  to  it,  the  Fathers  were  emphatic  on  one 
point.  It  must  not  be  eaten.  In  the  matter  of 
cannibalism,  they  were  loud  and  vehement  in  in- 
vective.^ 


would  have  them  go.  — See  Lalemant,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1642,  60,  Ra« 
gueneau,  Ibid.,  1648,  63,  and  several  other  passages. 

1 The  following  curious  case  of  conversion  at  the  stake,  gravely  re- 
lated  by  Lalemant,  is  worth  preserving. 

“ An  Iroquois  was  to  be  burned  at  a town  some  way  off.  What  con- 
solation to  set  forth,  in  the  hottest  summer  weather,  to  deliver  this  poor 
victim  from  the  hell  prepared  for  him  ! The  Father  approaches  him,  and 
instructs  him  even  in  the  midst  of  his  torments.  Forthwith  the-  Faith 
finds  a place  in  his  heart.  He  recognizes  and  adores,  as  the  author  of  his 
life.  Him  whose  name  he  had  never  heard  till  the  hour  of  his  death.  He 
receives  the  grace  of  baptism,  and  breathes  nothing  but  heaven.  . . . 
This  newly  made,  but  generous  Christian,  mounted  on  tlie  scaffold  which 
is  the  place  of  his  torture,  in  the  sight  of  a thousand  spectators,  who  are 


352 


THE  HURON  CHURCH. 


[1645-48. 


Undeniably,  the  Faith  was  making  progress  ; yet 
it  is  not  to  he  supposed  that  its  path  was  a smooth 
one.  The  old  opposition  and  the  old  calumnies 
were  still  alive  and  active.  “It  is  la  priere  that 
kills  us.  Your  books  and  your  strings  of  beads 
have  bewitched  the  country.  Before  you  came,  we 
were  happy  and  prosperous.  You  are  magicians. 
Your  charms  kill  our  corn,  and  bring  sickness  and 
the  Iroquois.  Echon  (Brebeuf)  is  a traitor  among 
us,  in  league  with  our  enemies.”  Such  discourse 
was  still  rife,  openly  and  secretly. 

The  Huron  who  embraced  the  Faith  renounced 
thenceforth,  as  we  have  seen,  the  feasts,  dances, 
and  games  in  which  was  his  delight,  since  all 
these  savored  of  diabolism.  And  if,  being  in 
health,  he  could  not  enjoy  himself,  so  also,  being 
sick,  he  could  not  be  cured ; for  his  physician  was 
a sorcerer,  whose  medicines  were  charms  and  in- 
cantations. If  the  convert  was  a chief,  his  case 
Avas  far  worse  ; since,  writes  Father  Lalemant,  “ to 
be  a chief  and  a Christian  is  to  combine  water  and 
fire  ; for  the  business  of  the  chiefs  is  mainly  to  do 
the  HeAdl’s  bidding,  preside  over  ceremonies  of  hell, 
and  excite  the  young  Indians  to  dances,  feasts,  and 
shameless  indecencies.”  ^ 

at  once  his  enemies,  his  judges,  and  his  executioners,  raises  his  eyes  and 
his  voice  lieavenward,  and  cries  aloud,  ‘ Sun,  who  art  witness  of  my  tor- 
ments, hear  my  words  ! I am  about  to  die  ; but,  after  my  death,  I shall 
go  to  dwell  in  heaven.’”  — Relation  des  Ilurons,  1641,  67. 

The  Sun,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  god  of  the  heathen  Iroquois. 
The  convert  appealed  to  his  old  deity  to  rejoice  with  him  in  his  happy 
future. 

1 Relation  des  Ilurons,  1642,  89.  The  indecencies  alluded  to  were 
chiefly  naked  dances,  of  a superstitious  character,  and  the  mystical  cure 
called  Ayidacwandet,  before  mentioned. 


1645-48.] 


THE  FRENCH  HEAVEN. 


353 


It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  proselytes  were 
difficult  to  make,  or  that,  being  made,  they  often 
relapsed.  The  Jesuits  complain  that  they  had  no 
means  of  controlling  their  converts,  and  coercing 
backsliders  to  stand  fast ; and  they  add,  that  the 
Iroquois,  by  destroying  the  fur- trade,  had  broken 
the  principal  bond  between  the  Hiirons  and  the 
French,  and  greatly  weakened  the  influence  of 
the  mission.^ 

Among  the  slanders  devised  by  the  heathen  party 
against  the  teachers  of  the  obnoxious  doctrine  was 
one  which  found  wude  credence,  even  among  the 
converts,  and  produced  a great  effect.  They  gave 
.out  that  a baptized  Huron  girl,  who  had  lately  died, 
and  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  at  Sainte  Marie,  had 
returned  to  life,  and  given  a deplorable  account  of 
the  heaven  of  the  French.  No  sooner  had  she 
entered,  — such  was  the  story,  — than  they  seized 
her,  chained  her  to  a stake,  and  tormented  her  all 
day  with  inconceivable  cruelty.  They  did  the 
same  to  all  the  other  converted  Hurons ; for  this 
was  the  recreation  of  the  French,  and  especially  of 
the  Jesuits,  in  their  celestial  abode.  They  baptized 
Indians  with  no  other  object  than  that  they  might 
have  them  to  torment  in  heaven ; to  which  end 
they  were  willing  to  meet  hardships  and  dangers  in 
this  life,  just  as  a war-party  invades  the  enemy’s 
country  at  great  risk  that  it  may  bring  home  pris- 
oners to  burn.  After  her  painful  experience,  an 
unknown  friend  secretly  showed  the  ‘girl  a path 
down  to  the  earth ; and  she  hastened  thither  to 

1 Lettre  du  P.  Hierosme  Lalemant,  appended  to  the  Relation  of  1645. 

30* 


354 


THE  HURON  CHURCH. 


[1648. 


warn  her  countrymen  against  the  wiles  of  the  mis- 
sionaries.^ 

In  the  spring  of  1648  the  excitement  of  the 
heathen  party  reached  a crisis.  A young  French- 
man, named  Jacques  Douart,  in  the  service  of  the 
mission,  going  out  at  evening  a short  distance 
from  the  Jesuit  house  of  Sainte  Marie,  was  toma- 
hawked by  unknown  Indians,^  who  proved  to  be 
two  brothers,  instigated  by  the  heathen  chiefs.  A 
great  commotion  followed,  and  for  a few  days  it 
seemed  that  the  adverse  parties  would  fall  to  blows, 
at  a time  when  the  common  enemy  threatened  to 
destroy  them  both.  But  sager  counsels  prevailed. 
In  view  of  the  manifest  strength  of  the  Christians, 
the  pagans  lowered  their  tone ; and  it  soon  be- 
came apparent  that  it  was  the  part  of  the  Jesuits  to 
insist  boldly  on  satisfaction  for  the  outrage.  They 
made  no  demand  that  the  murderers  should  be 
punished  or  surrendered,  but,  with  their  usual  good 
sense  in  such  matters,  conformed  to  Indian  usage, 
and  required  that  the  nation  at  large  should  make 
atonement  for  the  crime  by  presents.^  The  num- 
ber of  these,  their  value,  and  the  mode  of  delivering 
them  were  all  fixed  by  ancient  custom ; and  some  of 
the  converts,  acting  as  counsel,  advised  the  Fathers 
of  every  step  it  behooved  them  to  take  in  a case  of 
such  importance.  As  this  is  the  best  illustration 
of  Huron  justice  on  record,  it  may  be  Avell  to  ob- 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1646,  65. 

2 Ibid.,  1648,  77.  Compare  Lettre  da  P.  Jean  de  Bre'hen  f au  T,  R.  P. 
Vincent  Camfa,  Gda&al  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus,  Sainte  Mane,  2 Juin, 
1648,  in  Carayon. 

3 See  Introduction. 


1648.] 


MURDER  AND  ATONEMENT. 


355 


serve  the  method  of  procedure,  — recollecting  that 
the  public,  and  not  the  criminal,  was  to  pay  the 
forfeit  of  the  crime. 

First  of  all,  the  Huron  chiefs  summoned  the 
Jesuits  to  meet  them  at  a grand  council  of  the  na- 
tion, when  an  old  orator,  chosen  by  the  rest,  rose 
and  addressed  Fagueneau,  as  chief  of  the  French, 
in  the  following  harangue.  Fagueneau,  who  re- 
ports it,  declares  that  he  has  added  nothing  to 
it,  and  the  translation  is  as  literal  as  possible. 

“ My  Brother,”  began  the  speaker,  “behold  all  the 
tribes  of  our  league  assembled ! ” — and  he  named 
them  one  by  one.  “ We  are  but  a handful ; you  are 
the  prop  and  stay  of  this  nation.  A thunderbolt 
has  fallen  from  the  sky,  and  rent  a chasm  in  the 
earth.  We  shall  fall  into  it,  if  you  do  not  support 
us.  Take  pity  on  us.  We  are  here,  not  so  much 
to  speak  as  to  weep  over  our  loss  and  yours.  Our 
country  is  but  a skeleton,  without  flesh,  veins, 
sinews,  or  arteries ; and  its  hones  hang  together 
by  a thread.  This  thread  is  broken  by  the  blow 
that  has  fallen  on  the  head  of  your  nephew,' 
for  whom  we  weep.  It  was  a demon  of  Hell  who 
placed  the  hatchet  in  the  murderer  s hand.  Was 
it  you.  Sun,  whose  beams  shine  on  us,  who  led 
him  to  do  this  deed?  Why  did  you  not  darken 
your  light,  that  he  might  be  stricken  with  horror 
at  his  crime?  Were  you  his  accomplice?  No; 
for  he  walked  in  darkness,  and  did  not  see  where 

1 The  usual  Indian  figure  in  such  cases,  and  not  meant  to  express  an 
actual  relationship;  — “Uncle”  for  a superior,  “Brother”  for  an  equal, 
“ Nephew  ” for  an  inferior 


356 


THE  HUEON  CHURCH. 


[1648. 


he  struck.  He  thought,  this  wretched  murderer, 
that  he  aimed  at  the  head  of  a young  Frenchman ; 
but  the  blow  fell  upon  his  country,  and  gave  it  a 
death-wound.  The  earth  opens  to  receive  the 
blood  of  the  innocent  victim,  and  we  shall  be  swal- 
lowed up  in  the  chasm;  for  we  are  all  guilty. 
The  Iroquois  rejoice  at  his  death,  and  celebrate 
it  as  a triumph ; for  they  see  that  our  weapons 
are  turned  against  each  other,  and  know  well  that 
our  nation  is  near  its  end. 

“ Brother,  take  pity  on  this  nation.  You  alone 
can  restore  it  to  life.  It  is  for  you  to  gather  up  all 
these  scattered  bones,  and  close  this  chasm  that 
opens  to  ingulf  us.  Take  pity  on  your  country. 
I call  it  yours,  for  you  are  the  master  of  it;  and  we 
came  here  like  criminals  to  receive  your  sentence, 
if  you  will  not  show  us  mercy.  Pity  those  who 
condemn  themselves  and  come  to  ask  forgiveness. 
It  is  you  who  have  given  strength  to  the  nation  by 
dwelling  with  it ; and  if  you  leave  us,  we  shall  be 
like  a wisp  of  straw  torn  from  the  ground  to  be  the 
sport  of  the  wind.  This  country  is  an  island  drift- 
ing on  the  waves,  for  the  first  storm  to  overwhelm 
and  sink.  Make  it  fast  again  to  its  foundation, 
and  posterity  will  never  forget  to  praise  you. 
When  we  first  heard  of  this  murder,  we  could 
do  nothing  but  weep ; and  we  are  ready  to  re- 
ceive your  orders  and  comply  with  your  demands. 
Speak,  then,  and  ask  what  satisfaction  you  will,  for 
our  lives  and  our  possessions  are  yours ; and  even  if 
we  rob  our  children  to  satisfy  you,  we  will  tell  them 
that  it  is  not  of  you  that  they  have  to  complain, 


lt)48.J  MURDER  AND  ATONEMENT.  357 

but  of  him  whose  crime  has  made  us  all  guilty. 
Our  anger  is  against  him ; but  for  } ou  we  feel 
nothing  but  love.  He  destroyed  our  lives ; and  you 
will  restore  them,  if  you  will  but  speak  and  tell  us 
what  you  will  have  us  do.” 

E-agueneau,  who  remarks  that  this  harangue  is 
a proof  that  eloquence  is  the  gift  of  Nature  rather 
than  of  Art,  made  a reply,  which  he  has  not  re- 
corded, and  then  gave  the  speaker  a bundle  of  small 
sticks,  indicating  the  number  of  presents  which 
he  required  in  satisfaction  for  the  murder.  These 
sticks  were  distributed  among  the  various  tribes  in 
the  council,  in  order  that  each  might  contribute 
its  share  towards  the  indemnity.  The  council  dis- 
solved, and  the  chiefs  went  home,  each  with  his 
allotment  of  sticks,  to  collect  in  his  village  a cor- 
responding number  of  presents.  There  was  no 
constraint ; those  gave  who  chose  to  do  so  ; but, 
as  all  were  ambitious  to  show  their  public  spirit, 
the  contributions  were  ample.  No  one  thought  of 
molesting  the  murderers.  Their  punishment  was 
their  shame  at  the  sacrifices  which  the  public  were 
making  in  their  behalf. 

The  presents  being  ready,  a day  was  set  for  the 
ceremony  of  their  delivery ; and  crowds  gathered 
from  all  parts  to  witness  it.  The  assembly  was 
convened  in  the  open  air,  in  a field  beside  the  mis- 
sion-house of  Sainte  Marie ; and,  in  the  midst,  the 
chiefs  held  solemn  council.  Towards  evening,  they 
deputed  four  of  their  number,  two  Christians  and 
two  heathen,  to  carry  their  address  to  the  Father 
Superior.  They  came,  loaded  with  presents ; but 


858 


THE  HURON  CHURCH. 


[1648. 


these  were  merely  preliminary.  One  was  to  open 
the  door,  another  for  leave  to  enter ; and  as 
Sainte  Marie  w^as  a large  house,  wdth  several  in- 
terior doors,  at  each  one  of  wdiich  it  behooved 
them  to  repeat  this  formality,  their  stock  of  gifts 
became  seriously  reduced  before  they  reached  the 
room  where  Father  Fagucneau  aw^aited  them.  On 
arriving,  they  made  him  a speech,  every  clause  of 
which  was  confirmed  by  a present.  The  first  w^as 
to  wipe  away  his  tears  ; the  second,  to  restore  his 
voice,  which  his  grief  w^as  supposed  to  have  im- 
paired ; the  third,  to  calm  the  agitation  of  his 
mind ; and  the  fourth,  to  allay  the  just  anger  of 
his  heart. ^ These  gifts  consisted  of  wampum  and 
the  large  shells  of  wdiich  it  was  made,  together 
with  other  articles,  w^orthless  in  any  eyes  but  those 
of  an  Indian.  Nine  additional  presents  follow^ed : 
four  for  the  four  posts  of  the  sepulchre  or  scaffold 
of  the  murdered  man ; four  for  the  cross-pieces 
wdiich  connected  the  posts  ; and  one  for  a pillow 
to  support  his  head.  Then  came  eight  more,  cor- 
responding to  the  eight  largest  bones  of  the  victim’s 
body,  and  also  to  the  eight  clans  of  the  Flurons.^ 
Fagueneau,  as  required  by  established  custom,  now 
made  them  a present  in  his  turn.  It  consisted  of 
tliree  thousand  beads  of  w^ampum,  and  was  de- 
signed to  soften  the  earth,  in  order  that  they  might 
not  be  hurt,  when  falling  upon  it,  overpow^ered  by 

1 Ragueneau  himself  describes  the  scene.  Relation  des  Hurons, 
1648,  80. 

2 Ragueneau  says,  “ les  huit  nations  ” ; but,  as  the  Hurons  consisted 
of  only  four,  or  at  most  five,  nations,  he  probably  means  the  clans.  For 
the  nature  of  these  divisions,  see  Introduction. 


1648.] 


MURDER  AND  ATONEMENT. 


359 


his  reproaches  for  the  enormity  of  their  crime. 
This  closed  the  interview,  and  the  deputation  with- 
drew. 

The  grand  ceremony  took  place  on  the  next  day. 
A kind  of  arena  had  been  prepared,  and  here  ^v^ere 
hung  the  fifty  presents  in  which  the  atonement 
essentially  consisted,  — the  rest,  amounting  to  as 
many  more,  being  only  accessory.^  The  Jesuits 
had  the  right  of  examining  them  all,  rejecting  any 
that  did  not  satisfy  them,  and  demanding  others  in 
place  of  them.  The  naked  crowd  sat  silent  and 
attentive,  while  the  orator  in  the  midst  delivered 
the  fifty  presents  in  a series  of  harangues,  which 
the  tired  listener  has  not  thought  it  necessary  to 
preserve.  Then  came  the  minor  gifts,  each  with 
its  signification  explained  in  turn  by  the  speaker. 
First,  as  a sepulchre  had  been  provided  the  day 
before  for  the  dead  man,  it  was  now  necessary  to 
clothe  and  equip  him  for  his  journey  to  the  next 
world ; and  to  this  end  three  presents  were  made. 
They  represented  a hat,  a coat,  a shirt,  breeches, 
stockings,  shoes,  a gun,  powder,  and  bullets  ; but 
they  were  in  fact  something  quite  different,  as 
wampum,  beaver-skins,  and  the  like.  Next  came 
several  gifts  to  close  up  the  wounds  of  the  slain. 
Then  followed  three  more.  The  first  closed  the 
chasm  in  the  earth,  which  had  burst  through  horror 
of  the  crime.  The  next  trod  the  ground  firm,  that 
it  might  not  open  again;  and  here  the  whole  assem- 

1 Tlie  number  was  unusually  large,  — partly  because  the  affair  was 
thought  very  important,  and  partly  because  the  murdered  man  belonged 
to  another  nation.  See  Introduction. 


360 


THE  HURON  CHURCH. 


[1648. 


bly  rose  and  danced,  as  custom  required.  The  last 
placed  a large  stone  over  the  closed  gulf,  to  make 
it  doubly  secure. 

Now  came  another  series  of  presents,  seven  in 
number,  — - to  restore  the  voices  of  all  the  mission- 
aries, — to  invite  the  men  in  their  service  to  forget 
the  murder,  — to  appease  the  Governor  when  he 
should  hear  of  it,  — to  light  the  the  at  Sainte 
Marie,  — to  open  the  gate,  — to  launch  the  ferry- 
boat in  which  the  Huron  visitors  crossed  the  river, 
— and  to  give  back  the  paddle  to  the  boy  who  had 
charge  of  the  boat.  The  Fathers,  it  seems,  had  the 
right  of  exacting  two  more  presents,  to  rebuild 
their  house  and  church,  — supposed  to  have  been 
shaken  to  the  earth  by  the  late  calamity ; but  they 
forbore  to  ur^e  the  claim.  Last  of  all  were  three 
gifts  to  confirm  all  the  rest,  and  to  entreat  the  Jesu- 
its to  cherish  an  undying  love  for  the  Hurons. 

The  priests  on  their  part  gave  presents,  as  tokens 
of  good-will ; and  with  that  the  assembly  dispersed. 
The  mission  had  gained  a triumph,  and  its  influence 
was  greatly  strengthened.  The  future  would  have 
been  full  of  hope,  but  for  the  portentous  cloud  of 
w'ar  that  rose,  black  and  wrathful,  from  where  lay 
the  dens  of  the  Hoquois. 


CHAPTEE  XXV, 


1648,  1649. 

SAINTE  MARIE. 

The  Centre  of  the  Missions.  — Fort.  — Convent.  — Hospital. — 
Caravansary.  — Church.  — The  Inmates  of  Sainte  Marie.— 
Domestic  Economy.  — Missions.  — A Meeting  of  Jesuits. — 
The  Dead  Missionary. 

The  Eiver  Wye  enters  the  Bay  of  Glocester, 
an  inlet  of  the  Bay  of  Matchedash,  itself  an  inlet 
of  the  vast  Georgian  Bay  of  Lake  Huron.  Eetrace 
the  track  of  two  centuries  and  more,  and  ascend 
this  little  stream  in  the  summer  of  the  year  1648. 
Your  vessel  is  a bhch  canoe,  and  your  conductor  a 
Huron  Indian.  On  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left, 
gloomy  and  silent,  rise  the  primeval  woods ; but 
you  have  advanced  scarcely  half  a league  when  the 
scene  is  changed,  and  cultivated  fields,  planted 
chiefly  with  maize,  extend  far  along  the  bank,  and 
back  to  the  distant  verge  of  the  forest.  Before 
you  opens  the  small  lake  from  which  the  stream 
issues ; and  on  your  left,  a stone’s  throw  from  the 
shore,  rises  a range  of  palisades  and  bastioned 
walls,  inclosing  a number  of  buildings.  Your 

31  [3611 


362 


SAINTE  MARIE. 


[1648. 


canoe  enters  a canal  or  ditch  immediately  above 
them,  and  you  land  at  the  Mission,  or  Ilesidence, 
or  Fort  of  Sainte  Marie. 

Here  was  the  centre  and  base  of  the  Huron 
missions  ; and  now,  for  once,  one  must  wish  that 
Jesuit  pens  had  been  more  fluent.  They  have  told 
us  but  little  of  Sainte  Marie,  and  even  this  is  to  be 
gathered  chiefly  from  incidental  allusions.  In  the 
forest,  which  long  since  has  resumed  its  reign  over  ' 
this  memorable  spot,  the  walls  and  ditches  of  the 
fortifications  may  still  be  plainly  traced ; and  the 
deductions  from  these  remains  are  in  perfect  accord 
with  what  we  can  gather  from  the  Itelations  and 
letters  of  the  priests.^  The  fortified  work  which 
inclosed  the  buildings  was  in  the  form  of  a par- 
allelogram, about  a hundred  and  seventy-five  feet 
long,  and  from  eighty  to  ninety  wide.  It  lay  par- 
allel with  the  river,  and  somewhat  more  than  a 
hundred  feet  distant  from  it.  On  tAvo  sides  it  was 
a continuous  wall  of  masonry,^  flanked  with  square 
bastions,  adapted  to  musketry,  and  probably  used 
as  magazines,  storehouses,  or  lodgings.  The  sides 
towards  the  river  and  the  lake  had  no  other 
defences  than  a ditch  and  palisade,  flanked,  like 
the  others,  by  bastions,  over  each  of  wdiich  Avas 
displayed  a large  cross. ^ The  buildings  AAuthin 

1 Before  me  is  an  elaborate  plan  of  the  remains,  taken  on  the  spot. 

2 It  seems  probable  that  the  walls,  of  wliich  the  remains  may  still  be 
traced,  were  foundations  supporting  a wooden  superstructure.  Rague- 
neau,  in  a letter  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  dated  March  13,  1650, 
alludes  to  the  detences  of  Saint  Marie  as  “ une  simple  paUssade.’’* 

3 “ Quatre  grandes  Croix  qui  sont  aux  quatre  coins  de  nostre  en- 
clos.’’  — Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1618,  81. 


ITS  INMATES. 


363 


f648.] 

were,  no  doubt,  of  wood ; and  they  included  a 
church,  a kitchen,  a refectory,  places  of  retreat  for 
religious  instruction  and  meditation,^  and  lodgings 
for  at  least  sixty  persons.  Near  the  church,  but 
outside  the  fortification,  was  a cemetery.  Beyond 
the  ditch  or  canal  which  opened  on  the  river  was 
a large  area,  still  traceable,  in  the  form  of  an  ir- 
regular triangle,  surrounded  by  a ditch,  and  appar- 
ently by  palisades.  It  seems  to  have  been  meant 
for  the  protection  of  the  Indian  visitors  who  came 
in  throngs  to  Sainte  Marie,  and  who  were  lodged  in 
a large  house  of  bark,  after  the  Huron  manner.^ 
Here,  perhaps,  was  also  the  hospital,  which  was 
placed  without  the  walls,  in  order  that  Indian 
women,  as  well  as  men,  might  be  admitted  into  it.^ 

No  doubt  the  buildings  of  Sainte  Marie  were  of 
the  roughest,  — rude  walls  of  boards,  windows 
without  glass,  vast  chimneys  of  unhewn  stone. 
All  its  riches  were  centred  in  the  church,  which, 
as  Lalemant  tells  us,  was  regarded  by  the  Indians 
as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world,  but  which,  he 
adds,  would  have  made  but  a beggarly  show  in 
France.  Yet  one  wonders,  at  first  thought,  how 
so  much  labor  could  have  been  accomplished  here. 

1 It  seems  that  these  places,  besides  those  for  the  priests,  were  of  two 
Kinds,  — “ vne  retraite  pour  les  pelerins  [Indians],  enfin  vn  lieu  plus  sepa- 
re,  oil  les  infideles,  qui  n’y  sont  admis  que  de  iour  au  passage,  y puissent 
tousioun.!  receuoir  quelque  bon  mot  pour  leur  salut.”  — Lalemant,  Ae/a- 
tion  des  llurons,  1644,  74. 

At  least  it  Avas  so  in  1642.  ‘‘Nous  leur  auons  dresse  Am  Hospice  ou 
Cabane  d’ecorcc.”  — Ibid.,  1642,  57. 

3 “ Get  hospital  est  tellement  separe  de  nostre  demeure,  que  non 
seulement  les  hommes  et  enfans,  mais  les  femmes  y peuuent  estre  ad- 
niLses.”  — Ibid.,  1644,  74. 


364 


SAINTE  MARIE. 


[1648. 


Of  late  years,  however,  the  number  of  men  at  the 
command  of  the  mission  had  been  considerable. 
Soldiers  had  been  sent  up  from  time  to  time,  to 
escort  the  Fathers  on  their  way,  and  defend  them 
on  their  arrival.  Thus,  in  1644,  Montmagny  or- 
dered twenty  men  of  a reinforcement  just  arrived 
from  France  to  escort  Brebeuf,  Garreau,  and  Cha- 
banel  to  the  Hurons,  and  remain  there  during  the 
winter.^  These  soldiers  lodged  with  the  Jesuits, 
and  lived  at  their  table.^  It  was  not,  howe^'er,  on 
detachments  of  troops  that  they  mainly  relied  for 
labor  or  defence.  Any  inhabitant  of  Canada  who 
chose  to  undertake  so  hard  and  dangerous  a service 
was  allowed  to  do  so,  receiving  only  his  mainten- 
ance from  the  mission,  without  pay.  In  return,  he 
was  allowed  to  trade  with  the  Indians,  and  sell  the 
furs  thus  obtained  at  the  magazine  of  the  Company, 
at  a fixed  price.^  Many  availed  themselves  of  this 
permission  ; and  all  whose  services  were  accepted 
by  the  Jesuits  seem  to  have  been  men  to  whom 
they  had  communicated  no  small  portion  of  their 
own  zeal,  and  who  were  enthusiastically  attached 
to  their  Order  and  their  cause.  There  is  abundant 
evidence  that  a large  proportion  of  them  acted  from 
motives  wholly  disinterested.  They  were,  in  fact, 
donnes  of  the  mission,'^  — given,  heart  and  hand,  to 

1 Vimont,  Relation,  1644,  49.  He  adds,  that  some  of  these  soldiers, 
though  tliey  had  once  been  “ assez  mauvais  gar9ons,”  had  shown  great 
zeal  and  devotion  in  behalf  of  the  mission. 

2 Journal  des  Superieurs  des  Je'suites,  MS.  In  1648,  a small  cannon 
was  sent  to  Sainte  Marie  in  the  Huron  canoes. — Ibid. 

3 Registres  des  Arrks  da  Conseil,  extract  in  Faillon,  II.  94. 

* See  ante,  p.  214.  Gamier  calls  them  “ seculiers  d’habit,  mais  relig 
ieux  de  coeur.  — Lettres,  MSS. 


1648.J 


« DONNES”  OF  THE  MISSION. 


3()5 

its  service.  There  is  probability  in  the  conjecture, 
that  the  profits  of  their  trade  with  the  Indians  were 
reaped,  not  for  their  own  behoof,  but  for  that  of 
the  mission.^  It  is  difficult  otherwise  to  explain 
the  confidence  with  which  the  Father  Superior,  in 
a letter  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits  at  Home, 
speaks  of  its  resoui’ces.  He  says,  “ Though  our 
number  is  greatly  increased,  and  though  we  still 
hope  for  more  men,  and  especially  for  more  priests 
of  our  Society,  it  is  not  necessary  to  increase  the 
pecuniary  aid  given  us.”  ~ 

1 The  Jesuits,  even  at  this  early  period,  were  often  and  loudly  charged 
with  sharing  in  the  fur-trade.  It  is  certain  that  this  charge  was  not 
wholly  without  foundation.  Le  Jeune,  in  the  Relation  of  1657,  speaking 
of  the  wampum,  guns,  powder,  lead,  hatchets,  kettles,  and  other  articles 
which  the  missionaries  were  obliged  to  give  to  the  Indians,  at  councils 
and  elsewhere,  says  that  these  must  be  bought  from  the  traders  with 
beaver-skins,  which  are  the  money  of  the  country ; and  he  adds,  “ Que 
si  vn  lesuite  en  revolt  ou  en  recueille  quelques-vns  pour  ayder  aux  frais 
immenses  qu’il  faut  faire  dans  ces  Missions  si  eloignees,  et  pour  gagner 
ces  peuples  a lesus-Christ  et  les  porter  a la  paix,  il  seroit  a souhaiter  que 
ceux-la  mesme  qui  deuroient  faire  ces  despenses  pour  la  conseruation  du 
pays,  ne  fussent  pas  du  moins  les  premiers  a condamner  le  zele  de  ces 
Peres,  et  a les  rendre  par  leurs  discours  plus  noirs  que  leurs  robes.”  — 
Relation,  1657,  16. 

In  the  same  year,  Chaumon  it,  addressing  a council  of  the  Iroquois 
during  a period  of  truce,  said,  “ Keep  your  beaver-skins,  if  you  choose, 
for  the  Dutch.  Even  such  of  them  as  may  fall  into  our  possession  will 
be  employed  for  your  service.”  — Ibid.,  17. 

In  1636,  Le  Jeune  thought  it  necessary  to  write  a long  letter  of  de- 
fence against  the  charge;  and  in  1643,  a declaration,  appended  to  the 
Relation  of  that  year,  and  certifying  that  the  Jesuits  took  no  part  in  the 
fur-trade,  w^as  drawn  up  and  signed  by  twelve  members  of  the  Company 
of  New  France.  Its  only  meaning  is,  that  the  Jesuits  were  neither  partners 
nor  rivals  of  the  Company’s  monopoly.  They  certainly  bought  supplies 
from  its  magazines  with  furs  which  they  obtained  from  the  Indians. 

Their  object  evidently  was  to  make  the  mission  partially  self-sup 
porting.  To  impute  mercenary  motives  to  Gamier,  Jogues,  and  their 
co-laborers,  is  manifestly  idle ; but,  even  in  the  highest  flights  of  his 
enthusiasm,  the  Jesuit  never  forgot  his  worldly  wisdom. 

2 Lettre  du  P.  Paul  Ragueneau  au  T.  R.  P.  Vincent  Carafa,  G€n€ral 

31* 


SAINTE  MAEIE. 


[1648-49 


im 

IMacli  of  tills  prosperity  was  no  doubt  due  to  the 
excellent  management  of  their  resources,  and  a 
very  successful  agriculture.  While  the  Indians 
around  them  were  starving,  they  raised  maize  in 
such  quantities,  that,  in  the  spring  of  1649,  the 
Father  Superior  thought  that  their  stock  of  provis- 
ions might  suffice  for  three  years.  “ Hunting  and 
fishing,”  he  says,  “are  better  than  heretofore”;  and 
he  adds,  that  they  had  fowls,  swine,  and  even  cattle.^ 
How  they  could  have  brought  these  last  to  Sainte 
Marie  it  is  difficult  to  conceive.  The  feat,  under 
the  circumstances,  is  truly  astonishing.  Everything 
indicates  a fixed  resolve  on  the  part  of  the  Fathers 
to  build  up  a solid  and  permanent  establishment. 

It  is  by  no  means  to  be  inferred  that  the  house- 
hold fared  sumptuously.  Their  ordinary  food  was 
maize,  pounded  and  boiled,  and  seasoned,  in  the 
absence  of  salt,  which  was  regarded  as  a luxury, 
with  morsels  of  smoked  fish.^ 

In  March,  1649,  there  were  in  the  Huron  country 
and  its  neighborhood  eighteen  Jesuit  priests,  four 
lay  brothers,  twenty-three  men  serving  without  pay, 
seven  hired  men,  four  boys,  and  eight  soldiers.^ 
Of  this  number,  fifteen  priests  were  engaged  in  the 
various  missions,  while  all  tlie  rest  were  retained 
permanently  at  Sainte  Marie.  All  was  method, 

de  la  Compajme  de  Jesus  a Home,  Sainte  Marie  aux  Ilurons,  1 Mars,  1649 
(Cara  yon). 

1 Ibid.  2 Eagiieneaii,  HeJation  des  Ilurons,  1648,  48. 

3 See  the  report  of  the  Father  Superior  to  tlie  General,  above  cited.. 
The  miinber  was  greatly  increased  within  the  year.  In  April,  1648, 
Eagiieneau  reports  but  forty-two  French  in  all,  including  priests.  Be- 
fore the  end  of  the  summer  a large  reinforcement  came  up  in  the  Huron 
canoes. 


1648-49.] 


CIIARIT-Y  AND  CONVERSION. 


367 


discipline,  and  subordination.  Some  of  the  men 
were  assigned  to  household  work,  and  some  to  the 
hospital;  while  the  rest  labored  at  the  fortifications, 
tilled  the  fields,  and  stood  ready,  in  case  of  need,  to 
fight  the  Iroquois.  The  Father  Superior,  with  two 
other  priests  as  assistants,  controlled  and  guided 
all.  The  remaining  Jesuits,  undisturbed  by  tem- 
poral cares,  were  devoted  exclusively  to  the  charge 
of  their  respective  missions.  Two  or  three  times  in 
the  year,  they  all,  or  nearly  all,  assembled  at  Sainte 
^larie,  to  take  counsel  together  and  determine  their 
future  action.  Hither,  also,  they  came  at  inter- 
vals for  a period  of  meditation  and  prayer,  to  nerve 
themselves  and  gain  new  inspiration  for  their  stern 
task. 

Besides  being  the  citadel  and  the  magazine  of 
the  mission,  Sainte  Marie  was  the  scene  of  a bomr- 
tiful  hospitality.  On  every  alternate  Saturday,  as 
well  as  on  feast-days,  the  converts  came  in  crowds 
from  the  farthest  villages.  They  were  entertained 
during  Saturday,  Sunday,  and  a part  of  Monday ; 
and  the  rites  of  the  Church  were  celebrated  before 
them  with  all  possible  solemnity  and  pomp.  They 
were  welcomed  also  at  other  times,  and  entertained, 
usually  with  three  meals  to  each.  In  these  latter 
years  the  prevailing  famine  drove  them  to  Sainte 
Marie  in  swarms.  In  the  course  of  1617  three 
thousand  were  lodged  and  fed  here  ; and  iji  the 
following  year  the  number  was  doubled.^  Heathen 
Indians  were  also  received  and  supplied  with  food, 

1 Compare  Ragueneau  in  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1G48,  48,  and  in  Lis 
report  to  the  General  in  1649. 


368 


SAINTE  MARIE. 


[1G48. 


but  were  not  permitted  to  remain  at  night.  There 
was  provision  for  the  soul  as  well  as  the  body  ; and, 
Christian  or  heathen,  few  left  Sainte  Marie  with- 
out a word  of  instruction  or  exhortation.  Charity 
was  an  instrument  of  conversion. 

Such,  so  far  as  we  can  reconstruct  it  from  the 
scattered  hints  remaining,  was  this  singular  estab- 
lishment, at  once  military,  monastic,  and  patriarchal. 
The  missions  of  which  it  was  the  basis  were  now 
eleven  in  number.  To  those  among  the  Hurons 
already  mentioned  another  had  lately  been  added, 
— that  of  Sainte  Madeleine;  and  two  others,  called 
St.  Jean  and  St.  Matthias,  had  been  established  in 
the  neighboring  Tobacco  Nation.^  The  three  re- 
maining missions  were  all  among  tribes  speaking 
the  Algonquin  languages.  Every  winter,  bands  of 
these  savages,  driven  by  famine  and  fear  of  the 
Iroquois,  sought  harborage  in  the  Huron  country, 
and  the  mission  of  Sainte  Elisabeth  was  established 
for  their  benefit.  The  next  Algonquin  mission  was 
that  of  Saint  Esprit,  embracing  the  Nipissings  and 
other  tribes  east  and  north-east  of  Lake  Huron ; 
and,  lastly,  the  mission  of  St.  Pierre  included  the 
tribes  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior,  and  through- 
out a vast  extent  of  surrounding  wilderness.^ 

1 The  mission  of  the  Neutral  Nation  had  been  abandoned  for  the  time, 
from  the  want  of  missionaries.  The  Jesuits  had  resolved  on  concentra- 
tion, and  on  the  thorough  conversion  of  the  Hurons,  as  a preliminary  to 
more  extended  efforts. 

2 Besides  these  tribes,  the  Jesuits  had  become  more  or  less  acquainted 
with  many  others,  also  Algonquin  on  the  west  and  south  of  Lake  Huron ; 
as  well  as  with  the  Piians,  or  Winnebagoes,  a Dacotah  tribe  between 
Lake  Michigan  and  the  Mississippi. 

The  Mission  of  Sault  Sainte  Marie,  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior, 


1648.] 


A GATHERING  OF  THE  PRIESTS. 


369 


These  missions  were  more  laborious,  though  not 
more  perilous,  than  those  among  the  Hurons.  The 
Algonqum  hordes  were  never  long  at  rest ; and, 
summer  and  winter,  the  priest  must  follow  them 
by  lake,  forest,  and  stream : in  summer  plying  the 
paddle  all  day,  or  toiling  through  pathless  thickets, 
bending  under  the  weight  of  a birch  canoe  or  a load 
of  baggage,  — at  night,  his  bed  the  rugged  earth, 
or  some  bare  rock,  lashed  by  the  restless  waves  of 
Lake  Huron ; while  famine,  the  snow-storms,  the 
cold,  the  treacherous  ice  of  the  Great  Lakes,  smoke, 
filth,  and,  not  rarely,  threats  and  persecution,  were 
the  lot  of  his  winter  wanderings.  It  seemed  an 
earthly  paradise,  when,  at  long  intervals,  he  found 
a respite  from  his  toils  among  his  brother  Jesuits 
under  the  roof  of  Sainte  Marie. 

Hither,  while  the  Fathers  are  gathered  from 
their  scattered  stations  at  one  of  their  periodical 
meetings,  — a little  before  the  season  of  Lent, 
1649,^  — let  us,  too,  repair,  and  join  them.  We 
enter  at  the  eastern  gate  of  the  fortification,  mid- 
way in  the  wall  between  its  northern  and  southern 
bastions,  and  pass  to  the  hall,  where,  at  a rude 
table,  spread  with  ruder  fare,  all  the  household 
are  assembled,  — laborers,  domestics,  soldiers,  and 
priests. 

was  established  at  a later  period.  Modern  writers  have  confounded  it 
with  Sainte  Marie  of  the  Hurons. 

By  the  Relation  of  1649  it  appears  that  another  mission  had  lately 
been  begun  at  the  Grand  Manitoulin  Island,  which  the  Jesuits  also  chris- 
tened Isle  Sainte  Marie. 

1 The  date  of  this  meeting  is  a supposition  merely.  It  is  adopted 
with  reference  to  events  which  preceded  and  followed. 


370 


SAINTE  MAEIE. 


[1849. 


It  was  a scene  that  might  recall  a remote  half 
feudal,  half  patriarchal  age,  when,  under  the 
smoky  rafteis  of  his  antique  hall,  some  warlike 
thane  sat,  with  kinsmen  and  dependants  ranged 
down  the  long  board,  each  in  his  degree.  Here, 
doubtless,  Hagueneau,  the  Father  Superior,  held 
the  place  of  honor  ; and,  for  chieftains  scarred  witli 
Danish  battle-axes,  was  seen  a band  of  thoughtful 
men,  clad  in  a threadbare  garb  of  black,  their  brows 
swarthy  from  exposure,  yet  marked  with  the  lines 
of  intellect  and  a fixed  enthusiasm  of  purpose. 
Here  was  Bressani,  scarred  with  firebrand  and 
knife ; Chabanel,  once  a professor  of  rhetoric  in 
France,  now  a missionary,  bound  by  a self-imposed 
vow  to  a life  from  which  his  nature  recoiled ; the 
fanatical  Chaumonot,  whose  character  savored  of 
his  peasant  birth,  — for  the  grossest  fungus  of  su- 
perstition that  ever  grew  under  the  shadow  of 
Borne  was  not  too  much  for  his  omnivorous  credu- 
lity, and  miracles  and  mysteries  were  his  daily 
food ; yet,  such  as  his  faith  was,  he  was  ready  to 
die  for  it.  Gamier,  beardless  like  a woman,  was 
of  a far  finer  nature.  His  religion  was  of  the 
affections  and  the  sentiments ; and  his  imagination, 
warmed  with  the  ardor  of  his  faith,  shaped  the 
ideal  forms  of  his  worship  into  visible  realities. 
Brebeuf  sat  conspicuous  among  his  brethren,  portly 
and  tall,  his  short  moustache  and  beard  grizzled 
with  tim.e, — -for  he  was  fifty-six  years  old.  If  he 
seemed  impassive,  it  was  because  one  overmaster- 
ing principle  had  merged  and  absorbed  all  the 
impulses  of  his  nature  and  all  the  faculties  of  his 


1649.] 


DANIEL. 


371 


mind.  The  enthusiasm  which  with  many  is  fitful 
and  spasmodic  was  with  him  the  current  of  his  life, 
— solemn  and  deep  as  the  tide  of  destiny.  The 
Divine  Trinity,  the  Virgin,  the  Saints,  Heaven  and 
Hell,  Angels  and  Fiends,  — to  him,  these  alone 
were  real,  and  all  things  else  were  nought.  Gabriel 
lialemant,  nephew  of  Jerome  Lalemant,  Superior 
at  Quebec,  was  Brebeuf’s  colleague  at  the  mission 
of  St.  Ignace.  His  slender  frame  and  delicate 
features  gave  him  an  appearance  of  youth,  though 
he  had  reached  middle  life ; and,  as  in  the  case 
of  Gamier,  the  fervor  of  his  mind  sustained  him 
through  exertions  of  which  he  seemed  physi- 
cally incapable.  Of  the  rest  of  that  company 
little  has  come  down  to  us  but  the  bare  record 
of  their  missionary  toils ; and  we  may  ask  in  vain 
what  youthful  enthusiasm,  what  broken  hope  or 
faded  dream,  turned  the  current  of  their  lives, 
and  sent  them  from  the  heart  of  civilization  to 
this  savage  outpost  of  the  world. 

No  element  was  wanting  in  them  for  the  achieve- 
ment of  such  a success  as  that  to  which  they 
aspired, — neither  a transcendent  zeal,  nor  a match- 
less discipline,  nor  a practical  sagacity  very  seldom 
surpassed  in  the  pursuits  where  men  strive  for 
w^ealth  and  place  ; and  if  they  were  destined  to 
disappointment,  it  was  the  result  of  external  causes, 
against  which  no  power  of  theirs  could  have  in- 
sured them. 

There  was  a gap  in  their  number.  The  place 
of  Antoine  Daniel  was  empty,  and  never  more  to 
be  filled  by  him,  — never  at  least  in  the  flesh* 


372 


SAINTE  MARIE. 


[1649. 


for  Chaumonot  averred,  that  not  long  since,  when 
the  Fathers  were  met  in  council,  he  had  seen  their 
dead  companion  seated  in  their  midst,  as  of  old, 
with  a countenance  radiant  and  majestic.^  They 
believed  his  story,  — no  doubt  he  believed  it  him- 
self ; and  they  consoled  one  another  with  the 
thought,  that,  in  losing  their  colleague  on  earth, 
they  had  gained  him  as  a powerful  intercessor  in 
heaven.  Daniel's  station  had  been  at  St.  Joseph ; 
but  the  mission  and  the  missionary  had  alike 
ceased  to  exist. 

1 “ Ce  bon  Fere  s’apparut  apres  sa  mort  a vn  des  nostres  par  deux 
diuerses  fois.  En  i’viie  il  se  fit  voir  en  estat  de  gloire,  portant  le  visage 
d’vn  homme  d’enuiron  trente  ans,  quoy  qu’il  soit  mort  en  Tage  de  qua- 
rante-lmict.  . . . Vne  autre  fois  il  fut  veu  assister  a vne  assemblee  que 
nous  tenions,”  etc.  — Ragueneau,  Relation  des  IluronSy  1649,  5. 

“ Le  P.  Chaumonot  vit  au  milieu  de  Tassernble'e  le  P.  Daniel  qui 
aidait  les  Peres  de  ses  conseils,  et  les  remplissait  d’une  force  surnaturelle ; 
son  visage  etait  plein  de  majeste  et  d’eclat.”  — Ibid.,  Lettre  au  General 
de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus  (Carayon,  243). 

“ Le  P.  Chaumonot  nous  a quelque  fois  raconte,  a la  gloire  de  cet 
illustre  confesseur  de  J.  C.  {Daniel)  qu’il  s’etoit  fait  voir  a lui  dans  la 
gloire,  a I’lige  d’environ  30  ans,  quoiqu’il  en  eut  pres  de  50,  et  avec  les 
autres  circonstances  qui  se  trouuent  Ifi  {in  the  Uistoria  Canadensis  of  Du 
Creux).  Il  ajoutait  seulement  qu’a  la  vue  de  ce  bien-heureux  tant  de 
choses  lui  vinrent  a I’esprit  pour  les  lui  demander,  qu’il  ne  savoit  pas 
oil  commencer  son  entretien  avec  ce  cher  defunt.  Enfin,  lui  dit-il* 
“ Apprenez  moi,  mon  Pere,  ce  que  ie  dois  faire  pour  etre  bien  agreable 
k Dieu.”  — “Jamais,”  repondit  le  martyr,  “ne  perdez  le  souvenir  de  vos 
pcches.”  — Suite  de  la  Vie  de  Chaumonot^  11. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


1648. 

ANTOINE  DANIEL. 

Huron  Traders.  — Battle  at  Three  Eivers.  — St.  Joseph.  — On- 
set OF  THE  Iroquois.  — Death  of  Daniel.  — The  Town  De- 
stroyed. 

In  the  summer  of  1647  the  Hurons  dared  not 
go  down  to  the  French  settlements,  but  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  they  took  heart,  and  resolved  at  all 
risks  to  make  the  attempt ; for  the  kettles,  hatchets, 
and  knives  of  the  traders  had  become  necessaries 
of  life.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  of  their  best  war- 
riors therefore  embarked,  under  five  valiant  chiefs. 
They  made  the  voyage  in  safety,  approached  Three 
Rivers  on  the  seventeenth  of  July,  and,  running 
their  canoes  ashore  among  the  bulrushes,  began  to 
grease  their  hair,  paint  their  faces,  and  otherwise 
adorn  themselves,  that  they  might  appear  after  a 
befitting  fashion  at  the  fort.  While  they  were  thus 
engaged,  the  alarm  was  sounded.  Some  of  their 
warriors  had  discovered  a large  body  of  Iroquois, 
who  for  several  days  had  been  lurking  in  the 
forest,  unknown  to  the  French  garrison,  watching 
their  opportunity  to  strike  a blow.  The  Hurons 

32  r 373 1 


374 


ANTOINE  DANIEL. 


[1648. 


snatched  their  arms,  and,  half-greased  and  painted, 
ran  to  meet  them.  The  Iroquois  received  them 
with  a volley.  They  fell  fiat  to  avoid  the  shot, 
then  leaped  up  with  a furious  yell,  and  sent  hack 
a shower  of  arrows  and  bullets.  The  Iroquois, 
who  were  outnumbered,  gave  way  and  fled,  except- 
ing a few  who  for  a time  made  fight  with  their 
knives.  The  Hurons  pursued.  Many  prisoners 
were  taken,  and  many  dead  left  on  the  field. ^ The 
rout  of  the  enemy  was  complete;  and  when  their 
trade  was  ended,  the  Hurons  returned  home  in 
triumph,  decorated  with  the  laurels  and  the  scalps 
of  victory.  As  it  proved,  it  would  have  been  well, 
had  they  remained  there  to  defend  their  families 
and  firesides. 

The  oft-mentioned  town  of  Teanaustaye,  or  St. 
Joseph,  lay  on  the  south-eastern  frontier  of  the 
Huron  country,  near  the  foot  of  a range  of  forest- 
covered  hills,  and  about  fifteen  miles  from  Sainte 
Marie.  It  had  been  the  chief  town  of  the  nation, 
and  its  population,  by  the  Indian  standard,  was  still 
large ; for  it  had  four  hundred  families,  and  at  least 
two  thousand  inhabitants.  It  was  well  fortified 
with  palisades,  after  the  Huron  manner,  and  was 
esteemed  the  chief  bulwark  of  the  country.  Here 
countless  Iroquois  had  been  burned  and  devoured. 
Its  people  had  been  truculent  and  intractable  hea- 
then, but  many  of  them  had  surrendered  to  the 
Faith,  and  for  four  years  past  Father  Daniel  had 
preached  among  them  with  excellent  results. 

1 Lalemant,  Relation,  1648,  11.  The  Jesuit  Bressani  had  come  down 
with  tlie  Hurons,  and  was  with  them  in  the  fight. 


1648.] 


ALARM. 


375 


On  the  morning  of  the  fourth  of  July,  when  the 
forest  around  basked  lazily  in  the  early  sun,  you 
might  have  mounted  the  rising  ground  on  which 
the  town  stood,  and  passed  unchallenged  through 
the  opening  in  the  palisade.  Within,  you  would 
have  seen  the  crowded  dwellings  of  bark,  shaped 
like  the  arched  coverings  of  huge  baggage-wagons, 
and  decorated  with  the  totems  or  armorial  de- 
vices of  their  owners  daubed  on  the  outside  with 
paint.  Here  some  squalid  wolfish  dog  lay  sleeping 
in  the  sun,  a group  of  Huron  girls  chatted  together 
in  the  shade,  old  squaws  pounded  corn  in  large 
wooden  mortars,  idle  youths  gambled  with  cherry- 
stones on  a wooden  platter,  and  naked  infants 
crawled  in  the  dust.  Scarcely  a warrior  was  to  be 
seen.  Some  were  absent  in  quest  of  game  or  of 
Iroquois  scalps,  and  some  had  gone  with  the  trad- 
ing-party to  the  French  settlements.  You  followed 
the  foul  passage-ways  among  the  houses,  and  at 
length  came  to  the  church.  It  was  full  to  the  door. 
Daniel  had  just  finished  the  mass,  and  his  fiock 
still  knelt  at  their  devotions.  It  was  but  the  day 
before  that  he  had  returned  to  them,  warmed  with 
new  fervor,  from  his  meditations  in  retreat  at  Sainte 
Marie.  Suddenly  an  uproar  of  voices,  shrill  with 
terror,  burst  upon  the  languid  silence  of  the  town. 
“ The  Iroquois  ! the  Iroquois  ! ” A crowd  of 
hostile  warriors  had  issu6d  from  the  forest,  and 
were  rushing  across  the  clearing,  towards  the  open- 
ing in  the  palisade.  Daniel  ran  out  of  the  church, 
and  hurried  to  the  point  of  danger.  Some  snatched 
weapons ; some  rushed  to  and  fro  in  the  madness 


376 


ANTOINE  DANIEL. 


L1648. 


of  a blind  panic.  The  priest  rallied  the  defenders  ; 
promised  Heaven  to  those  who  died  for  their  homes 
and  their  faith  ; then  hastened  from  house  to  house, 
calling  on  unhelievers  to  repent  and  receive  baptism, 
to  snatch  them  from  the  Hell  that  yawned  to  ingulf 
them.  They  crowded  around  him,  imploring  to  be 
saved ; and,  immersing  his  handkerchief  in  a bowl 
of  water,  he  shook  it  over  them,  and  baptized  them 
by  aspersion.  They  pursued  him,  as  he  ran  again 
to  the  church,  where  he  found  a throng  of  women, 
children,  and  old  men,  gathered  as  in  a sanctuary. 
Some  cried  for  baptism,  some  held  out  their  children 
to  receive  it,  some  begged  for  absolution,  and  some 
wailed  in  terror  and  despair.  “ Brothers,”  he  ex- 
claimed again  and  again,  as  he  shook  the  baptismal 
drops  from  his  handkerchief,  — “brothers,  to-day 
we  shall  be  in  Heaven.” 

The  fierce  yell  of  the  war-whoop  now  rose  close 
at  hand.  The  palisade  was  forced,  and  the  enemy 
was  in  the  town.  The  air  quivered  with  the  infer- 
nal din.  “Fly!”  screamed  the  priest,  driving  his 
flock  before  him.  “I  will  stay  here.  We  shall 
meet  again  in  Heaven.”  Many  of  them  escaped 
through  an  opening  in  the  palisade  opposite  to  that 
by  which  the  Iroquois  had  entered ; but  Daniel 
would  not  follow,  for  there  still  might  be  souls  to 
rescue  from  perdition.  The  hour  had  come  for 
which  he  had  long  prepared  himself  In  a moment 
he  saw  the  Iroquois,  and  came  forth  from  the 
church  to  meet  them.  When  they  saw  him  in 
turn,  radiant  in  the  vestments  of  his  office,  con- 
fronting them  with  a look  kindled  with  the  inspi- 


1648.] 


ST.  JOSEPH  DESTROYED. 


377 


ration  of  martyrdom,  they  stopped  and  stared  in 
amazement ; then  recovering  themselves,  bent  their 
bows,  and  showered  him  with  a volley  of  arrows, 
that  tore  through  his  robes  and  his  flesh.  A gun- 
shot followed ; the  ball  pierced  his  heart,  and  he 
fell  dead,  gasping  the  name  of  Jesus.  They  rushed 
upon  him  with  yells  of  triumph,  stripped  him 
naked,  gashed  and  hacked  his  lifeless  body,  and, 
scooping  his  blood  in  their  hands,  bathed  their 
faces  in  it  to  make  them  brave.  The  town  was  in 
a blaze ; when  the  flames  reached  the  church,  they 
flung  the  priest  into  it,  and  both  were  consumed 
together.^ 

Teanaustaye  was  a heap  of  ashes,  and  the  victors 
took  up  their  march  with  a train  of  nearly  seven 
hundred  prisoners,  many  of  whom  they  killed  on 
the  way.  Many  more  had  been  slain  in  the  town 
and  the  neighboring  forest,  where  the  pursuers 
hunted  them  down,  and  where  women,  crouching 
for  refuge  among  thickets,  were  betrayed  by  the 
cries  and  wailing  of  their  infants. 

The  triumph  of  the  Iroquois  did  not  end  here ; 
for  a neighboring  fortifled  town,  included  within 
the  circle  of  Daniel’s  mission,  shared  the  fate  of 
Teanaustaye.  Never  had  the  Huron  nation  re- 
ceived such  a blow. 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1649,  3-5;  Bressani,  Relation 
Ab^egee,  247 ; Du  Creux,  Ilistoria  Canadensis,  524 ; Tanner,  Societas  Jesu 
Militans,  531 ; Marie  de  ITncarnation,  Lettre  aux  Ursulines  de  Tours^ 
Quebec,  1649. 

Daniel  was  born  at  Dieppe,  and  was  forty-eight  years  old  at  the  time 
of  his  death.  He  had  been  a Jesuit  from  the  age  of  twenty. 

32* 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

1649. 

RUIN  OF  THE  HURONS. 

Sr.  Louis  on  Fire.  — Invasion. — St.  Ignace  captured.  — BRis- 
BEUF  AND  LaLEMANT.  — BaTTLE  AT  St.  LOUIS.  — SaINTE  MaRIH 
THREATENED.  — RENEWED  FiGIITING. — DeSPERATE  ConI'LICT.— 

A Night  of  Suspense.  — Panic  among  the  Victors.  — Burn 
iNG  OF  St.  Ignace.  — Retreat  of  the  Iroquois. 


More  than  eight  months  had  passed  since  the 
catastrophe  of  St.  Joseph.  The  winter  was  over, 
and  that  dreariest  of  seasons  had  come,  the  churlish 
forerunner  of  spring.  Around  Sainte  Marie  the 
forests  were  gray  and  bare,  and,  in  the  cornfields, 
the  oozy,  half-thawed  soil,  studded  with  the  sodden 
stalks  of  the  last  autumn’s  harvest,  showed  itself 
m patches  through  the  melting  snow. 

At  nine  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  sixteenth 
of  March,  the  priests  saw  a heavy  smoke  rising 
over  the  naked  forest  towards  the  south-east,  about 
three  miles  distant.  They  looked  at  each  other  in 
dismay.  “ The  Iroquois ! They  are  burning  St. 
Louis ! ” Flames  mingled  with  the  smoke ; and, 

as  they  stood  gazing,  two  Christian  Hurons  came, 
[378] 


1649.J 


THE  INVADERS. 


379 


breathless  and  aghast,  from  the  burning  town. 
Their  worst  fear  was  realized.  The  Iroquois  were 
there  ; but  where  were  the  priests  of  the  mission, 
Brebeuf  and  Lalemant? 

Late  in  the  autumn,  a thousand  Iroquois,  chiefly 
Senecas  and  Mohawks,  had  taken  the  war-path 
for  the  Ilurons.  They  had  been  all  winter  in  the 
forests,  hunting  for  subsistence,  and  moving  at 
their  leisure  towards  their  prey.  The  destruction 
of  the  two  towns  of  the  mission  of  St.  Joseph  had 
left  a wide  gap,  and  in  the  middle  of  March  they 
entered  the  heart  of  the  Huron  country,  undis- 
covered. Common  vigilance  and  common  sense 
would . have  averted  the  calamities  that  followed ; 
but  the  Hurons  were  like  a doomed  people,  stu- 
pefied, sunk  in  dejection,  fearing  everything,  yet 
taking  no  measures  for  defence.  They  could  easily 
have  met  the  invaders  with  double  their  force,  but 
the  besotted  warriors  lay  idle  in  their  towns,  or 
hunted  at  leisure  in  distant  forests ; nor  could  the 
Jesuits,  by  counsel  or  exhortation,  rouse  them  to 
face  the  danger. 

Before  daylight  of  the  sixteenth,  the  invaders 
approached  St.  Ignace,  which,  with  St.  Louis  and 
three  other  towns,  formed  the  mission  of  the  same 
name.  They  reconnoitred  the  place  in  the  dark- 
ness. It  was  defended  on  three  sides  by  a deep 
ravine,  and  further  strengthened  by  palisades  fifteen 
or  sixteen  feet  high,  planted  under  the  direction  of 
the  Jesuits.  On  the  fourth  side  it  was  protected 
by  palisades  alone ; and  these  were  left,  as  usual, 
unguarded.  This  was  not  from  a sense  of  security; 


380 


EUIN  OF  THE  HURONS. 


[1649. 


for  the  greater  part  of  the  population  had  aban- 
doned the  town,  thinking  it  too  much  exposed  to 
the  enemy,  and  there  remained  only  about  four 
hundred,  chiefly  women,  children,  and  old  men, 
whose  infatuated  defenders  were  absent  hunting, 
or  on  futile  scalping-parties  against  the  Iroquois. 
It  was  just  before  dawn,  when  a yell,  as  of  a legion 
of  devils,  startled  the  wretched  inhabitants  from 
their  sleep;  and  the  Iroquois,  bursting  in  upon 
them,  cut  them  down  with  knives  and  hatchets, 
killing  many,  and  reserving  the  rest  for  a worse 
fate.  They  had  entered  by  the  weakest  side ; on 
the  other  sides  there  was  no  exit,  and  only  three 
Hurons  escaped.  The  whole  was  the  work  of  a 
few  minutes.  The  Iroquois  left  a guard  to  hold 
the  town,  and  secure  the  retreat  of  the  main  body 
in  case  of  a reverse ; then,  smearing  their  faces 
with  blood,  after  their  ghastly  custom,  they  rushed, 
in  the  dim  light  of  the  early  dawn,  towards  St. 
Louis,  about  a league  distant. 

The  three  fugitives  had  fled,  half  naked,  through 
the  forest,  for  the  same  point,  which  they  reached 
about  sunrise,  yelling  the  alarm.  The  number  of 
inhabitants  here  was  less,  at  this  time,  than  seven 
hundred ; and,  of  these,  all  who  had  strength  to  es- 
cape, excepting  about  eighty  warriors,  made  in  wild 
terror  for  a place  of  safety.  Many  of  the  old,  sick, 
and  decrepit  were  left  perforce  in  the  lodges.  The 
warriors,  ignorant  of  the  strength  of  the  assailants, 
sang  their  war-songs,  and  resolved  to  hold  the  place 
to  the  last.  It  had  not  the  natural  strength  of  St. 
Ignace ; but,  like  it,  was  surrounded  by  palisades. 


1649.] 


BATTLE  AT  ST.  LOUIS. 


381 


Here  were  the  two  Jesuits,  Brebeuf  and  Lale- 
mant.  Brebeuf’s  converts  entreated  him  to  escape 
with  them ; but  the  Norman  zealot,  bold  scion  of 
a warlike  stock,  had  no  thought  of  flight.  His 
post  was  in  the  teeth  of  danger,  to  cheer  on  those 
who  fought,  and  open  Heaven  to  those  who  fell. 
His  colleague,  slight  of  frame  and  frail  of  constitu- 
tion, trembled  despite  himself ; but  deep  enthusiasm 
mastered  the  weakness  of  Nature,  and  he,  too,  re- 
fused to  fly. 

Scarcely  had  the  sun  risen,  and  scarcely  were  the 
fugitives  gone,  when,  like  a troop  of  tigers,  the  Iro- 
quois rushed  to  the  assault.  Yell  echoed  yell,  and 
shot  answered  shot.  The  Hurons,  brought  to  bay, 
fought  with  the  utmost  desperation,  and  with  ar- 
rows, stones,  and  the  few  guns  they  had,  killed 
thirty  of  their  assailants,  and  wounded  many  more. 
Twice  the  Iroquois  recoiled,  and  twice  renewed  the 
attack  with  unabated  ferocity.  They  swarmed  at 
the  foot  of  the  palisades,  and  hacked  at  them  with 
their  hatchets,  till  they  had  cut  them  through  at 
several  different  points.  For  a time  there  was  a 
deadly  fight  at  these  breaches.  Here  were  the  two 
priests,  promising  Heaven  to  those  who  died  for 
their  faith,  — one  giving  baptism,  and  the  other 
absolution.  At  length  the  Iroquois  broke  in,  and 
captured  all  the  surviving  defenders,  the  Jesuits 
among  the  rest.  They  set  the  town  on  Are  ; and  the 
helpless  wretches  who  had  remained,  unable  to 
fly,  were  consumed  in  their  burning  dwellings. 
Next  they  fell  upon  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant,  stripped 
them,  bound  them  fast,  and  led  them  with  the  other 


382 


RUIN  OF  THE  IIURONS. 


11049. 


prisoners  back  to  St.  Ignace,  where  all  turned  out 
to  wreak  their  fury  on  the  two  priests,  beating 
them  savagely  with  sticks  and  clubs  as  they  drove 
them  into  the  town.  At  present,  there  was  no  time 
for  further  torture,  for  there  was  work  in  hand. 

The  victors  divided  themselves  into  several  bands, 
to  burn  the  neighboring  villages  and  hunt  their 
hying  inhabitants.  In  the  hush  of  them  triumph, 
they  meditated  a bolder  enterprises  and,  in  the 
afternoon,  their  chiefs  sent  small  parties  to  recon- 
noitre Sainte  Marie,  with  a view  to  attacking  it  on 
the  next  day. 

Meanwhile  the  fugitives  of  St.  Louis,  joined  by 
other  bands  as  terrihed  and  as  helpless  as  they, 
were  struggling  through  the  soft  snow  which 
clogged  the  forests  towards  Lake  Huron,  where 
the  treacherous  ice  of  spring  was  still  unmelted. 
One  fear  expelled  another.  They  ventured  upon  it, 
and  pushed  forward  all  that  day  and  all  the  follow- 
ing night,  shivering  and  famished,  to  find  refuge 
in  the  towns  of  the  Tobacco  Nation.  Here,  when 
they  arrived,  they  spread  a universal  panic. 

Lagueneau,  Bressani,  and  their  companions  wait- 
ed in  suspense  at  Sainte  Marie.  On  the  one  hand, 
they  trembled  for  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant ; on  the 
other,  they  looked  hourly  for  an  attack : and  when 
at  evening  they  saw  the  Iroquois  scouts  prowling 
along  the  edge  of  the  bordering  forest,  their  fears 
were  confirmed.  They  had  with  them  about  forty 
Frenchmen,  well  armed ; but  their  palisades  and 
wooden  buildings  were  not  fire-proof,  and  they  had 
learned  from  fugitives  the  number  and  ferocity  of 


1649.] 


RENEWED  FIGHTING. 


383 


the  invaders.  They  stood  guard  all  night,  praying 
to  the  Saints,  and  above  all  to  their  great  patron, 
Saint  Joseph,  whose  festival  was  close  at  hand. 

In  the  morning  they  were  somewhat  relieved  by 
the  arrival  of  about  three  hundred  Huron  warriors, 
chiefly  converts  from  La  Conception  and  Sainte 
Madeleine,  tolerably  well  armed,  and  full  of  fight. 
Jliey  were  expecting  others  to  join  them  ; and 
meanwhile,  dividing  into  several  bands,  they  took 
post  by  the  passes  of  the  neighboring  forest, 
hoping  to  waylay  parties  of  the  enemy.  Their 
expectation  was  fulfilled ; for,  at  this  time,  two 
hundred  of  the  Iroquois  were  making  their  way 
from  St.  Ignace,  in  advance  of  the  main  body,  to 
begin  the  attack  on  Sainte  Marie.  They  fell  in 
with  a band  of  the  Hurons,  set  upon  them,  killed 
many,  drove  the  rest  to  headlong  flight,  and,  as 
they  plunged  in  terror  through  the  snow,  chased 
them  within  sight  of  Sainte  Marie.  The  other 
Hurons,  hearing  the  yells  and  firing,  ran  to  the 
rescue,  and  attacked  so  fiercely,  that  the  Iroquois 
in  turn  were  routed,  and  ran  for  shelter  to  St. 
Louis,  followed  closely  by  the  victors.  The  houses 
of  the  town  had  been  burned,  but  the  palisade 
around  them  was  still  standing,  though  breached 
and  broken.  The  Iroquois  rushed  in ; but  the 
Hurons  were  at  their  heels.  Many  of  the  fugitives 
were  captured,  the  rest  killed  or  put  to  utter  rout, 
and  the  triumphant  Hurons  remained  masters  of 
the  place. 

The  Iroquois  who  escaped  fled  to  St.  Ignace. 
Here,  or  on  the  way  thither,  they  found  the  main 


384 


EUIN  OF  THE  H'uEONS. 


[1649 


body  of  the  invaders ; and  when  they  heard  of 
the  disaster,  the  whole  swarm,  beside  themselves 
with  rage,  turned  towards  St.  Louis  to  take  their 
revenge.  Now  ensued  one  of  the  most  furious 
Indian  battles  on  record.  The  Hurons  within  the 
palisade  did  not  much  exceed  a hundred  and  fifty ; 
for  many  had  been  killed  or  disabled,  and  many, 
perhaps,  had  straggled  away.  Most  of  their  ene- 
mies had  guns,  while  they  had  but  few.  Their 
weapons  were  bows  and  arrows,  war-clubs,  hatch- 
ets, and  knives ; and  of  these  they  made  good  use, 
sallying  repeatedly,  fighting  like  devils,  and  driving 
back  their  assailants  again  and  again.  There  are 
times  when  the  Indian  warrior  forgets  his  cautious 
maxims,  and  throws  himself  into  battle  with  a 
mad  and  reckless  ferocity.  The  desperation  of 
one  party,  and  the  fierce  courage  of  both,  kept  up 
the  fight  after  the  day  had  closed ; and  the  scout 
from  Sainte  Marie,  as  he  bent  listening  under  the 
gloom  of  the  pines,  heard,  far  into  the  night,  the 
howl  of  battle  rising  from  the  darkened  forest. 
The  principal  chief  of  the  Iroquois  was  severely 
wounded,  and  nearly  a hundred  of  their  warriors 
were  killed  on  the  spot.  When,  at  length,  their 
numbers  and  persistent  fury  prevailed,  their  only 
prize  was  some  twenty  Huron  warriors,  spent  with 
fatigue  and  faint  with  loss  of  blood.  The  rest  lay 
dead  around  the  shattered  palisades  which  they 
had  so  valiantly  defended.  Fatuity,  not  cowardice, 
was  the  ruin  of  the  Huron  nation. 

The  lamps  burned  all  night  at  Sainte  Marie,  and 
its  defenders  stood  watching  till  daylight,  musket 


1649.] 


IROQUOIS  FEROCITY. 


385 


in  hand.  The  Jesuits  prayed  without  ceasing, 
and  Saint  Joseph  was  besieged  with  invocations. 
“ Those  of  us  w^ho  were  priests,”  writes  Rague- 
neau,  “ each  made  a vow  to  say  a mass  in  his 
honor  every  month,  for  the  space  of  a year ; and  all 
the  rest  bound  themselves  by  vows  to  divers  pern 
ances.”  The  expected  onslaught  did  not  take  place. 
Not  an  Iroquois  appeared.  Their  victory  had  been 
bought  too  dear,  and  they  had  no  stomach  for 
more  fighting.  All  the  next  day,  the  eighteenth, 
a stillness,  like  the  dead  lull  of  a tempest,  followed 
the  turmoil  of  yesterday,  — as  if,  says  the  Father 
Superior,  “ the  country  were  waiting,  palsied  with 
fright,  for  some  new  disaster.” 

On  the  following  day,  — the  journalist  fails  not 
to  mention  that  it  was  the  festival  of  Saint  Joseph, 
~ Indians  came  in  with  tidings  that  a panic  had 
seized  the  Iroquois  camp,  that  the  chiefs  could  not 
control  it,  and  that  the  whole  body  of  invaders  was 
retreating  in  disorder,  possessed  with  a vague 
terror  that  the  Hurons  were  upon  them  in  force. 
They  had  found  time,  however,  for  an  act  of  atro- 
cious cruelty.  They  planted  stakes  in  the  bark 
houses  of  St.  Ignace,  and  bound  to  them  those 
of  then  prisoners  whom  they  meant  to  sacrifice, 
male  and  female,  from  old  age  to  infancy,  hus- 
bands, mothers,  and  children,  side  by  side.  Then, 
as  they  retreated,  they  set  the  town  on  fire,  and 
laughed  with  savage  glee  at  the  shrieks  of  anguish 
that  rose  from  the  blazing  dwellings.^ 

1 The  site  of  St.  Ignace  still  bears  evidence  of  the  catastrophe,  in  the 
ashes  and  charcoal  that  indicate  the  position  of  the  houses,  and  the  frag- 

33 


386 


RUIN  or  THE  HURONS. 


[1649. 


They  loaded  the  rest  of  their  prisoners  with 
their  baggage  and  plunder,  and  drove  them 
through  the  forest  southward,  braining  with  their 
hatchets  any  who  gave  out  on  the  march.  An 
old  woman,  who  had  escaped  out  of  the  midst 
of  the  flames  of  St.  Ignace,  made  her  way  to 
St.  Michel,  a large  town  not  far  from  the  desolate 
site  of  St.  Joseph.  Here  she  found  about  seven 
hundred  Huron  warriors,  hastily  mustered.  She 
set  them  on  the  track  of  the  retreating  Iroquois, 
and  they  took  up  the  chase,  — but  evidently  with  no 
great  eagerness  to  overtake  their  dangerous  enemy, 
well  armed  as  he  was  with  Hutch  guns,  while  they 
had  little  beside  their  bows  and  arrows.  They 
found,  as  they  advanced,  the  dead  bodies  of  prison- 
ers tomahawked  on  the  march,  and  others  bound 
fast  to  trees  and  half  burned  by  the  fagots  piled 
hastily  around  them.  The  Iroquois  pushed  for- 
ward with  such  headlong  speed,  that  the  pursuers 
could  not,  or  would  not,  overtake  them ; and,  after 
two  days,  they  gave  over  the  attempt. 

merits  of  broken  pottery  and  half-consumed  bone,  together  with  trinkets 
of  stone,  metal,  or  glass,  which  have  survived  the  lapse  of  two  centuries 
and  more.  The  place  has  been  minutely  examined  by  Dr.  Tache. 


CHAPTEH  XXVIII 


1649. 

THE  MARTYRS. 

The  Ruins  of  St.  Ignace.  — The  Relics  found.  — Brebeuf  at 
THE  Stake.  — His  unconquerable  Fortitude.  — Lalemant.— 
Renegade  Hurons.  — Iroquois  Atrocities.  — Death  of  Bre- 
beuf.— His  Character. — Death  of  Lalemant. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twentieth,  the  Jesuits 
at  Sainte  Marie  received  full  confirmation  of  the 
reported  retreat  of  the  invaders  ; and  one  of  them, 
with  seven  armed  Frenchmen,  set  out  for  the  scene 
of  havoc.  They  passed  St.  Louis,  where  the  bloody 
ground  was  strown  thick  with  corpses,  and,  two 
or  three  miles  farther  on,  reached  St.  Ignace. 
Here  they  saw  a spectacle  of  horror ; for  among 
the  ashes  of  the  burnt  town  were  scattered  in  pro- 
fusion the  half-consumed  bodies  of  those  who  had 
perished  in  the  flames.  Apart  from  the  rest,  they 
saw  a sight  that  banished  all  else  from  their 
thoughts  ; for  they  found  what  they  had  come  to 
seek,  — the  scorched  and  mangled  relics  of  Bre- 
beuf and  Lalemant.^ 

1 “Us  y ti’ouuerent  vn  spectacle  d’horreur,  les  restes  de  la  cruautd 
mesme,  ou  plus  tost  les  restes  de  ram  our  de  Dieu,  qui  seul  triomphe  dana 
la  mort  des  Martyrs.”  — Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1G49,  13. 

[387] 


388 


THE  MARTYRS. 


[1G49. 


They  had  learned  their  fate  already  from  Huron 
prisoners,  many  of  whom  had  made  their  escape 
in  the  panic  and  confusion  of  the  Iroquois  retreat. 
They  described  what  they  had  seen,  and  the  con- 
dition in  which  the  bodies  were  found  confirmed 
their  story. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  sixteenth,  — the  day 
when  the  two  priests  were  captured,  — Brebeuf 
was  led  apart,  and  bound  to  a stake.  He  seemed 
more  concerned  for  his  captive  converts  than  for 
himself,  and  addressed  them  in  a loud  voice,  ex- 
horting them  to  suffer  patiently,  and  promising 
Heaven  as  their  reward.  The  Iroquois,  incensed, 
scorched  him  from  head  to  foot,  to  silence  him ; 
whereupon,  in  the  tone  of  a master,  he  threatened 
them  with  everlasting  flames,  for  persecuting  the 
worshippers  of  God.  As  he  continued  to  speak, 
with  voice  and  countenance  unchanged,  they  cut 
away  his  lower  lip  and  thrust  a red-hot  iron  down 
his  throat.  He  still  held  his  tall  form  erect  and 
defiant,  with  no  sign  or  sound  of  pain ; and  they 
tried  another  means  to  overcome  him.  They  led 
out  Lalemant,  that  Brebeuf  might  see  him  tortured. 
They  had  tied  strips  of  bark,  smeared  with  pitch, 
about  his  naked  body.  When  he  saw  the  condi- 
tion of  his  Superior,  he  could  not  hide  his  agitation, 
and  called  out  to  him,  with  a broken  voice,  in  the 
words  of  Saint  Paul,  “We  are  made  a spectacle  to 
the  world,  to  angels,  and  to  men.”  Then  he  threw 
himself  at  Brebeuf ’s  feet ; upon  which  the  Iroquois 
seized  him,  made  him  fast  to  a stake,  and  set  fire  to 
the  bark  that  enveloped  him.  As  the  flame  rose, 


1649.] 


CHARACTER  OF  BRi:BEUF. 


389 


he  threw  his  arms  upward,  with  a shriek  of  suppli- 
cation to  Heaven.  Next  they  hung  around  Bre- 
beuf’s  neck  a collar  made  of  hatchets  heated  red 
hot ; but  the  indomitable  priest  stood  like  a rock. 
A Huron  in  the  crowd,  who  had  been  a convert  of 
the  mission,  but  was  now  an  Iroquois  by  adoption, 
called  out,  with  the  malice  of  a renegade,  to  pour 
hot  water  on  their  heads,  since  they  had  poured  so 
much  cold  water  on  those  of  others.  The  kettle 
was  accordingly  slung,  and  the  water  boiled  and 
poured  slowly  on  the  heads  of  the  two  mission 
aries.  ‘‘We  baptize  you,”  they  cried,  “that  you 
may  be  happy  in  Heaven;  for  nobody  can  be  saved 
without  a good  baptism.”  Brebeuf  would  not  flinch ; 
and,  in  a rage,  they  cut  strips  of  flesh  from  his 
limbs,  and  devoured  them  before  his  eyes.  Other 
renegade  Hurons  called  out  to  him,  “You  told  us, 
that,  the  more  one  suffers  on  earth,  the  happier  he 
is  in  Heaven.  We  wish  to  make  you  happy ; 
we  torment  you  because  we  love  you ; and  you 
ought  to  thank  us  for  it.”  After  a succession  of 
other  revolting  tortures,  they  scalped  him;  when, 
seeing  him  nearly  dead,  they  laid  open  his  breast, 
and  came  in  a crowd  to  drink  the  blood  of  so 
valiant  an  enemy,  thinking  to  imbibe  with  it  some 
portion  of  his  courage.  A chief  then  tore  out  his 
heart,  and  devoured  it. 

Thus  died  Jean  de  Brebeuf,  the  founder  of  the 
Huron  mission,  its  truest  hero,  and  its  greatest  mar- 
tyr. He  came  of  a noble  race,  — the  same,  it  is 
said,  from  which  sprang  the  English  Earls  of  Arun- 
del ; but  never  had  the  mailed  barons  of  his  line 

33* 


390 


THE  MARTYRb. 


[1649. 


confronted  a fate  so  appalling,  with  so  prodigious  a 
constancy.  To  the  last  he  refused  to  flinch,  and 
“ his  death  was  the  astonishment  of  his  murderers*”^ 
In  him  an  enthusiastic  devotion  was  grafted  on  an 
heroic  nature.  His  bodily  endowments  were  as 
remarkable  as  the  temper  of  his  mind.  His  manly 
proportions,  his  strength,  and  his  endurance,  which 
incessant  fasts  and  penances  could  not  undermine, 
had  always  won  for  him  the  respect  of  the  Indians, 
no  less  than  a courage  unconscious  of  fear,  and  yet 
redeemed  from  rashness  by  a cool  and  vigorous  judg- 
ment ; for,  extravagant  as  were  the  chimeras  which 
fed  the  fires  of  his  zeal,  they  were  consistent  with  the 
soberest  good  sense  on  matters  of  practical  bearing. 

Lalemant,  physically  weak  from  childhood,  and 
slender  almost  to  emaciation,  was  constitutionally 
unequal  to  a display  of  fortitude  like  that  of  his 
colleague.  When  Brebeuf  died,  he  was  led  back 
to  the  house  whence  he  had  been  taken,  and  tor- 
tured there  all  night,  until,  in  the  morning,  one 
of  the  Iroquois,  growing  tired  of  the  protracted 
entertainment,  killed  him  with  a hatchet.^  It  was 
said,  that,  at  times,  he  seemed  beside  himself ; 
then,  rallying,  with  hands  uplifted,  he  offered  his 


1 Charlevoix,  I.  294.  Alegambe  uses  a similar  expression. 

2 “We  saw  no  part  of  his  body,”  says  Ragueneau,  “from  head  to 
foot,  which  was  not  burned,  even  to  his  eyes,  in  the  sockets  of  which 
thc'se  wretches  had  placed  live  cooXs,*’  — Relation  des  Hurons,  1649,  15. 

Lalemant  was  a Parisian,  and  his  family  belonged  to  the  class  of  gens 
de  robe,  or  hereditary  practitioners  of  the  law.  He  was  thirty-nine  years 
of  age.  His  physical  weakness  is  spoken  of  by  several  of  those  who  knew 
him.  Marie  de  ITncarnation  says,  “ C’etait  I’homme  le  plus  faible  el  le  plus 
delicat  qu’on  eut  pu  voir.”  Both  Bressani  and  Ragueneau  are  equally 
emphatic  on  this  point. 


1649.] 


EELIC  OF  BR^BEUF. 


891 


sufferings  to  Heaven  as  a sacrifice.  His  robust  com- 
panion had  lived  less  than  four  hours  under  the 
torture,  while  he  survived  it  for  nearly  seventeen. 
Perhaps  the  Titanic  effort  of  will  with  which  Bre- 
heuf  repressed  all  show  of  suffering  conspired  with 
the  Iroquois  knives  and  firebrands  to  exhaust  his 
vitality  ; perhaps  his  tormentors,  enraged  at  his  for- 
titude, forgot  their  subtlety,  and  struck  too  near  the 
life. 

The  bodies  of  the  two  missionaries  were  carried 
to  Sainte  Marie,  and  huried  in  the  cemetery  there ; 
hut  the  skull  of  Brebeuf  was  preserved  as  a relic. 
His  family  sent  from  France  a silver  bust  of  their 
martyred  kinsman,  in  the  base  of  which  was  a re- 
cess to  contain  the  skull ; and,  to  this  day,  the  bust 
and  the  relic  within  are  preserved  with  pious  care 
hy  the  nuns  of  the  Hotel-Dieu  at  Quebec.^ 

1 Photographs  of  the  bust  are  before  me.  Various  relics  of  the  two 
missionaries  were  preserved ; and  some  of  them  may  still  be  seen  in 
Canadian  monastic  establishments.  The  following  extract  from  a letter 
of  Marie  de  ITncarnation  to  her  son,  written  from  Quebec  in  October  of 
this  year,  1649,  is  curious. 

“ JMadame  our  foundress  [Madame  de  la  Peltrle)  sends  you  relics  of 
our  holy  martyrs;  but  she  does  it  secretly,  since  the  reverend  Fathers 
would  not  give  us  any,  for  fear  that  we  should  send  them  to  France : but, 
as  she  is  not  bound  by  vows,  and  as  the  very  persons  wlio  went  for  the 
bodies  have  given  relics  of  them  to  her  in  secret,  I begged  her  to  send 
you  some  of  them,  which  she  has  done  very  gladly,  from  the  respect  she 
has  for  you.”  She  adds,  in  the  same  letter,  “ Our  Lord  having  revealed 
to  him  [Bre'heuf)  the  time  of  his  martyrdom  three  days  before  it  happened, 
he  went,  full  of  joy,  to  find  the  other  Fathers  ; who,  seeing  him  in  extraor- 
dinary spirits,  caused  him,  by  an  inspiration  of  God,  to  be  bled ; after 
which  the  surgeon  dried  his  blood,  through  a presentiment  of  what  was 
to  take  place,  lest  he  should  be  treated  like  Father  Daniel,  who,  eight 
months  before,  had  been  so  reduced  to  ashes  that  no  remains  of  his  body 
could  be  found.” 

Brebeuf  had  once  been  ordered  by  the  Father  Superior  to  write  down 
tlie  visions,  revelations,  and  inward  experiences  with  which  he  was 


392 


THE  MAliTYRS. 


[1649. 


favored,  — ‘‘at  least,”  says  Ragueneau,  “those  which  he  could  easily  re- 
member, for  their  multitude  was  too  great  for  the  whole  to  be  recalled.” 
— “ I find  nothing,”  he  adds,  “ more  frequent  in  this  memoir  than  the 
expression  of  his  desire  to  die  for  Jesus  Christ : ‘ Sentio  me  vehementer 
impelH  ad  moriendum  pro  Christo*  ...  In  fine,  wishing  to  make  himself 
a holocaust  and  a victim  consecrated  to  death,  and  holily  to  anticipate 
the  happiness  of  martyrdom  which  awaited  him,  he  bound  himself  by 
vow  to  Christ,  which  he  conceived  in  these  terms  ” ; and  Ragueneau 
gives  the  vow  in  the  original  Latin.  It  binds  him  never  to  refuse  “ the 
grace  of  martyrdom,  if,  at  any  day.  Thou  shouldst,  in  Thy  infinite  pity, 
offer  it  to  me.  Thy  unworthy  servant ; ” . . . “ and  when  I shall  have 
received  the  stroke  of  death,  I bind  myself  to  accept  it  at  Thy  hand,  with 
all  the  contentment  and  joy  of  my  heart.” 

Some  of  his  innumerable  visions  have  been  already  mentioned.  (See 
ante,  p.  108.)  Tanner,  Societas  Mil  it  ans,  gives  various  others,  — as,  for  ex- 
ample, that  he  once  beheld  a mountain  covered  thick  with  saints,  but  above 
all  w’ith  virgins,  while  the  Queen  of  Virgins  sat  at  the  top  in  a blaze  of 
glory.  In  1637,  when  the  whole  country  was  enraged  against  the  Jes- 
uits, and  above  all  against  Brebeuf,  as  sorcerers  who  had  caused  the 
pest,  Ragueneau  tells  us  that  “ a troop  of  demons  appeared  before  him 
divers  times,  — sometimes  like  men  in  a fury,  sometimes  like  frightful 
monsters,  bears,  lions,  or  wild  horses,  trying  to  rush  upon  him.  These 
spectres  excited  in  him  neither  horror  nor  fear.  He  said  to  them,  ‘ Do  to 
me  whatever  God  permits  you;  for  without  His  will  not  one  hair  will  fall 
from  my  head.’  And  at  these  words  all  the  demons  vanished  in  a 
moment.”  — Relation  des  TIurons,  1649,  20.  Compare  the  long  notice  in 
Alegambe,  Mortes  Illustres,  644. 

In  Ragueneau’s  notice  of  Brebeuf,  as  in  all  other  notices  of  deceased 
missionaries  in  the  Relations,  the  saintly  qualities  alone  are  brought  for- 
ward, as  obedience,  humility,  etc. ; but  wherever  Brebeuf  himself  appears 
in  the  course  of  those  voluminous  records,  he  always  brings  with  him 
in  impression  of  power. 

We  are  told  that,  punning  on  his  own  name,  he  used  to  say  that  he 
was  an  ox,  fit  only  to  bear  burdens.  This  sort  of  humility  may  pass  for 
what  it  is  worth ; but  it  must  be  remembered,  that  there  is  a kind  of  act- 
ing in  which  the  actor  firmly  believes  in  the  part  he  is  playing.  As  for 
the  obedience,  it  was  as  genuine  as  that  of  a w'ell-disciplined  soldier,  and 
incomparably  more  profound.  In  the  case  of  the  Canadian  Jesuits, 
posterity  owes  to  this,  their  favorite  virtue,  the  record  of  numerous 
visions,  inward  voices,  and  the  like  miracles,  which  the  object  of  these 
favors  set  down  on  paper,  at  the  command  of  his  Suj>erior ; wdiile,  other- 
wise, humility  would  have  concealed  them  forever.  The  truth  is,  that, 
with  some  of  these  missionaries,  one  may  throw  off  trash  and  nonsense 
by  the  cart-load,  and  find  under  it  all  a solid  nucleus  of  saint  and  hero. 


CHAPTEH  XXIX. 


1649,  1650. 

THE  SANCTUARY. 

Dispersion  of  the  Hurons.  — Sainte  Marie  abandoned.  — Isle 
St.  Joseph.  — Removal  of  the  Mission.  — The  New  Fort. — 
Misery  of  the  Hurons.  — Famine.  — Epidemic.  — Employ- 
ments of  the  Jesuits. 

All  was  over  with  the  Hurons.  The  death-knell 
of  their  nation  had  struck.  Without  a leader, 
without  organization,  without  union,  crazed  with 
fright  and  paralyzed  with  misery,  they  yielded  to 
their  doom  without  a blow.  Their  only  thought 
was  flight.  Within  two  weeks  after  the  disasters 
of  St.  Ignace  and  St.  Louis,  fifteen  Huron  towns 
were  abandoned,  and  the  greater  number  burned, 
lest  they  should  give  shelter  to  the  Iroquois.  The 
last  year’s  harvest  had  been  scanty  ; the  fugitives 
had  no  food,  and  they  left  behind  them  the  fields 
in  which  was  their  only  hope  of  obtaining  it.  In 
bands,  large  or  small,  some  roamed  northward 
and  eastward,  through  the  half-thawed  wilderness  ; 
some  hid  themselves  on  the  rocks  or  islands  of  Lake 
Huron;  some  sought  an  asylum  among  the  Tobacco 

[ 393  I 


394: 


THE  SANCTUAKY. 


[1649 


Nation ; a few  joined  the  Neutrals  on  the  north  of 
Lake  Erie.  The  Hurons,  as  a nation,  ceased  to 
exist.^ 

Hitherto  Sainte  Marie  had  been  covered  by 
large  fortified  towns  which  lay  between  it  and  the 
Iroquois ; but  these  were  all  destroyed,  some  by 
the  enemy  and  some  by  their  own  people,  and  the 
Jesuits  were  left  alone  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the 
next  attack.  There  was,  moreover,  no  reason  for 
their  remaining.  Sainte  Marie  had  been  built  as 
a basis  for  the  missions ; but  its  occupation  was 
gone : the  flock  had  fled  from  the  shepherds,  and 
its  existence  had  no  longer  an  object.  If  the 
priests  stayed  to  be  butchered,  they  would  perish, 
not  as  martyrs,  but  as  fools.  The  necessity  was  as 
clear  as  it  was  bitter.  All  their  toil  must  come  to 
nought.  Sainte  Marie  must  be  abandoned.  They 
confess  the  pang  which  the  resolution  cost  them ; 
but,  pursues  the  Father  Superior,  “ since  the  birth 
of  Christianity,  the  Faith  has  nowhere  been  plant- 
ed except  in  the  midst  of  sufferings  and  crosses. 
Thus  this  desolation  consoles  us ; and  in  the  midst 
of  persecution,  in  the  extremity  of  the  evils  which 
assail  us  and  the  greater  evils  which  threaten  us, 
we  are  all  filled  with  joy:  for  our  hearts  tell  us 
that  God  has  never  had  a more  tender  love  for  us 
than  now.”  ^ 

1 Chauraonot,  who  was  at  Ossossane  at  the  time  of  the  Iroquoia 
invasion,  gives  a vivid  picture  of  the  panic  and  lamentation  which 
followed  the  news  of  the  destruction  of  the  Huron  warriors  at  St.  Louis, 
and  of  the  flight  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  country  of  the  Tobacco 
Nation,  — Vie,  62. 

Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hw'^ns,  1649,  26. 


1649.1 


DECISION  OF  THE  PRIESTS. 


395 


Several  of  the  priests  set  out  to  follow  and 
console  the  scattered  bands  of  fugitive  Hurons. 
One  embarked  in  a canoe,  and  coasted  the  dreary 
shores  of  Lake  Huron  northward,  among  the  wild 
labyrinth  of  rocks  and  islets,  whither  his  scared 
flock  had  fled  for  refuge;  another  betook  hmself  to 
tlie  forest  with  a band  of  half-famished  proselytes, 
and  shared  their  miserable  rovings  through  the 
thickets  and  among  the  mountains.  Those  who 
remained  took  counsel  together  at  Sainte  Marie. 
Whither  should  they  go,  and  where  should  be  the 
new  seat  of  the  mission]  They  made  choice  of  the 
Grand  Manitoulin  Island,  called  by  them  Isle  Sainte 
Marie,  and  by  the  Hurons  Ekaentoton.  It  lay  near 
the  northern  shores  of  Lake  Huron,  and  by  its  posi- 
tion would  give  a ready  access  to  numberless  Algon- 
quin tribes  along  the  borders  of  all  these  inland 
seas.  Moreover,  it  would  bring  the  priests  and 
their  flock  nearer  to  the  French  settlements,  by  the 
route  of  the  Ottawa,  whenever  the  Iroquois  should 
cease  to  infest  that  river.  The  fishing,  too,  was 
good ; and  some  of  the  priests,  who  knew  the  is- 
land well,  made  a favorable  report  of  the  soil. 
Thither,  therefore,  they  had  resolved  to  transplant 
the  mission,  when  twelve  Huron  chiefs  arrived,  and 
asked  for  an  interview  with  the  Father  Superior 
and  his  fellow  Jesuits.  The  conference  lasted  three 
hours.  The  deputies  declared  that  many  of  the 
scattered  Hurons  had  determined  to  reunite,  and 
form  a settlement  on  a neighboring  island  of  the 
lake,  called  by  the  Jesuits  Isle  St.  Joseph ; that 
they  needed  the  aid  of  the  Fathers ; that  without 


396 


THE  SANCTUARY. 


[1649. 


them  they  were  helpless,  but  with  them  they  could 
hold  their  ground  and  repel  the  attacks  of  the  Iro- 
quois. They  urged  their  plea  in  language  which 
Ragueneau  describes  as  pathetic  and  eloquent;  and, 
to  confirm  their  words,  they  gave  him  ten  large 
collars  of  wampum,  saying  that  these  were  the 
voices  of  their  wives  and  children.  They  gained 
their  point.  The  Jesuits  abandoned  their  former 
plan,  and  promised  to  join  the  Hurons  on  Isle 
St.  Joseph. 

They  had  built  a boat,  or  small  vessel,  and  in 
this  they  embarked  such  of  their  stores  as  it  would 
hold.  The  greater  part  were  placed  on  a large 
raft  made  for  the  purpose,  like  one  of  the  rafts 
of  timber  which  every  summer  float  down  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  Ottawa.  Here  was  their  stock 
of  corn,  — in  part  the  produce  of  their  own  fields, 
and  in  part  bought  from  the  Hurons  in  former  years 
of  plenty,  — pictures,  vestments,  sacred  vessels  and 
images,  weapons,  ammunition,  tools,  goods  for 
barter  with  the  Indians,  cattle,  swine,  and  poultry.^ 
Sainte  Marie  was  stripped  of  everything  that  could 
be  moved.  Then,  lest  it  should  harbor  the  Iro- 
quois, they  set  it  on  fire,  and  saw  consumed  in  an 
hour  the  results  of  nine  or  ten  years  of  toil.  It 
was  near  sunset,  on  the  fourteenth  of  June.^  The 

1 Some  of  these  were  killed  for  food  after  reaching  the  island.  In 
March  following,  they  had  ten  fowls,  a pair  of  swine,  two  bulls  and  two 
cows,  kept  for  breeding.  — Lettre  de  Ragueneau  au  General  de  la  Compagnie 
de  Jesus,  St.  Joseph,  13  Mars,  1650. 

2 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  3.  In  the  Relation  of  the 
preceding  year  he  gives  the  fifteenth  of  May  as  the  date,  — evidently  an 
error. 

“Nous  aortismes  de  ces  terres  de  Proraission  qui  estoient  nostro 


1649.] 


ISLE  ST.  JOSEPH. 


397 


houseless  band  descended  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Wye,  went  on  board  their  raft,  pushed  it  from 
the  shore,  and,  with  sweeps  and  oars,  urged  it  on 
its  way  all  night.  The  lake  was  calm  and  the 
w^eather  fair ; but  it  crept  so  slowly  over  the  water 
that  several  days  elapsed  before  they  reached  their 
destination,  about  twenty  miles  distant. 

Near  the  entrance  of  Matchedash  Bay  lie  the 
three  islands  now  known  as  Faith,  Hope,  and 
Charity.  Of  these,  Charity  or  Christian  Island, 
called  Ahoendoe  by  the  Hurons  and  St.  Joseph 
by  the  Jesuits,  is  by  far  the  largest.  It  is  six  or 
eight  miles  wide  ; and  when  the  Hurons  sought 
refuge  here,  it  was  densely  covered  with  the  prime- 
val forest.  The  priests  landed  with  their  men, 
some  forty  soldiers,  laborers,  and  others,  and  found 
about  three  hundred  Huron  families  bivouacked 
in  the  woods.  Here  were  wigwams  and  sheds 
of  bark,  and  smoky  kettles  slung  over  fires,  each 

Paradis,  et  oii  la  mort  nous  eust  este  mille  fois  plus  douce  que  ne  sera  la 
vie  en  quelque  lieu  que  nous  puissions  estre.  Mais  il  faut  suiure  Dieu, 
et  il  faut  aimer  ses  conduites,  quelque  opposees  qu’elles  paroissent  a nos 
desirs,  a nos  plus  saintes  esperances  et  aux  plus  tendres  amours  de  nostre 
coeur.  — Lettre  de  Ragueneau  au  P.  Provincial  a Paris,  in  Relation  des 
Hurons,  1650,  1. 

“ Mais  il  fallut,  a tons  tant  que  nous  estions,  quitter  cette  ancienne 
demeure  de  saincte  Marie ; ces  edifices,  qui  quoy  que  pauures,  parois- 
soient  des  chefs-d’oeuure  de  I’art  aux  yeux  de  nos  pauures  Sauuages  ; ces 
terres  cultiuees,  qui  nous  promettoient  vne  riche  moisson.  Il  nous  fallut 
abandonner  ce  lieu,  que  ie  puis  appeller  nostre  seconde  Patrie  et  nos 
delices  innocentes,  puis  qu’il  auoit  este  le  berceau  de  ce  Christianisme, 
qu’il  estoit  le  temple  de  Dieu  et  la  maison  des  seruiteurs  de  losus-Christ ; 
et  crainte  que  nos  ennemis  trop  impies,  ne  profanassent  ce  lieu  de 
sainctete  et  n’en  prissent  leur  auantage,  nous  y mismes  le  feu  nous 
mesmes,  et  nous  vismes  brusler  a nos  yeux,  en  moins  d’vne  lieure,  nos 
trauaux  de  neuf  et  de  dix  ans.”  — llagueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons, 
1650,  2,  3. 


34 


398 


THE  SANCTUARY. 


[1649. 


on  its  tripod  of  poles,  while  around  lay  groups 
of  famished  wretches,  with  dark,  haggard  visages 
and  uncombed  hair,  in  every  posture  of  despond- 
ency and  woe.  They  had  not  been  wholly  idle ; 
for  they  had  made  some  rough  clearings,  and 
planted  a little  corn.  The  arrival  of  the  Jesuits 
gave  them  new  hope ; and,  weakened  as  they 
were  with  famine,  they  set  themselves  to  the  task 
of  hewing  and  burning  down  the  forest,  making 
bark  houses,  and  planting  palisades.  The  priests, 
on  their  part,  chose  a favorable  spot,  and  began 
to  clear  the  ground  and  mark  out  the  lines  of  a fort. 
Their  men  — the  greater  part  serving  without  pay 
— labored  with  admirable  spirit,  and  before  win- 
ter had  built  a square,  bastioned  fort  of  solid 
masonry,  with  a deep  ditch,  and  walls  about  twelve 
feet  high.  Within  were  a small  chapel,  houses  for 
lodging,  and  a well,  which,  with  the  ruins  of  the 
walls,  may  still  be  seen  on  the  south-eastern  shore 
of  the  island,  a hundred  feet  from  the  water.‘ 
Detached  redoubts  were  also  built  near  at  hand, 
where  French  musketeers  could  aid  in  defending 
the  adjacent  Huron  village.^  Though  the  island 
was  called  St.  Joseph,  the  fort,  like  that  on  the 
Wye,  received  the  name  of  Sainte  Marie.  Jesuit 

1 The  measurement  betAveen  the  angles  of  the  two  southern  bastions 
is  123  feet,  and  that  of  the  curtain  wall  connecting  these  bastions  is  78 
feet.  Some  curious  relics  have  been  found  in  the  fort,  — among  others, 
a steel  mill  for  making  wafers  for  the  Host.  It  was  found  in  1848,  in  a 
remarkable  state  of  preservation,  and  is  now  in  an  English  museum, 
having  been  bought  on  the  spot  by  an  amateur.  As  at  Sainte  Marie  on 
the  Wye,  the  remains  are  in  perfect  conformity  with  the  narratives  and 
letters  of  the  priests. 

2 Compare  Martin,  Introduction  to  Bressam,  Relation  Ahr€g€e,  38. 


1649.] 


THE  REFUGEES. 


899 


devotion  scattered  these  names  broadcast  over  all 
the  field  of  their  labors. 

The  island,  thanks  to  the  vigilance  of  the 
French,  escaped  attack  throughout  the  summer ; 
but  Iroquois  scalping-parties  ranged  the  neigh- 
boring shores,  killing  stragglers  and  keeping  the 
Hurons  in  perpetual  alarm.  As  winter  drew  near, 
great  numbers,  who,  trembling  and  by  stealth, 
had  gathered  a miserable  subsistence  among  the 
northern  forests  and  islands,  rejoined  their  coun- 
trymen at  St.  Joseph,  until  six  or  eight  thousand 
expatriated  wretches  were  gathered  here  under  the 
protection  of  the  French  fort.  They  were  housed 
in  a hundred  or  more  bark  dwellings,  each  con- 
taining eight  or  ten  families.^  Here  were  widows 
without  children,  and  children  without  parents ; 
for  famine  and  the  Iroquois  had  proved  more 
deadly  enemies  than  the  pestilence  which  a few 
years  before  had  wasted  their  towns.^  Of  this 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  3,  4.  He  reckons  eight  per- 
sons to  a family. 

2 “ le  vondrois  pouuoir  representer  a toutes  les  personnes  affectionnees 
k nos  Hurons,  I’etat  pitoyable  auquel  ils  sont  reduits ; . . . comment 
seroit-il  possible  que  ces  imitateurs  de  lesus  Christ  ne  fussent  emeus  a 
pitie  a la  veue  des  centaines  et  centaines  de  veuues  dont  non  seulement 
les  enfans,  mais  quasi  les  parens  ont  este  outrageusement  ou  tuez,  ou 
emmenez  captifs,  et  puis  inhumainement  bruslez,  cuits,  dechirez  et  deu- 
orez  des  ennemis.” — Lettre  de  Chaunionot  a Lalemant,  Superieur  a QutleCf 
Isle  de  St.  Joseph,  1 Juin,  1649. 

“ Vne  mere  s’est  veue,  n’ayant  que  ses  deux  mamelles,  mais  sans  sue 
et  sans  laict,  qui  toutefois  estoit  I’vnique  chose  qu’elle  eust  peu  presenter 
a trois  ou  quatre  enfans  qui  pleuroient  y estans  attachez.  Elle  les  voyoit 
mourir  entre  ses  bras,  les  vns  apres  les  autres,  et  n’auoit  pas  mesme  les 
forces  de  les  pousser  dans  le  tombeau.  Elle  mouroit  sous  cette  charge, 
et  en  mourant  elle  di«o  t:  Ouy,  Mon  Dieu,  vous  estes  le  maistre  de  nos 
vies  ; nous  mourrons  puisque  vous  le  voulez ; voila  qui  est  bien  que  nous 
mourrions  Clirestiens.  I’estois  daranee,  et  mes  enfans  auec  moy,  si 


400 


THE  SANCTUARY. 


[1649-50. 


multitude  but  few  had  strength  enough  to  labor, 
scarcely  any  had  made  provision  for  the  winter, 
and  numbers  were  already  perishing  from  want, 
dragging  themselves  from  house  to  house,  like  liv- 
ing skeletons.  The  priests  had  spared  no  effort 
to  meet  the  demands  upon  their  charity.  They 
sent  men  during  the  autumn  to  buy  smoked  fish 
from  the  Northern  Algonquins,  and  employed  In- 
dians to  gather  acorns  in  the  woods.  Of  this 
miserable  food  they  succeeded  in  collecting  five 
or  six  hundred  bushels.  To  diminish  its  bitter- 
ness, the  Indians  boiled  it  with  ashes,  or  the  priests 
served  it  out  to  them  pounded,  and  mixed  with 
corn.^ 

As  winter  advanced,  the  Huron  houses  became 
a frightful  spectacle.  Their  inmates  were  dying  by 
scores  daily.  The  priests  and  their  men  buried  the 
bodies,  and  the  Indians  dug  them  from  the  earth 
or  the  snow  and  fed  on  them,  sometimes  in  secret 
and  sometimes  openly ; although,  notwithstanding 
their  superstitious  feasts  on  the  bodies  of  their  en- 
emies, their  repugnance  and  horror  were  extreme 
at  the  thought  of  devouring  those  of  relatives  and 
friends.^  An  epidemic  presently  appeared,  to  aid 

nous  ne  fussions  morts  miserables;  ils  ont  receu  le  sainct  Baptesme,  et 
ie  croy  fermement  que  mourans  tous  de  compagnie,  nous  ressusciteroiis 
tous  ensemble.”  — Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Ilurons,  1650,  5. 

1 Eight  hundred  sacks  of  this  mixture  were  given  to  the  Hurons 
during  the  winter. —Bressani,  Relation  Ahrdgee,  283. 

“ Ce  fut  alors  que  nous  fusmes  contraints  de  voir  des  squeletes 
mourantes,  qui  soustenoient  vne  vie  miserable,  mangeant  iusqu’aux  ordures 
et  les  rebuts  de  la  nature.  Le  gland  estoit  a la  pluspart,  ce  que  seroient 
en  France  les  mets  les  plus  exquis.  Les  charognes  mesme  deterrees,  les 
restes  des  Renards  et  des  Cbiens  ne  faisoient  point  horreur,  et  se  mange 
cient,  quoy  qu’en  cache te : car  quoy  que  les  Hurons,  auant  que  la  foy 


1649-50.]  OCCUPATIONS  OF  THE  PRIESTS. 


401 


the  work  of  famine.  Before  spring,  about  half  of 
their  number  were  dead. 

Meanwhile,  though  the  cold  was  intense  and  the 
snow  several  feet  deep,  yet  not  an  hour  was  free 
from  the  danger  of  the  Iroquois  ; and,  from  sunset 
to  daybreak,  under  the  cold  moon  or  in  the  driving 
snow-storm,  the  French  sentries  walked  their  rounds 
along  the  ramparts. 

The  priests  rose  before  dawn,  and  spent  the  time 
till  sunrise  in  their  private  devotions.  Then  the 
bell  of  their  chapel  rang,  and  the  Indians  came  in 
crowds  at  the  call;  for  misery  had  softened  their 
hearts,  and  nearly  all  on  the  island  were  now  Chris- 
tian. There  was  a mass,  followed  by  a prayer 
and  a few  words  of  exhortation ; then  the  hearers 
dispersed  to  make  room  for  others.  Thns  the 
little  chapel  was  filled  ten  or  twelve  times,  until  all 
had  had  their  turn.  Meanwhile  other  priests  were 
hearing  confessions  and  giving  advice  and  encour- 
agement in  private,  according  to  the  needs  of  each 
applicant.  This  lasted  till  nine  o’clock,  when  all 
the  Indians  returned  to  their  village,  and  the  priests 
presently  followed,  to  give  what  assistance  they 
could.  Their  cassocks  were  worn  out,  and  they 


leur  eust  donrie  plus  de  lumiere  qii’ils  n’en  auoieiit  dans  I’infidelite,  ne 
creussent  pas  commettre  auciin  peche  de  manger  leurs  ennemis,  aussi  peu 
qu’il  y en  a de  les  tuer,  toutefois  ie  puis  dire  auec  verite,  qu’ils  n’ont  pas 
moins  d’horreur  de  manger  de  leurs  compatriotes,  qu’on  peut  auoir  en 
France  de  manger  de  la  «hair  hurnaine.  Mais  la  necessite  n’a  plus  da 
loy,  et  des  dents  fameliques  ne  discernent  plus  ce  qu’elles  mangent.  Les 
meres  se  sent  repeues  de  leurs  enfans,  des  freres  de  leurs  freres,  et  des 
enfans  ne  reconnoissoient  plus  en  vn  cadaure  mort,  celuy  lequel  lors  qu’il 
viuoit,  ils  appelloient  leur  Fere.”  — Ragueneau  Relation  des  Hurons, 
1650,  4.  Compare  Bressanij,  Relation  Abregee,  283. 

34* 


402 


THE  SANCTUARY. 


[1649-50. 


were  dressed  chiefly  in  skins. ^ They  visited  the 
Indian  houses,  and  gave  to  those  whose  necessi- 
ties were  most  urgent  small  scraps  of  hide,  sever- 
ally stamped  with  a particular  mark,  and  entitling 
the  recipients,  on  presenting  them  at  the  fort,  to  a 
few  acorns,  a small  quantity  of  boiled  maize,  or  a 
fragment  of  smoked  fish,  according  to  the  stamp  on 
the  leather  ticket  of  each.  Two  hours  before  sun- 
set the  bell  of  the  chapel  again  rang,  and  the  relig- 
ious exercises  of  the  morning  ivere  repeated.^ 

Thus  this  miserable  winter  wore  away,  till  the 
opening  spring  brought  new  fears  and  new  ne- 
cessities.^ 


1 Le.ttre  de  RwjueneoAi  au  General  de  la  Compagnie  de  J^sus,  Isle  St. 
Joseph,  13  Mars,  1650. 

2 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hiirons,  1650,  6,  7. 

3 Concerning  the  retreat  of  the  Hurons  to  Isle  St.  Joseph,  the  principal 
authorities  are  the  Relations  of  1649  and  1650,  which  are  ample  in  detail, 
and  written  with  an  excellent  simplicity  and  modesty ; the  Relation 
Ahregee  oi  Bressani ; the  reports  of  the  Father  Superior  to  the  General 
of  the  Jesuits  at  Rome  ; the  manuscript  of  1652,  entitled  Me'moires  touchant 
la  Mart  et  les  Vertus  des  Peres,  etc.;  the  unpublished  letters  of  Gamier; 
and  a letter  of  Chaumonot,  written  on  the  spot,  and  preserved  in  the 
Relations. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


1649. 

GARNIER. CHABANEL. 

The  Tobacco  Missions.  — St.  Jean  attacked.  — Death  of  Gab« 

NiER.  — The  Journey  of  Chabanel.  — His  Death.  — Garreau 

AND  Grelon. 

Late  in  the  preceding  autumn  the  Iroquois  had 
taken  the  war-path  in  force.  At  the  end  of  Xo- 
vemher,  two  escaped  prisoners  came  to  Isle  St. 
Joseph  with  the  news  that  a band  of  three  hundred 
warriors  was  hovering  in  the  Huron  forests,  doubt- 
ful whether  to  invade  the  island  or  to  attack  the 
towns  of  the  Tobacco  Nation  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Blue  Mountains.  The  Father  Superior,  Rague- 
neau,  sent  a runner  thither  in  all  haste,  to  warn 
the  inhabitants  of  their  danger. 

There  were  at  this  time  two  missions  in  the 
Tobacco  Nation,  St.  Jean  and  St.  Matthias,^  — 
the  latter  under  the  charge  of  the  Jesuits  Garreau 
and  Grelon,  and  the  former  under  that  of  Gamier 
and  Chabanel.  St.  Jean,  the  principal  seat  of  the 

1 The  Indian  name  of  St.  Jean  was  Etarita;  and  that  of  St.  MatthiaS; 
Ekarennlondi. 


[403] 


404 


GAKNIER. 


[1649. 


mission  of  the  same  name,  was  a to’Wn  of  five  or 
six  hundred  families.  Its  population  was,  more- 
over, greatly  augmented  by  the  bands  of  fugitive 
Plurons  who  had  taken  refuge  there.  When  the 
warriors  were  warned  by  Hagueneau’s  messenger 
of  a probable  attack  from  the  Iroquois,  they  were 
far  from  being  daunted,  but,  confiding  in  their 
numbers,  awaited  the  enemy  in  one  of  those  fits 
of  valor  which  characterize  the  unstable  courage  of 
the  savage.  At  St.  Jean  all  was  paint,  feathers,  and 
uproar,  — - singing,  dancing,  howling,  and  stamp- 
ing. Quivers  were  filled,  knives  whetted,  and  toma- 
hawks sharpened ; but  when,  after  two  days  of 
eager  expectancy,  the  enemy  did  not  appear,  the 
warriors  lost  patience.  Thinking,  and  probably  with 
reason,  that  the  Iroquois  were  afraid  of  them,  they 
resolved  to  sally  forth,  and  take  the  offensive. 
AVith  yelps  and  whoops  they  defiled  into  the  forest, 
where  the  branches  were  gray  and  bare,  and  the 
ground  thickly  covered  with  snow.  They  pushed 
on  rapidly  till  the  following  day,  but  could  not  dis- 
cover their  wary  enemy,  who  had  made  a wide 
circuit,  and  was  approaching  the  town  from  anoth- 
er quarter.  By  ill  luck,  the  Iroquois  captured  a 
Tobacco  Indian  and  his  squaw,  straggling  in  the 
forest  not  far  from  St.  Jean;  and  the  two  prisoners, 
to  propitiate  them,  told  them  the  defenceless  condi- 
tion of  the  place,  where  none  remained  but  women, 
children,  and  old  men.  The  delighted  Iroquois  no 
longer  hesitated,  but  silently  and  swiftly  pushed  on 
towards  the  town. 

It  was  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  sev- 


1649.J 


HIS  DEATH. 


405 


entli  of  December.^  Chabanel  had  left  the  place 
a day  or  two  before,  in  obedience  to  a message 
from  Eagueneaii,  and  Gamier  was  here  alone.  He 
was  making  his  rounds  among  the  houses,  visiting 
the  sick  and  instructing  his  converts,  when  the  hor- 
rible din  of  the  war-whoop  rose  from  the  borders 
of  the  clearing,  and,  on  the  instant,  the  town  was 
mad  with  terror.  Children  and  girls  rushed  to  and 
fro,  blind  with  fright ; women  snatched  their  in- 
fants, and  fled  they  knew  not  whither.  Gamier 
ran  to  his  chapel,  where  a few  of  his  converts 
had  sought  asylum.  He  gave  them  his  benedic- 
tion, exhorted  them  to  hold  fast  to  the  Faith,  and 
bade  them  fly  while  there  was  yet  time.  For 
himself,  he  hastened  back  to  the  houses,  run- 
ning from  one  to  another,  and  giving  absolution 
or  baptism  to  all  whom  he  found.  An  Iroquois  met 
him,  shot  him  with  three  balls  through  the  body 
and  thigh,  tore  off  his  cassock,  and  rushed  on  in 
pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  Gamier  lay  for  a moment 
on  the  ground,  as  if  stunned ; then,  recovering  his 
senses,  he  was  seen  to  rise  into  a kneeling  posture. 
At  a little  distance  from  him  lay  a Huron,  mortally 
wounded,  but  still  showing  signs  of  life.  With  the 
Heaven  that  awaited  him  glowing  before  his  fading 
vision,  the  priest  dragged  himself  towards  the  dying 
Indian,  to  give  him  absolution ; but  his  strength 
failed,  and  he  fell  again  to  the  earth.  He  rose  once 
more,  and  again  crept  forward,  when  a party  of  Iro- 
quois rushed  upon  him,  split  his  head  with  two 
blows  of  a hatchet,  stripped  him,  and  left  his  body 

1 Bressani,  Rdaiion  Ahrdg^e,  264. 


406 


GAENIEE. 


[1649. 


on  the  ground.^  At  this  time  the  whole  town  was 
on  fire.  The  invaders,  fearing  that  the  absent  war- 
riors might  return  and  take  their  revenge,  hastened 
to  finish  their  work,  scattered  firebrands  every- 
Avhere,  and  threw  children  alive  into  the  burning 
houses.  They  killed  many  of  the  fugitives,  cap- 
tured many  more,  and  then  made  a hasty  retreat 
through  the  forest  with  their  prisoners,  butchering 
such  of  them  as  lagged  on  the  way.  St.  Jean  lay 
a waste  of  smoking  ruins  thickly  strewn  with  black- 
ened corpses  of  the  slain. 

Towards  evening,  parties  of  fugitives  reached 
St.  Matthias,  with  tidings  of  the  catastrophe.  The 
town  was  wild  with  alarm,  and  all  stood  on  the 
watch,  in  expectation  of  an  attack;  but  when,  in 
the  morning,  scouts  came  in  and  reported  the  re- 
treat of  the  Iroquois,  Garreau  and  Grelon  set  out 
with  a party  of  converts  to  visit  the  scene  of  havoc. 
For  a long  time  they  looked  in  vain  for  the  body 
of  Gamier;  but  at  length  they  found  him  lying 
where  he  had  fallen,  — so  scorched  and  disfigured, 
that  he  was  recognized  with  difficulty.  The  two 
priests  wrapped  his  body  in  a part  of  their  own 


1 The  above  particulars  of  Garnier’s  death  rest  on  the  evidence  of  a 
Christian  Huron  woman,  named  Marthe,  who  saw  him  shot  down,  and 
also  saw  his  attempt  to  reach  the  dying  Indian.  She  was  herself  struck 
down  immediately  after  with  a war-club,  but  remained  alive,  and  escaped 
in  the  confusion.  She  died  three  months  later,  at  Isle  St.  Joseph,  from 
the  effects  of  the  injuries  she  had  received,  after  reaffirming  the  truth 
of  her  story  to  Eagueneau,  who  was  with  her,  and  who  questioned  her 
on  the  subject.  {Memoires  touchant  la  Mort  et  les  Vertus  des  Peres  Gamier y 
etc.,  MS. ).  Eagueneau  also  speaks  of  her  in  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  9.  — 
The  priests  Grelon  and  Garreau  found  the  body  stripped  naked,  with 
three  gunshot  wounds  in  the  abdomen  and  thigh,  and  two  deep  hatchet 
wounds  in  the  head. 


1649.] 


HIS  DEATH. 


407 


clothing ; the  Indian  converts  dug  a grave  on  the 
spot  where  his  church  had  stood ; and  here  they 
buried  him.  Thus,  at  the  age  of  forty-four,  died 
Charles  Gamier,  the  favorite  child  of  wealthy  and 
noble  parents,  nursed  in  Parisian  luxury  and  ease, 
then  living  and  dying,  a more  than  willing  exile, 
amid  the  hardships  and  horrors  of  the  Huron  wil- 
derness. His  life  and  his  death  are  his  best  eu- 
logy. Brebeuf  was  the  lion  of  the  Huron  mission, 
and  Gamier  was  the  lamb  ; but  the  lamb  was  as 
fearless  as  the  lion.^ 

When,  on  the  following  morning,  the  warriors 
of  St.  Jean  returned  from  their  rash  and  bootless 

1 Garnier’s  devotion  to  the  mission  was  absolute.  He  took  little  or 
no  interest  in  the  news  from  France,  which,  at  intervals  of  from  one  to 
three  years,  found  its  way  to  the  Huron  towns.  His  companion  Bressani 
says,  that  he  would  walk  thirty  or  forty  miles  in  the  hottest  summer  day, 
to  baptize  some  dying  Indian,  when  the  country  was  infested  by  tlie  enemy. 
On  similar  errands,  he  would  sometimes  pass  the  night  alone  in  the  forest 
in  the  depth  of  winter.  He  was  anxious  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
Iroquois,  that  he  might  preach  the  Faith  to  them  even  out  of  the  midst 
of  the  fire.  In  one  of  his  unpublished  letters  he  writes,  “ Praised  be  our 
Lord,  who  punishes  me  for  my  sins  by  depriving  me  of  this  crown” 
(the  crown  of  martyrdom).  After  the  death  of  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant, 
he  writes  to  his  brother  : — 

“ Helas!  Mon  cher  frere,  si  ma  conscience  ne  me  convainquait  et  ne 
me  confondait  de  mon  infidclite  au  service  de  notre  bon  maitre,  je  'our- 
rais  esperer  quelque  favour  approchante  de  celles  qu’il  a failes  aux  bien* 
heuraux  martyrs  avec  qui  j’avais  le  bien  de  converser  sou  vent,  etant 
dans  les  memes  occasions  et  dangers  qu’ils  etaient,  mais  sa  justice  me 
fait  craindre  que  je  ne  demeure  toujours  indigne  d’une  telle  couronne.” 

He  contented  himself  with  the  most  wretched  fare  during  the  last 
years  of  fiunine,  living  in  good  measure  on  roots  and  acorns  ; “ although,” 
says  Ragueneau,  ” he  had  been  the  cherished  son  of  a rich  and  noble 
house,  on  whom  all  the  affection  of  his  father  had  centred,  and  who  had 
been  nourished  on  food  very  different  from  that  of  swine.” — Relation  des 
Uurons,  1650,  12. 

For  his  character,  see  Ragueneau,  Bressani,  Tanner,  and  Alegambe, 
who  devotes  many  pages  to  the  description  of  his  religious  traits;  but  the 
complexion  of  his  mind  is  best  reflected  in  his  private  letters. 


408 


CHABANEL. 


[1649. 


sally,  and  saw  the  ashes  of  their  desolated  homes 
and  the  ghastly  relics  of  their  murdered  families, 
they  seated  themselves  amid  the  ruin,  silent  and 
motionless  as  statues  of  bronze,  with  heads  bowed 
down  and  eyes  fixed  on  the  ground.  Thus  they  re- 
mained through  half  the  day.  Tears  and  wailing 
were  for  women ; this  was  the  mourning  of  war- 
riors. 

Garnier’s  colleague,  Chabanel,  had  been  recalled 
from  St.  Jean  by  an  order  from  the  Father  Supe- 
rior, who  thought  it  needless  to  expose  the  life  of 
more  than  one  priest  in  a position  of  so  much  dan- 
ger. He  stopped  on  his  way  at  St.  Matthias,  and 
on  the  morning  of  the  seventh  of  December,  the 
day  of  the  attack,  left  that  town  with  seven  or  eight 
Christian  Hurons.  The  journey  was  rough  and  dif- 
ficult. They  proceeded  through  the  forest  about 
eighteen  miles,  and  then  encamped  in  the  snow. 
The  Indians  fell  asleep ; but  Chabanel,  from  an 
apprehension  of  danger,  or  some  other  cause,  re- 
mained awake.  About  midnight  he  heard  a 
strange  sound  in  the  distance,  — a confusion  of 
fierce  voices,  mingled  with  songs  and  outcries.  It 
was  the  Iroquois  on  their  retreat  with  their  pris- 
oners, some  of  whom  were  defiantly  singing  their 
war-songs,  after  the  Indian  custom.  Chabanel 
waked  his  companions,  who  instantly  took  tlight. 
He  tried  to  follow,  but  could  not  keep  pace  with 
the  light-footed  savages,  who  returned  to  St.  Mat- 
thias, and  told  what  had  occurred.  They  said,  how- 
ever, that  Chabanel  had  left  them  and  taken  an 
opposite  direction,  in  order  to  reach  Isle  St.  Joseph. 


1649.] 


HIS  DEATH. 


409 


His  brother  priests  were  for  some  time  ignorant 
of  what  had  befallen  him.  At  length  a Huron 
Indian,  who  had  been  converted,  but  afterward 
apostatized,  gave  out  that  he  had  met  him  in  the 
forest,  and  aided  him  with  his  canoe  to  cross  a 
river  which  lay  in  his  path.  Some  supposed  that 
he  had  lost  his  way,  and  died  of  cold  and  hunger ; 
but  others  were  of  a different  opinion.  Their  sus- 
picion was  confirmed  some  time  afterwards  by  the 
renegade  Huron,  who  confessed  that  he  had  killed 
Chabanel  and  thrown  his  body  into  the  river,  after 
robbing  him  of  his  clothes,  his  hat,  the  blanket  or 
mantle  which  was  strapped  to  his  shoulders,  and 
the  bag  in  which  he  carried  his  books  and  papers. 
He  declared  that  his  motive  was  hatred  of  the 
Faith,  which  had  caused  the  ruin  of  the  Hurons.^ 
The  priest  had  prepared  himself  for  a worse  fate. 
Before  leaving  Sainte  Marie  on  the  Wye,  to  go 
to  his  post  in  the  Tobacco  Nation,  he  had  written 
to  his  brother  to  regard  him  as  a victim  destined  to 
the  fires  of  the  Iroquois.^  He  added,  that,  though 
he  was  naturally  timid,  he  was  now  wholly  indiffer- 
ent to  danger ; and  he  expressed  the  belief  that  only 
a superhuman  power  could  have  wrought  such  a 
change  in  him.^ 

I M^moires  touchant  la  Mort  et  les  Vertus  des  Peres,  etc.  MS. 

^ Ahregd  de  la  Vie  du  P.  Noel  Chabanel.  MS. 

3 “ le  suis  fort  apprehensif  de  mon  naturel ; toiitefois,  maintenant 
que  ie  vay  au  plus  grand  danger  et  qu’il  me  semble  que  la  mort  n’est  pas 
esloignee,  ie  ne  sens  plus  de  crainte.  Cette  disposition  ne  vient  pas  de 
moy.” — Relation  des  Ilurons,  1650,  18. 

The  following  is  the  vow  made  hy  Chahanel,  at  a time  when  his 
disgust  at  the  Indian  mode  of  life  heset  him  with  temptations  to  ask  to  he 
recalled  from  the  mission.  It  is  translated  from  the  Latin  original : — 

35 


410 


CHABANEL. 


[1G49 


Garreau  and  Grelon,  in  their  mission  of  St. 
Matthias,  were  exposed  to  other  dangers  than  those 
of  the  Iroquois.  A report  was  spread,  not  only 
that  they  were  magicians,  but  that  they  had  a se 
cret  understanding  with  the  enemy.  A nocturnal 
council  was  called,  and  their  death  was  decreed. 
In  the  morning,  a furious  crowd  gathered*  before  a 
lodge  which  they  were  about  to  enter,  screeching 
and  yelling  after  the  manner  of  Indians  when  they 
compel  a prisoner  to  run  the  gantlet.  The  two 
priests,  giving  no  sign  of  fear,  passed  through  the 
crowd  and  entered  the  lodge  unharmed.  Hatchets 
were  brandished  over  them,  but  no  one  would  be 
the  fhst  to  strike.  Their  converts  were  amazed  at 
their  escape,  and  they  themselves  ascribed  it  to 
the  interposition  of  a protecting  Providence.  The 
Huron  missionaries  were  doubly  in  danger,  — not 
more  from  the  Iroquois  than  from  the  blind  rage  of 
those  who  should  have  been  their  friends.^ 

“My  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who,  in  the  admirable  disposition  of  thy 
paternal  providence,  hast  willed  that  I,  although  most  unworthy,  should 
be  a co-laborer  with  the  holy  Apostles  in  this  vineyard  of  the  Plurons, — 
I,  Noel  Chabanel,  impelled  by  the  desire  of  fulfilling  thy  holy  will  in  ad- 
vancing the  conversion  of  the  savages  of  this  land  to  thy  faith,  do  vow,  in 
the  presence  of  the  most  holy  sacrament  of  thy  precious  body  and  blood, 
which  is  God’s  tabernacle  among  men,  to  remain  perpetually  attached  to 
this  mission  of  the  Hurons,  understanding  all  things  according  to  the  in- 
terpretation and  disposal  of  the  Superiors  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  There- 
fore I entreat  thee  to  receive  me  as  the  perpetual  servant  of  this  mission, 
and  to  render  me  worthy  of  so  sublime  a ministry.  Amen.  This 
twentieth  day  of  June,  1647.” 

t Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  20. 

One  of  these  two  missionaries,  Garreau,  was  afterwards  killed  by  the 
Iroquois,  who  shot  him  through  the  spine,  in  1656,  near  Montreal.  — De 
Quen,  Relation,  1656,  41. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


1650-1652. 

THE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED. 

Famine  and  the  Tomahawk.  — A New  Asylum.  — Voyage  op  the 
Refugees  to  Quebec.  — Meeting  with  Bressani.  — Desperate 
Courage  op  the  Iroquois. — Inroads  and  Battles. — Death 
op  Buteux. 


As  spring  approached,  the  starving  multitude 
on  Isle  St.  Joseph  grew  reckless  with  hunger. 
Along  the  main  shore,  in  spots  where  the  sun  lay 
warm,  the  spring  fisheries  had  already  begun,  and 
the  melting  snow  was  uncovering  the  acorns  in  the 
woods.  There  was  danger  everywhere,  for  bands 
of  Iroquois  were  again  on  the  track  of  their  prey.^ 
The  miserable  Hurons,  gnawed  with  inexorable 
famine,  stood  in  the  dilemma  of  a deadly  peril  and 
an  assured  death.  They  chose  the  former ; and, 
early  in  March,  began  to  leave  their  island  and 

1 “ Mais  le  Printemps  estant  venu,  les  Iroquois  nous  furent  encore 
plus  cruels ; et  ce  sont  eux  qui  vrayement  ont  ruine  toutes  nos  espe- 
rances,  et  qui  ont  fait  vn  lieu  d’horreur,  vne  terre  de  sang  et  de  carnage, 
vn  theatre  de  cruaute  et  vn  sepulchre  de  carcasses  decharnees  par  les 
langueurs  d’vne  longue  famine,  d’vn  pais  de  benediction,  d’vne  terre  de 
Saintete  et  d’vn  lieu  qui  n’auoit  plus  rien  de  barbare,  depuis  que  le  sang 
respandu  pour  son  amour  auoit  rendu  tout  son  peuple  Chrestien.”  — 
Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  23. 


14111 


412 


THE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED. 


[1650. 


cross  to  the  main-land,  to  gather  what  sustenance 
they  could.  The  ice  was  still  thick,  but  the 
advancing  season  had  softened  it;  and,  as  a body 
of  them  were  crossing,  it  broke  under  their  feet. 
Some  were  drowned ; while  others  dragged  them- 
selves out,  drenched  and  pierced  with  cold,  to  die 
miserably  on  the  frozen  lake,  before  they  could  reach 
a shelter.  Other  parties,  more  fortunate,  gained 
the  shore  safely,  and  began  their  fishing,  divided 
into  companies  of  from  eight  or  ten  to  a hundred 
persons.  But  the  Iroquois  were  in  wait  for  them.  A 
large  band  of  warriors  had  already  made  their  way, 
through  ice  and  snow,  from  their  towns  in  Central 
New  York.  They  surprised  the  Huron  fishermen, 
surrounded  them,  and  cut  them  in  pieces  without 
resistance,  — tracking  out  the  various  parties  of 
their  victims,  and  hunting  down  fugitives  with  such 
persistency  and  skill,  that,  of  all  who  had  gone 
over  to  the  main,  the  Jesuits  knew  of  but  one  who 
escaped.^ 

“My  pen,”  writes  Eagueneau,  “ has  no  ink  black 


1 “Le  iour  de  I’Annonciation,  vingt-cinquiesme  de  Mars,  vnft  armee 
dTroquois  ayans  marche  prez  de  deux  cents  lieues  de  pa'is,  a trauers  les 
glaces  et  les  neges,  trauersans  les  inontagnes  et  les  forests  pleines  d’hor- 
reur,  surprirent  au  commencement  de  la  nuit  le  camp  de  nos  Chrestiens, 
et  en  firent  vne  cruelle  bouclierie.  II  sembloit  que  le  Ciel  conduisit 
toutes  lenrs  demarches  et  qu’ils  eurent  vn  Ange  pour  guide : car  ils 
diuiserent  leurs  troupes  auec  tant  de  bon-beur,  qu’ils  trouuerent  en  moins 
de  deux  iours,  toutes  les  bandes  de  nos  Chrestiens  qui  estoient  dispersees 
9a  et  la,  esloignees  les  vnes  des  autres  de  six,  sept  et  huit  lieues,  cent  per- 
sonnes  en  vn  lieu,  en  vn  autre  cinquante ; et  mesme  il  y auoit  quelques 
families  solitaires,  qui  s’estoient  escartees  en  des  lieux  moins  connus  et 
hors  de  tout  chemin.  Chose  estrange  ! de  tout  ce  monde  dissipe,  vn  seul 
homme  s’eschappa,  qui  vint  nous  en  apporter  les  nouuelles.”  — Rague- 
neau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  23,  24. 


1650.] 


DESPAIR. 


413 


enough  to  describe  the  fury  of  the  Iroquois.”  Still 
the  goadiiigs  of  famine  were  relentless  and  irresisti- 
ble. “ It  is  said,”  adds  the  Father  Superior,  “ that 
hunger  will  drive  wolves  from  the  forest.  So,  too^ 
our  starving  Hurons  were  driven  out  of  a town 
which  had  become  an  abode  of  horror.  It  was  the 
end  of  Lent.  Alas,  if  these  poor  Christians  could 
have  had  but  acorns  and  water  to  keep  their  hxst 
upon ! On  Easter  Day  we  caused  them  to  make 
a general  confession.  On  the  following  morning 
they  went  away,  leaving  us  all  their  little  possess- 
ions ; and  most  of  them  declared  publicly  that  they 
made  us  their  heirs,  knowing  well  that  they  were 
near  their  end.  And,  in  fact,  only  a few  days 
passed  before  we  heard  of  the  disaster  which  we 
had  foreseen.  These  poor  people  fell  into  ambus- 
cades of  our  Iroquois  enemies.  Some  were  killed 
on  the  spot ; some  were  dragged  into  captivity ; 
women  and  children  were  burned.  A few  made 
their  escape,  and  spread  dismay  and  panic  every- 
where. A week  after,  another  band  was  overtaken 
by  the  same  fate.  Go  where  they  would,  they  met 
with  slaughter  on  all  sides.  Famine  pursued  them, 
or  they  encountered  an  enemy  more  cruel  than 
cruelty  itself ; and,  to  crown  their  misery,  they 
heard  that  two  great  armies  of  Iroquois  were  on 
the  way  to  exterminate  them.  . . . Despair  was 
universal.” " 

The  Jesuits  at  St.  Joseph  knew  not  what  course 
to  take.  The  doom  of  their  flock  seemed  inevit- 
able. When  dismay  and  despondency  were  at 

^ Ragueneau,  Helation  des  Hurons,  1650,  24. 


414 


IHE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED. 


[1650. 


their  height,  two  of  the  principal  Huron  chiefs 
came  to  the  fort,  and  asked  an  interview  with 
Ragueneau  and  his  companions.  They  told  them 
that  the  Indians  had  held  a council  the  night 
before,  and  resolved  to  abandon  the  island.  Some 
would  disperse  in  the  most  remote  and  inaccessi- 
ble forests ; others  would  take  refuge  in  a distant 
spot,  apparently  the  Grand  Manitoulin  Island ; 
others  would  try  to  reach  the  Andastes ; and  others 
would  seek  safety  in  adoption  and  incorporation 
with  the  Iroquois  themselves. 

“ Take  courage,  brother,”  continued  one  of  the 
chiefs,  addressing  Ragueneau.  ‘‘  You  can  save  us, 
if  you  will  but  resolve  on  a bold  step.  Choose  a 
place  where  you  can  gather  us  together,  and  pre- 
vent this  dispersion  of  our  people.  Turn  your 
eyes  towards  Quebec,  and  transport  thither  what  is 
left  of  this  ruined  country.  Do  not  wait  till  war 
and  famine  have  destroyed  us  to  the  last  man. 
We  are  in  your  hands.  Death  has  taken  from 
you  more  than  ten  thousand  of  us.  If  you  wait 
longer,  not  one  will  remain  alive ; and  then  you 
will  be  sorry  that  you  did  not  save  those  whom 
you  might  have  snatched  from  danger,  and  who 
showed  you  the  means  of  doing  so.  If  you  do  as 
we  wish,  we  will  form  a church  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  fort  at  Quebec.  Our  faith  will  not  be 
extinguished.  The  examples  of  the  French  and 
the  Algonquins  will  encourage  us  in  our  duty, 
and  their  charity  will  relieve  some  of  our  misery. 
At  least,  we  shall  sometimes  find  a morsel  of 
bread  for  our  children,  who  so  long  have  had 


1650.] 


DEPARTUllE 


415 


nothing  but  bitter  roots  and  acorns  to  keep  them 
alive.”  ^ 

The  Jesuits  were  deeply  moved.  They  con- 
sulted together  again  and  again,  and  prayed  in 
turn  during  forty  hours  without  ceasing,  that  their 
minds  might  be  enlightened.  At  length  they  re- 
solved to  grant  the  petition  of  the  two  chiefs,  and 
save  the  poor  remnant  of  the  Hurons,  by  lead- 
ing them  to  an  asylum  where  there  was  at  least  a 
hope  of  safety.  Their  resolution  once  taken,  they 
pushed  their  preparations  with  all  speed,  lest  the 
Iroquois  might  learn  their  purpose,  and  lie  in  wait 
to  cut  them  off.  Canoes  were  made  ready,  and  on 
the  tenth  of  June  they  began  the  voyage,  with  all 
their  French  followers  and  about  three  hundi’ed 
Flurons.  The  Huron  mission  was  abandoned. 

“ It  was  not  without  tears,”  writes  the  Father 
Superior,  “ that  we  left  the  country  of  our  hopes  and 
our  hearts,  where  our  brethren  had  gloriously  shed 
their  blood.”  ^ The  fleet  of  canoes  held  its  melan- 
choly way  along  the  shores  where  two  years  before 
had  been  the  seat  of  one  of  the  chief  savage  com- 
munities of  the  continent,  and  where  now  all  was  a 
waste  of  death  and  desolation.  Then  they  steered 
northward,  along  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Georgian 
Bay,  with  its  countless  rocky  islets ; and  everywhere 
they  saw  the  traces  of  the  Iroquois.  When  they 
reached  Lake  Nipissing,  they  found  it  deserted,  — 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  25.  It  appears  from  tlie  MS. 
Journal  des  Sup&ieurs  des  Jdsuites,  that  a plan  of  bringing  the  remnant 
of  the  Hurons  to  Quebec  was  discussed  and  approved  by  Lalemant  and 
his  associates,  in  a council  held  by  them  at  that  place  in  April. 

Compare  Bressani,  Relation  Ahr€gee,  288. 


416 


THE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED. 


[1650. 


nothing  remaining  of  the  Algonquins  who  dwelt  on 
its  shore,  except  the  ashes  of  their  burnt  wigwams. 
A little  farther  on,  there  was  a fort  built  of  trees, 
where  the  Iroquois  who  made  this  desolation  had 
spent  the  winter  ; and  a league  or  two  below,  there 
was  another  similar  fort.  The  Eiver  Ottaw^a  was  a 
solitude.  The  Algonquins  of  Allumette  Island  and 
the  shores  adjacent  had  all  been  killed  or  driven 
away,  never  again  to  return.  “ When  I came  up 
this  great  river,  only  thirteen  years  ago,”  writes 
Ragueneau,  “ I found  it  bordered  with  Algonquin 
tribes,  who  knew  no  God,  and,  in  their  infidelity, 
thought  themselves  gods  on  earth ; for  they  had 
all  that  they  desired,  abundance  of  fish  and  game, 
and  a prosperous  trade  with  allied  nations  : besides, 
they  were  the  terror  of  their  enemies.  But  since 
they  have  embraced  the  Faith  and  adored  the  cross 
of  Christ,  He  has  given  them  a heavy  share  in  this 
cross,  and  made  them  a prey  to  misery,  torture, 
and  a cruel  death.  In  a word,  they  are  a people 
swept  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  Our  only 
consolation  is,  that,  as  they  died  Christians,  they 
have  a part  in  the  inheritance  of  the  true  chil- 
dren of  God,  who  scourgeth  every  one  whom  He 
receiveth.”^ 

As  the  voyagers  descended  the  river,  they  had  a 
serious  alarm.  Their  scouts  came  in,  and  reported 
that  they  had  found  fresh  footprints  of  men  in  the 
forest.  These  proved,  however,  to  be  the  tracks, 

^ Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1650,  27.  These  Algonquins  of  the 
Ottawa,  though  broken  and  dispersed,  were  not  destroyed,  as  Ragueneau 
supposes 


1650.1 


IROQUOIS  DARING. 


417 


not  of  enemies,  but  of  friends.  In  the  preceding 
autumn  Bressani  had  gone  down  to  the  French 
settlements  with  about  twenty  Hurons,  and  was  now 
returning  with  them,  and  twice  their  number  of 
armed  Frenchmen,  for  the  defence  of  the  mission. 
His  scouts  had  also  been  alarmed  by  discovering  the 
footprints  of  Bagueneau’s  Indians  ; and  for  some 
time  the  two  parties  stood  on  their  guard,  each 
taking  the  other  for  an  enemy.  When  at  length 
they  discovered  their  mistake,  they  met  with  em- 
braces and  rejoicing.  Bressani  and  his  Frenchmen 
had  come  too  late.  All  was  over  with  the  Hurons 
and  the  Huron  mission;  and,  as  it  was  useless  to  go 
farther,  they  joined  Bagueneau’s  party,  and  retraced 
their  course  for  the  settlements. 

A day  or  two  before,  they  had  had  a sharp  taste 
of  the  mettle  of  the  enemy.  Ten  Iroquois  warriors 
had  spent  the  winter  in  a little  fort  of  felled  trees 
on  the  borders  of  the  Ottawa,  hunting  for  sub- 
sistence, and  waiting  to  waylay  some  passing  canoe 
of  Hurons,  Algonquins,  or  Frenchmen.  Bressani’s 
party  outnumbered  them  six  to  one ; but  they  re- 
solved that  it  should  not  pass  without  a token  of 
their  presence.  Late  on  a dark  night,  the  French 
and  Hurons  lay  encamped  in  the  forest,  sleeping 
about  their  fires.  They  had  set  guards:  but  these, 
it  seems,  were  drowsy  or  negligent ; for  the  ten 
Iroquois,  watching  their  time,  approached  with  the 
stealth  of  lynxes,  and  glided  like  shadows  into 
the  midst  of  the  camp,  where,  by  the  dull  glow 
of  the  smouldering  fires,  they  could  distinguish  the 
recumbent  figures  of  their  victims.  Suddenly  they 


418 


THE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED, 


[1660. 


screeched  the  war-whoop,  and  struck  like  lightning 
with  their  hatchets  among  the  sleepers.  Seven 
were  killed  before  the  rest  could  spring  to  their 
weapons.  Bressani  leaped  up,  and  received  on  the 
instant  three  arrow-wounds  in  the  head.  The  Iro- 
quois were  surrounded,  and  a desperate  fight  en- 
sued in  the  dark.  Six  of  them  were  killed  on  the 
spot,  and  two  made  prisoners  ; while  the  remaining 
two,  breaking  througli  the  crowd,  bounded  out  of 
the  camp  and  escaped  in  the  forest. 

The  united  parties  soon  after  reached  Montreal ; 
but  the  Ilurons  refused  to  remain  in  a spot  so  ex- 
posed to  the  Iroquois.  Accordingly,  they  all  de- 
scended the  St.  Lawrence,  and  at  length,  on  the 
twenty-eighth  of  July,  reached  Quebec.  Here  the 
Ursulines,  the  hospital  nuns,  and  the  inhabitants 
taxed  their  resources  to  the  utmost  to  provide  food 
and  shelter  for  the  exiled  Ilurons.  Their  good- 
will exceeded  their  powder ; for  food  was  scarce  at 
Quebec,  and  the  Jesuits  themselves  had  to  bear  the 
chief  burden  of  keeping  the  sufferers  alive. ^ 

But,  if  famine  was  an  evil,  the  Iroquois  were  a 
far  greater  one ; for,  while  the  western  nations  of 
their  confederacy  were  engrossed  with  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Ilurons,  the  Mohawks  kept  up  incessant 
attacks  on  the  Algonquins  and  the  French.  A 
party  of  Christian  Indians,  chiefly  from  Sillery, 
planned  a stroke  of  retaliation,  and  set  out  for  the 
Mohawk  country,  marching  cautiously  and  sending 
forward  scouts  to  scour  the  forest.  One  of  these,  a 
Huron,  suddenly  fell  in  with  a large  Iroquois  war- 

1 Compare  Juchereau,  Ilistoire  de  I* HoteUDieu,  79,  80. 


1650.] 


A HURON  TRAITOR. 


419 


party,  and,  seeing  that  he  could  not  escape,  formed 
on  the  instant  a villanous  plan  to  save  himself. 
He  ran  towards  the  enemy,  crying  out,  that  he  had 
long  been  looking  for  them  and  was  delighted  to 
see  them ; that  his  nation,  the  Hurons,  had  com.e 
to  an  end ; and  that  henceforth  his  country  was  the 
country  of  the  Iroquois,  where  so  many  of  his  kins- 
men and  friends  had  been  adopted.  He  had  come, 
he  declared,  with  no  other  thought  than  that  of 
joining  them,  and  turning  Iroquois,  as  they  had 
done.  The  Iroquois  demanded  if  he  had  come 
alone.  He  answered,  ‘‘  No,”  and  said,  that,  in  order 
to  accomplish  his  purpose,  he  had  joined  an  Algon- 
quin war-party  who  were  in  the  woods  not  far 
off.  The  Iroquois,  in  great  delight,  demanded  to 
be  shown  where  they  were.  This  Judas,  as  the 
Jesuits  call  him,  at  once  complied ; and  the  Algon- 
quins  were  surprised  by  a sudden  onset,  and  routed 
with  severe  loss.  The  treacherous  Huron  was  well 
treated  by  the  Iroquois,  who  adopted  him  into  their 
nation.  Not  long  after,  he  came  to  Canada,  and, 
with  a view,  as  it  was  thought,  to  some  further 
treachery,  rejoined  the  French.  A sharp  cross- 
questioning put  him  to  confusion,  and  he  presently 
confessed  his  guilt,  tie  was  sentenced  to  death ; 
and  the  sentence  was  executed  by  one  of  his  own 
countrymen,  who  split  his  head  with  a hatchet.^ 

In  the  course  of  the  summer,  the  French  at 
Three  Fivers  became  aware  that  a band  of  Iroquois 
was  prowling  in  the  neighborhood,  and  sixty  men 
went  out  to  meet  them.  Far  from  retreating,  the 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation,  1650,  30. 


42U 


THE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED.  [1651-52. 


Iroquois,  who  were  about  twenty-five  in  number, 
got  out  of  their  canoes,  and  took  post,  waist-deep 
in  mud  and  water,  among  the  tall  rushes  at  the 
margin  of  the  river.  Here  they  fought  stubbornly, 
and  kept  all  the  Frenchmen  at  bay.  At  length, 
finding  themselves  hard  pressed,  they  entered  their 
canoes  again,  and  paddled  off.  The  French  rowed 
after  them,  and  soon  became  separated  in  the  chase  ; 
whereupon  the  Iroquois  turned,  and  made  desperate 
fight  with  the  foremost,  retreating  again  as  soon  as 
the  others  came  up.  This  they  repeated  several 
times,  and  then  made  their  escape,  after  killing  a 
number  of  the  best  French  soldiers.  Their  leader 
in  this  affair  was  a famous  half-breed,  known  as  the 
Flemish  Bastard,  who  is  styled  by  Ragueneau  “ an 
abomination  of  sin,  and  a monster  produced  between 
a heretic  Dutch  father  and  a pagan  mother.” 

In  the  forests  far  north  of  Three  Rivers  dwelt 
the  tribe  called  the  Atticamegues,  or  Nation  of  the 
White  Fish.  From  their  remote  position,  and  the 
difficult  nature  of  the  intervening  country,  they 
thought  themselves  safe ; but  a band  of  Iroquois, 
marching  on  snow^-shoes  a distance  of  twenty  days’ 
journey  northward  from  the  St.  Lawrence,  fell  upon 
one  of  their  camps  in  the  winter,  and  made  a gen- 
eral butchery  of  the  inmates.  The  tribe,  however, 
still  held  its  ground  for  a time,  and,  being  all  good 
Catholics,  gave  their  missionary.  Father  Buteux, 
an  urgent  invitation  to  visit  them  in  their  own 
country.  Buteux,  who  had  long  been  stationed  at 
Three  Rivers,  was  in  ill  health,  and  for  years  had 
rarely  been  free  from  some  form  of  bodily  suffering. 


1G52.]  DEATH  OE  BUTEUX.  421 

Nevertheless,  he  acceded  to  their  request,  and,  be- 
fore the  opening  of  spring,  made  a remarkable 
journey  on  snow-shoes  into  the  depths  of  this 
frozen  wilderness^  In  the  year  following,  he  re- 
peated the  undertaking.  With  him  were  a large 
party  of  Atticamegues,  and  several  Frenchmen. 
Game  was  exceedingly  scarce,  and  they  were  forced 
by  hunger  to  separate,  a Huron  convert  and  a 
Frenchman  named  Fontarabie  remaining  with  the 
missionary.  The  snows  had  melted,  and  all  the 
streams  were  swollen.  The  three  travellers,  in  a 
small  birch  canoe,  pushed  their  way  up  a turbulent 
river,  where  falls  and  rapids  v/ere  so  numerous,  that 
many  times  daily  they  were  forced  to  carry  their 
bark  vessel  and  their  baggage  through  forests  and 
thickets  and  over  rocks  and  precipices.  On  the 
tenth  of  May,  they  made  two  such  portages,  and 
soon  after,  reaching  a third  fall,  again  lifted  their 
canoe  from  the  water.  They  toiled  through  the 
naked  forest,  among  the  wet,  black  trees,  over 
tangled  roots,  green,  spongy  mosses,  mouldering 
leaves,  and  rotten,  prostrate  trunks,  while  the  cat- 
aract foamed  amidst  the  rocks  hard  by.  The  In- 
dian led  the  way  with  the  canoe  on  his  head,  while 
Buteux  and  the  other  Frenchman  followed  with  the 
baggage.  Suddenly  they  were  set  upon  by  a troop 
of  Iroquois,  who  had  crouched  behind  thickets, 
rocks,  and  fallen  trees,  to  waylay  them.  The  Huron 
was  captured  before  he  had  time  to  fly.  Buteux 
and  the  Frenchman  tried  to  escape,  but  were  in- 


1 lournal  da  Pere  lacques  Buteux  da  Voyage  qu’il  a fait  pour  la  Mission 
des  Altikamegues.  See  Relation y 1651,  15. 


422  TIIE  HURON  MISSION  ABANDONED.  [1652. 

stantly  shot  down,  the  Jesuit  receiving  two  balls 
in  the  breast.  The  Iroquois  rushed  upon  them, 
mangled  their  bodies  with  tomahawks  and  swords, 
stripped  them,  and  then  flung  them  into  the  tor- 
rent.^ 


1 Ragueneau,  Relation,  1652,  2,  3. 


CHAPTEE  XXXII. 


1650-1866. 

THE  LAST  OF  THE  HURONS. 

Fate  of  the  Vanquished.  — The  Refugees  of  St.  Jean  Raptista 
AND  St.  Michel.  — The  Tobacco  Nation  and  its  Wanderings. 
— The  Modern  Wyandots.  — The  Biter  Bit.  — The  Hurons 
AT  Quebec.  — Notre-Dame  de  Lorette. 

Iroquois  bullets  and  tomahawks  had  killed  the 
Hurons  by  hundreds,  but  famine  and  disease  had 
killed  incomparably  more.  The  miseries  of  the 
starving  crowd  on  Isle  St.  Joseph  had  been  shared 
in  an  equal  degree  by  smaller  bands,  who  had 
wintered  in  remote  and  secret  retreats  of  the  wil- 
derness. Of  those  who  survived  that  season  of 
death,  many  were  so  weakened  that  they  could  not 
endure  the  hardships  of  a wandering  life,  which  was 
new  to  them.  The  Hurons  lived  by  agriculture  • 
their  fields  and  crops  were  destroyed,  and  they 
were  so  hunted  from  place  to  place  that  they 
could  rarely  till  the  soil.  Game  was  very  scarce ; 
and,  without  agriculture,  the  country  could  support 
only  a scanty  and  scattered  population  like  that 
^v]lich  maintained  a struggling  existence  in  the  wil- 
derness of  the  lower  St.  Lawrence.  The  mortality 
among  the  exiles  was  prodigious. 


[423] 


424 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  HURONS, 


[1650-60. 


Tt  is  a matter  of  some  interest  to  trace  the  for- 
tunes of  the  shattered  fragments  of  a nation  once 
prosperous,  and,  in  its  own  eyes  and  those  of  its 
neighbors,  powerful  and  great.  None  were  left 
alive  within  their  ancient  domain.  Some  had 
sought  refuge  among  the  Neutrals  and  the  Eries, 
and  shared  the  disasters  which  soon  overwhelmed 
those  tribes ; others  succeeded  in  reaching  the 
Andastes ; while  the  inhabitants  of  two  towns,  St. 
Michel  and  St.  Jean  Baptiste,  had  recourse  to  an 
expedient  which  seems  equally  strange  and  desper- 
ate, but  which  was  in  accordance  with  Indian  prac- 
tices. They  contrived  to  open  a communication 
with  the  Seneca  Nation  of  the  Iroquois,  and  prom- 
ised to  change  their  nationality  and  turn  Senecas 
as  the  price  of  their  lives.  The  victors  accepted 
the  proposal ; and  the  inhabitants  of  these  two 
towns,  joined  by  a few  other  Hurons,  migrated  in 
a body  to  the  Seneca  country.  They  were  not 
distributed  among  different  villages,  but  were  al- 
lowed to  form  a town  by  themselves,  where  they 
were  afterwards  joined  by  some  prisoners  of  the 
Neutral  Nation.  They  identified  themselves  with 
the  Iroquois  in  all  but  religion, — holding  so  fast  to 
their  faith,  that,  eighteen  years  after,  a Jesuit  mis- 
sionary found  that  many  of  them  were  still  good 
Catholics  J 

The  division  of  the  Hurons  called  the  Tobacco 
Nation,  favored  by  their  isolated  position  among 

1 Compare  Relation,  1651,  4;  1660,  14,  28;  and  1670,  69.  The  Huron 
town  among  the  Senecas  was  called  Gandougarae.  Father  Fremin  was 
here  in  1668,  and  gives  an  account  of  his  visit  in  the  Relation  of  1670. 


1650-71.]  HURO^(S  AT  MICHILIMACKINAC.  425 

mountains,  had  held  their  ground  longer  than  the 
rest;  hut  at  length  they,  too,  were  compelled  to 
fly,  together  with  such  other  Hurons  as  had  taken 
refuge  with  them.  They  made  their  way  north 
ward,  and  settled  on  the  Island  of  Michilimack 
iliac,  where  they  were  joined  by  the  Ottawas, 
who,  with  other  Algonquins,  had  been  driven  by 
fear  of  the  Iroquois  from  the  western  shores  of 
Lake  Huron  and  the  banks  of  the  Kiver  Ottawa. 
A-t  Michilimackinac  the  Hurons  and  their  allies 
were  again  attacked  by  the  Iroquois,  and,  after 
remaining  several  years,  they  made  another  re- 
move, and  took  possession  of  the  islands  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Green  Bay  of  Lake  Michigan. 
Even  here  their  old  enemy  did  not  leave  them  in 
peace ; whereupon  they  fortified  themselves  on  the 
main-land,  and  afterwards  migrated  southward  and 
westward.  This  brought  them  in  contact  with  the 
Illinois,  an  Algonquin  people,  at  that  time  very 
numerous,  but  who,  like  many  other  tribes  at  this 
epoch,  were  doomed  to  a rapid  diminution  from  wars 
with  other  savage  nations.  Continuing  their  migra- 
tion westward,  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  reached 
the  Mississippi,  where  they  fell  in  with  the  Sioux 
They  soon  quarrelled  with  those  fierce  children  of 
the  prairie,  who  drove  them  from  their  country. 
They  retreated  to  the  south-western  extremity  of 
Lake  Superior,  and  settled  on  Point  Saint  Esprit,  or 
Shagwamigon  Point,  near  the  Islands  of  the  Twelve 
Apostles.  As  the  Sioux  continued  to  harass  them, 
they  left  this  place  about  the  year  1671,  and 
returned  to  Michilimackinac,  where  they  settled, 

36* 


426 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  HUHONS.  [1650-1866. 


not  on  the  island,  but  on  the  neighboring  Point 
St.  Ignace,  now  Graham’s  Point,  on  the  north  side 
of  the  strait.  The  greater  part  of  them  after- 
v/ards  removed  thence  to  Detroit  and  Sandusky, 
where  they  lived  under  the  name  of  Wyandots 
until  within  the  present  century,  maintaining  a 
marked  influence  over  the  surrounding  Algon- 
quins.  They  bore  an  active  part,  on  the  side 
of  the  French,  in  the  war  which  ended  in  the 
reduction  of  Canada ; and  they  were  the  most 
formidable  enemies  of  the  English  in  the  Indian 
war  under  Pontiac.^  The  government  of  the 
United  States  at  length  removed  them  to  reserves 
on  the  western  frontier,  where  a remnant  of  them 
may  still  be  found.  Thus  it  appears  that  the  Wy- 
andots, whose  name  is  so  conspicuous  in  the  history 
of  our  border  wars,  are  descendants  of  the  ancient 
Hurons,  and  chiefly  of  that  portion  of  them  called 
the  Tobacco  Nation.^ 

When  Pagueneau  and  his  party  left  Isle  St. 
Joseph  for  Quebec,  the  greater  number  of  the  Hu- 
rons chose  to  remain.  They  took  possession  of  the 
stone  fort  which  the  French  had  abandoned,  and 
where,  with  reasonable  vigilance,  they  could  main- 
tain themselves  against  attack.  In  the  succeeding 

1 See  “ History  of  the  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac.” 

2 The  migrations  of  this  band  of  the  Hurons  may  be  traced  by  de- 
tached passages  and  incidental  remarks  in  the  Relations  of  1654,  1660, 
1667,  1670,  1671,  and  1672.  Nicolas  Perrot,  in  his  chapter,  Deffaitte  et 
Filitte  des  Hurons  chasse's  de  leur  Pays,  and  in  the  chapter  following,  gives 
a long  and  rather  confused  account  of  their  movements  and  adventures. 
See  also  La  Poterie,  llistoire  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale,  II,  51-56.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Relation  of  1670,  the  Hurons,  when  living  at  Shagwami- 
gon  Point,  numbered  about  fifteen  hundred  souls. 


1650.] 


Etienne  annaotaha. 


427 


autumn  a small  Iroquois  war-party  had  the  auda- 
city to  cross  over  to  the  island,  and  build  a fort  of 
felled  trees  in  the  woods.  The  Hurons  attacked 
them ; but  the  invaders  made  so  fierce  a defence, 
that  they  kept  their  assailants  at  bay,  and  at  length 
retreated  with  little  or  no  loss.  Soon  after,  a mmch 
larger  band  of  Onondaga  Iroquois,  approachiug 
undiscovered,  built  a fort  on  the  main-land,  oppo 
site  the  island,  but  concealed  from  sight  in  the 
forest.  Here  they  waited  to  waylay  any  party  of 
Hurons  who  might  venture  ashore.  A Huron  war- 
chief,  named  Etienne  Annaotaha,  whose  life  is  de- 
scribed as  a succession  of  conflicts  and  adventures, 
and  who  is  said  to  have  been  always  in  luck, 
landed  with  a few  companions,  and  fell  into  an 
ambuscade  of  the  Iroquois.  He  prepared  to  de- 
fend himself,  when  they  called  out  to  him,  that  they 
came  not  as  enemies,  but  as  friends,  and  that  they 
brought  wampum-belts  and  presents  to  persuade 
the  Hurons  to  forget  the  past,  go  back  with  them 
to  their  country,  become  their  adopted  countrymen, 
and  live  with  them  as  one  nation.  Etienne  sus- 
pected treachery,  but  concealed  his  distrust,  and 
advanced  towards  the  Iroquois  with  an  air  of  the 
utmost  confidence.  They  received  him  with  open 
arms,  and  pressed  him  to  accept  their  invitation ; but 
he  replied,  that  there  were  older  and  wiser  men 
among  the  Hurons,  whose  counsels  all  the  people 
followed,  and  that  they  ought  to  lay  the  proposal 
before  them.  He  proceeded  to  advise  them  to 
keep  him  as  a hostage,  and  send  over  his  compan- 
ions, with  some  of  their  chiefs,  to  open  the  nego- 


428 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  HURONS. 


[1650, 


tiation.  His  apparent  frankness  completely  de- 
ceived them ; and  they  insisted  that  he  himself 
should  go  to  the  Huron  village,  while  his  compan- 
ions remained  as  hostages.  He  set  out  accordingly 
with  three  of  the  principal  Iroquois. 

When  he  reached  the  village,  he  gave  the  whoop 
of  one  who  brings  good  tidings,  and  proclaimed 
with  a loud  voice  that  the  hearts  of  their  enemies 
had  changed,  that  the  Iroquois  would  become  their 
countrymen  and  brothers,  and  that  they  should 
exchange  their  miseries  for  a life  of  peace  and 
plenty  in  a fertile  and  prosperous  land.  The 
whole  Huron  population,  full  of  joyful  excitement, 
crowded  about  him  and  the  three  envoys,  who  were 
conducted  to  the  principal  lodge,  and  feasted  on  the 
best  that  the  village  could  supply.  Etienne  seized 
the  opportunity  to  take  aside  four  or  five  of  the 
principal  chiefs,  and  secretly  tell  them  his  suspi- 
cions that  the  Iroquois  were  plotting  to  compass 
their  destruction  under  cover  of  overtures  of  peace ; 
and  he  proposed  that  they  should  meet  treachery 
with  treachery.  He  then  explained  his  plan,  which 
was  highly  approved  by  his  auditors,  who  begged 
him  to  charge  himself  with  the  execution  of  it. 
Etienne  now  caused  criers  to  proclaim  through  the 
village  that  every  one  should  get  ready  to  emigrate 
in  a few  days  to  the  country  of  their  new  friends. 
The  squaws  began  their  preparations  at  once,  and 
all  was  bustle  and  alacrity ; for  the  Hurons  them- 
selves were  no  less  deceived  than  were  the  Iro- 
quois envoys. 

During  one  or  two  succeeding  days,  many  mes- 


1650.] 


THE  BITER  BIT. 


429 


sages  and  visits  passed  between  the  Hurons  and 
the  Iroquois,  whose  confidence  was  such,  that  thirty- 
seven  of  their  best  warriors  at  length  came  over  in 
a body  to  the  Huron  village.  Etienne’s  time  had 
come.  He  and  the  chiefs  who  were  in  the  secret 
gave  the  word  to  the  Huron  warriors,  who,  at  a 
signal,  raised  the  war-whoop,  rushed  upon  their 
visitors,  and  cut  them  to  pieces.  One  of  them, 
who  lingered  for  a time,  owned  before  he  died  that 
Etienne’s  suspicions  were  just,  and  that  they  had 
designed  nothing  less  than  the  massacre  or  capture 
of  all  the  Hurons.  Three  of  the  Iroquois,  imme- 
diately before  the  slaughter  began,  had  received 
from  Etienne  a warning  of  their  danger  in  time  to 
make  their  escape.  The  year  before,  he  had  been 
captured,  with  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant,  at  the  town 
of  St.  Louis,  and  had  owed  his  life  to  these  three 
warriors,  to  whom  he  now  paid  back  the  debt  of 
gratitude.  They  carried  tidings  of  what  had  be- 
fallen to  their  countrymen  on  the  main-land,  who, 
aghast  at  the  catastrophe,  fled  homeward  in  a 
panic.  ^ 

Here  was  a sweet  morsel  of  vengeance.  The 
miseries  of  the  Hurons  were  lighted  up  with  a 
brief  gleam  of  joy ; but  it  behooved  them  to  make 
a timely  retreat  from  their  island  before  the  Iro- 
quois came  to  exact  a bloody  retribution.  Towards 
spring,  while  the  lake  was  still  frozen,  many  of 

1 Ragueneau,  Relation  des  Hurons,  1651,  5,  6.  Le  Mercier,  in  the  Re~ 
lation  of  1654,  preserves  the  speech  of  a Huron  chief,  in  whicli  lie  speaks 
of  this  affair,  and  adds  some  particulars  not  mentioned  by  Ragueneau 
He  gives  thirty-four  as  the  number  killed. 


430 


THE  LAST  or  THE  HURONS. 


[1651-56. 


them  escaped  on  the  ice,  while  another  party  after- 
wards followed  in  canoes.  A few,  who  had  neither 
strength  to  walk  nor  canoes  to  transport  them,  per- 
force remained  behind,  and  were  soon  massacred 
by  the  Iroquois.  The  fugitives  directed  their 
course  to  the  Grand  Manitoulin  Island,  where 
they  remained  for  a short  time,  and  then,  to  the 
number  of  about  four  hundred,  descended  the  Ot- 
tawa, and  rejoined  their  countrymen  w^ho  had  gone 
to  Quebec  the  year  before. 

These  united  parties,  joined  from  time  to  time  by 
a few  other  fugitives,  formed  a settlement  on  land 
belonging  to  the  Jesuits,  near  the  south-western 
extremity  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  immediately  below 
Quebec.  Here  the  Jesuits  built  a fort,  like  that 
on  Isle  St.  Joseph,  with  a chapel,  and  a small 
house  for  the  missionaries,  while  the  bark  dwell- 
ings of  the  Hurons  were  clustered  around  the  pro- 
tecting ramparts.^  Tools  and  seeds  were  given 
them,  and  they  were  encouraged  to  cultivate  the 
soil.  Gradually  they  rallied  from  tliek  dejection, 
and  the  mission  settlement  was  beginning  to  wear 
an  appearance  of  thrift,  when,  in  1656,  the  Iro- 
quois made  a descent  upon  them,  and  carried 
off  a large  number  of  captives,  under  the  very 
cannon  of  Quebec ; the  French  not  daring  to  fire 
upon  the  invaders,  lest  they  should  take  revenge 


1 The  site  of  the  fort  was  the  estate  now  known  as  “ La  Terre  du 
Eort/’  near  the  landing  of  the  steam  ferry.  In  1856,  Mr.  N.  11.  Bowen, 
a resident  near  the  spot,  in  making  some  excavations,  found  a solid  stone 
wall  five  feet  thick,  which,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  was  that  of  the  work 
in  question.  This  wall  was  originally  crowned  with  palisades.  See 
Bowen  Ilistorical  Sketch  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  25. 


1673.] 


OLD  LORETTE. 


431 


upon  the  Jesuits  who  were  at  that  time  in  their 
country.  This  calamity  was,  four  years  after,  fol- 
lowed by  another,  when  the  best  of  the  Huron  war- 
riors, including  their  leader,  the  crafty  and  valiant 
Etienne  Annaotaha,  were  slain,  fighting  side  by 
side  with  the  French,  in  the  desperate  conflict  of 
the  Long  Sault.^ 

The  attenuated  colony,  replenished  by  some 
straggling  bands  of  the  same  nation,  and  still  num- 
bering several  hundred  persons,  was  removed  to 
Quebec  after  the  inroad  in  1656,  and  lodged  in 
a square  inclosure  of  palisades  close  to  the  fort.^ 
Here  they  remained  about  ten  years,  when,  the 
danger  of  the  times  having  diminished,  they  were 
again  removed  to  a place  called  Notre-Damp  de 
Foy,  now  Ste.  Foi,  three  or  four  miles  west  of 
Quebec.  Six  years  after,  when  the  soil  was  im- 
poverished and  the  wood  in  the  neighborhood 
exhausted,  they  again  changed  their  abode,  and, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Jesuits,  who  owned  the 
land,  settled  at  Old  Lorette,  nine  miles  from  Que- 
bec. 

Chaumonot  was  at  this  time  their  missionary. 
It  may  be  remembered  that  he  had  professed  spe- 
cial devotion  to  Our  Lady  of  Loretto,  who,  in 
his  boyhood,  had  cured  him,  as  he  believed,  of  a 
distressing  malady.^  He  had  always  cherished  the 
idea  of  building  a chapel  in  honor  of  her  in  Canada, 

1 Relation,  (anonymous),  14. 

In  a plan  of  Quebec  of  1660,  the  “ Fort  des  Ilurons  is  laid  down 
on  a spot  adjoining  the  north  side  of  the  present  Place  d’Armes. 

* See  ante,  p.  102. 


432 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  HUKONS. 


[1674. 


after  the  model  of  the  Holy  House  of  Loretto,  — 
which,  as  all  the  world  knows,  is  the  house  where- 
in Saint  Joseph  dwelt  with  his  virgin  spouse,  and 
which  angels  bore  through  the  air  from  the  Holy 
Land  to  Italy,  where  it  remains  an  object  of  pil- 
grimage to  this  day.  Chaumonot  opeiaed  his  plan 
to  his  brother  Jesuits,  who  were  delighted  with 
it,  and  the  chapel  was  begun  at  once,  not  without 
the  intervention  of  miracle  to  aid  in  raising  the 
necessary  funds.  It  was  built  of  brick,  like  its 
original,  of  which  it  was  an  exact  facsimile ; and 
it  stood  in  the  centre  of  a quadrangle,  the  four 
sides  of  which  were  formed  by  the  bark  dwell 
ings  of  the  Hurons,  ranged  with  perfect  order  in 
straight  lines.  Hither  came  many  pilgrims  from 
Quebec  and  more  distant  settlements,  and  here 
Our  Lady  granted  to  her  suppliants,  says  Chau- 
monot, many  miraculous  favors,  insomuch  that  “it 
would  require  an  entire  book  to  describe  them 
all.” ' 

But  the  Hurons  were  not  destined  to  remain 
permanently  even  here ; for,  before  the  end  of  the 
century,  they  removed  to  a place  four  miles  distant, 
now  called  New  Lorette,  or  Indian  Lorette.  It 
was  a wild  spot,  covered  with  the  primitive  forest, 
and  seamed  by  a deep  and  tortuous  ravine,  where 

1 “Les  graces  qu’on  y obtient  par  I’entremise  de  la  Mere  de  Dieu 
vont  jusqu’au  miracle.  Comme  il  faudroit  composer  un  livre  entier  pour 
decrire  toutes  ces  favours  extraordinaires,  je  n’en  rapporterai  quo  deux, 
ayant  ete  temoin  oculaire  de  Tune  et  propre  sujet  de  I’autre.’’  — Vie,  95. 

The  removal  from  Notre-Darae  de  Foy  took  place  at  the  end  of  1673, 
and  the  chapel  was  finished  in  the  following  year.  Compare  Vie  de 
Chaumonot  with  Dablon,  Relation,  1672-73,  p.  21;  and  Ibid.,  Relation, 
1673-79,  p.  259. 


1697-1860.] 


INDIAN  LORETTE. 


433 


the  St.  Charles  foams,  white  as  a snow-drift,  over 
the  black  ledges,  and  where  the  sunlight  struggles 
through  matted  boughs  of  the  pine  and  fir,  to  bask 
for  brief  moments  on  the  mossy  rocks  or  flash  on 
the  hurrying  waters.  On  a plateau  beside  the  tor- 
rent, another  chapel  was  built  to  Our  Lady,  and 
another  Huron  town  sprang  up  ; and  here,  to  this 
day,  the  tourist  finds  the  remnant  of  a lost  people, 
harmless  weavers  of  baskets  and  sewers  of  mocca- 
sins, the  Huron  blood  fast  bleaching  out  of  them, 
as,  with  every  generation,  they  mingle  and  fade 
away  in  the  French  population  around.^ 

I An  interesting  account  of  a visit  to  Indian  Lorette  in  1721  will  be 
found  in  the  Journal  Historique  of  Charlevoix.  Kalm,  in  his  Travels  in 
North  America,  describes  its  condition  in  1749.  See  also  Le  Beau,  Aven- 
tures,  I.  103 ; who,  however,  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  an  authority. 


CHAPTEE  XKXIIL 


1650-1670. 

THE  DESTROYERS. 

Iroquois  Ambition.  — Its  Victims.  — Tub  Fate  of  the  Neutrals 

— The  Fate  op  the  Fries.  — The  War  with  the  Andastes 

— Supremacy  of  the  Iroquois. 

It  was  well  for  the  European  colonies,  above 
all  for  those  of  England,  that  the  wisdom  of  the 
Iroquois  was  but  the  wisdom  of  savages.  Their 
sagacity  is  past  denying ; it  showed  itself  in  many 
ways ; but  it  was  not  equal  to  a comprehension  of 
their  OAvn  situation  and  that  of  their  race.  Could 
they  have  read  their  destiny,  and  curbed  them  mad 
ambition,  they  might  have  leagued  with  themselves 
four  great  communities  of  kindred  lineage,  to  re- 
sist the  encroachments  of  civilization,  and  oppose 
a barrier  of  fire  to  the  spread  of  the  young  col- 
onies of  the  Eaist.  But  their  organization  and 
their  intelligence  were  merely  the  instruments  of 
a blind  frenzy,  which  impelled  them  to  destroy 
those  whom  they  might  have  made  their  allies  in 
a common  cause. 

Of  the  four  kindred  communities,  two  at  least, 

[434] 


L650.] 


IROQUOIS  CRAFT. 


435 


the  Huron s and  the  Neutrals,  were  probably  supe- 
rior in  numbers  to  the  Iroquois.  Either  one  of 
these,  with  union  and  leadership,  could  have  held 
its  ground  against  them,  and  the  two  united  could 
easily  have  crippled  them  beyond  the  power  of 
doing  mischief.  But  these  so-called  nations  were 
mere  aggregations  of  villages  and  families,  with 
nothing  that  deserved  to  be  called  a government. 
They  were  very  liable  to  panics,  because  the  part 
attacked  by  an  enemy  could  never  rely  with  confi- 
dence on  prompt  succor  from  the  rest ; and  when 
once  broken,  they  could  not  be  rallied,  because  they 
had  no  centre  around  which  to  gather.  The  Iro- 
quois, on  the  other  hand,  had  an  organization  with 
which  the  ideas  and  habits  of  several  generations 
were  interwoven,  and  they  had  also  sagacious  lead- 
ers for  peace  and  war.  They  discussed  all  ques- 
tions of  policy  with  the  coolest  deliberation,  and 
knew  how  to  turn  to  profit  even  imperfections  in 
their  plan  of  government  which  seemed  to  promise 
only  weakness  and  discord.  Thus,  any  nation, 
or  any  large  town,  of  their  confederacy,  could 
make  a separate  war  or  a separate  peace  with  a 
foreign  nation,  or  any  part  of  it.  Some  member 
of  the  league,  as,  for  example,  the  Cayugas,  would 
make  a covenant  of  friendship  with  the  enemy,  and, 
while  the  infatuated  victims  were  thus  lulled  into  a 
delusive  security,  the  war-parties  of  the  other  na- 
tions, often  joined  by  the  Cayuga  warriors,  would 
overwhelm  them  by  a sudden  onset.  But  it  was  not 
by  their  craft,  nor  by  their  organization,  — which 
for  military  purposes  was  wretchedly  feeble,  — 


436 


THE  DESTROYERS. 


[1650-61. 


that  this  handful  of  savages  gained  a hloody  su- 
premacy They  carried  all  before  them,  because 
they  were  animated  throughout,  as  one  man,  by 
the  same  audacious  pride  and  insatiable  rage  for 
conquest.  Like  other  Indians,  they  waged  war  on 
a plan  altogether  democratic,  — that  is,  each  man 
fought  or  not,  as  he  saw  fit ; and  they  owed  their 
unity  and  vigor  of  action  to  the  homicidal  frenzy 
that  urged  them  all  alike. 

The  Neutral  Nation  had  taken  no  part,  on  either 
side,  in  the  war  of  extermination  against  the  Hu- 
rons ; and  their  towns  were  sanctuaries  where  either 
of  the  contending  parties  might  take  asylum.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  made  fierce  war  on  thek  west- 
ern neighbors,  and,  a few  years  before,  destroyed, 
with  atrocious  cruelties,  a large  fortified  town  of 
the  Nation  of  Fire.^  Their  turn  was  now  come, 
and  their  victims  found  fit  avengers ; for  no  sooner 

1 “ Last  summer,”  writes  Lalemant  in  1643,  “ two  thousand  warriors 
of  the  Neutral  Nation  attacked  a town  of  the  Nation  of  Fire,  well  forti- 
fied with  a palisade,  and  defended  by  nine  hundred  warriors.  They  took 
it  after  a siege  of  ten  days ; killed  many  on  the  spot ; and  made  eight 
hundred  prisoners,  men,  women,  and  children.  After  burning  seventy  of 
the  best  warriors,  they  put  out  the  eyes  of  the  old  men,  and  cut  away 
their  lips,  and  then  left  them  to  drag  out  a miserable  existence.  Behold 
the  scourge  that  is  depopulating  all  this  country  ! ” — Relation  des  Uurons, 
1644,  98. 

The  Assistaeronnons,  Atsistaehonnons,  Mascoutins,  or  Nation  of  Fire 
(more  correctly,  perhaps.  Nation  of  the  Prairie),  were  a very  numerous 
Algonquin  people  of  the  West,  speaking  the  same  language  as  the  Sacs 
and  Foxes.  In  the  map  of  Sanson,  they  are  placed  in  the  southern  part 
of  Michigan;  and  according  to  the  Relation  of  1658,  they  had  thirty 
towns.  They  were  a stationary,  and  in  some  measure  an  agricultural 
people.  They  fled  before  their  enemies  to  the  neighborhood  of  Fox 
River  in  Wisconsin,  where  they  long  remained.  Frequent  mention  of 
them  will  be  found  in  the  later  Relations,  and  in  contemporary  documents. 
They  are  now  extinct  as  a tribe. 


1651-54.] 


THE  ERIE  WAR. 


437 


were  the  Huroiis  broken  up  and  dispersed,  than 
the  Iroquois,  without  waiting  to  take  breath, 
turned  theii*  fury  on  the  Neutrals.  At  the  end  of 
the  autumn  of  1650,  they  assaulted  and  took  one 
of  their  chief  towns,  said  to  have  contained  at 
the  time  more  than  sixteen  hundred  men,  besides 
women  and  children ; and  early  in  the  following 
spring,  they  took  another  town.  The  slaughter 
was  prodigious,  and  the  victors  drove  back  troops 
of  captives  for  butchery  or  adoption.  It  was  the 
death-blow  of  the  Neutrals.  They  abandoned 
their  corn-fields  and  villages  in  the  wildest  terror, 
and  dispersed  themselves  abroad  in  forests,  which 
could  not  yield  sustenance  to  such  a multitude. 
They  perished  by  thousands,  and  from  that  time 
forth  the  nation  ceased  to  exist. ^ 

During  two  or  three  succeeding  years,  the  Iro- 
quois contented  themselves  with  harassing  the 
French  and  Algonquins  ; but  in  1653  they  made 
treaties  of  peace,  each  of  the  five  nations  for  itself, 
and  the  colonists  and  their  red  allies  had  an  interval 
of  rest.  In  the  following  May,  an  Onondaga  ora- 
tor, on  a peace  visit  to  Montreal,  said,  in  a speech 

Ragueneau,  Relation,  1651,  4.  In  the  unpublished  journal  kept  by 
the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits  at  Quebec,  it  is  said,  under  date  of  April, 
1651,  that  news  had  just  come  from  Montreal,  that,  in  the  preceding 
autumn,  fifteen  hundred  Iroquois  had  taken  a Neutral  town ; that  the 
Neutrals  had  afterwards  attacked  them,  and  killed  two  hundred  of  their 
warriors ; and  that  twelve  hundred  Iroquois  had  again  invaded  the  Neu- 
tral country  to  take  their  revenge.  Lafitau,  Moeurs  des  Sauvages,  II.  176, 
gives,  on  the  authority  of  Father  Julien  Gamier,  a singular  and  improb- 
able account  of  the  origin  of  the  war. 

An  old  chief,  named  Kenjockety,  who  claimed  descent  from  an 
adopted  prisoner  of  the  Neutral  Nation,  was  recently  living  among  the 
Senecas  of  Western  New  York. 


37* 


THE  DESTROYERS. 


[1654. 


to  the  Governor,  ‘‘  Our  young  men  will  no  more 
fight  the  French ; hut  they  are  too  warlike  to  stay 
at  home,  and  this  summer  we  shall  invade  the 
country  of  the  Fries.  The  earth  trembles  and 
quakes  in  that  quarter ; but  here  all  remains 
calm.”  ^ Early  in  the  autumn.  Father  Le  Mo)tio, 
who  had  taken  advantage  of  the  peace  to  go  on  a 
mission  to  the  Onondagas,  returned  with  the  tidings 
that  the  Iroquois  were  all  on  fire  with  this  new 
enterprise,  and  were  about  to  march  against  the 
Fries  with  eighteen  hundred  warriors.^ 

The  occasion  of  this  new  war  is  said  to  have  been 
as  follows.  The  Fries,  who  it  will  be  remembered 
dwelt  on  the  south  of  the  lake  named  after  them, 
had  made  a treaty  of  peace  with  the  Senecas,  and 
in  the  preceding  year  had  sent  a deputation  of  thirty 
of  their  principal  men  to  confirm  it.  While  they 
were  in  the  great  Seneca  town,  it  happened  that 
one  of  that  nation  was  killed  in  a casual  quarrel 
with  an  Erie  ; whereupon  his  countrymen  rose  in  a 
fury,  and  murdered  the  thirty  deputies.  Then  en- 
sued a brisk  war  of  reprisals,  in  which  not  only  the 
Senecas,  but  the  other  Iroquois  nations,  took  part. 
The  Fries  captured  a famous  Onondaga  chief,  and 
were  about  to  burn  him,  when  he  succeeded  in  con- 
vincing them  of  the  wisdom  of  a course  of  concilia- 
tion ; and  they  resolved  to  give  him  to  the  sister 
of  one  of  the  murdered  deputies,  to  take  the  place 
of  her  lost  brother.  The  sister,  by  Indian  law,  had 

1 Le  IMercier,  Relation,  1654,  9. 

2 IhltL,  10.  Le  Moyne,  in  his  interesting  journal  of  his  mission, 
repeatedly  alludes  to  their  preparations. 


1654.] 


A SISTER’S  REVENGE. 


439 


it  ill  lier  choice  to  receive  him  with  a fraternal 
embrace  or  to  burn  him  ; but,  though  she  was  ab- 
sent at  the  time,  no  one  doubted  that  she  would 
choose  the  gentler  alternative.  Accordingly,  he 
was  clothed  in  gay  attire,  and  all  the  town  fell  to 
feasting  in  honor  of  his  adoption.  In  the  midst  of 
the  festivity,  the  sister  returned.  To  the  amaze- 
ment  of  the  Erie  chiefs,  she  rejected  with  indig- 
nation their  proffer  of  a new  brother,  declared  that 
she  would  be  revenged  for  her  loss,  and  insisted 
that  the  prisoner  should  forthwith  be  burned.  The 
chiefs  remonstrated  in  vain,  representing  the  danger 
in  which  such  a procedure  would  involve  the  nation : 
the  female  fury  was  inexorable ; and  the  unfortunate 
prisoner,  stripped  of  his  festal  robes,  was  bound  to 
the  stake,  and  put  to  death. ^ He  warned  his  tor 
mentors  with  his  last  breath,  that  they  were  burning 
not  only  him,  but  the  whole  Erie  nation ; since  his 
countrymen  would  take  a fiery  vengeance  for  his 
fate.  His  words  proved  true ; for  no  sooner  was 
his  story  spread  abroad  among  the  Iroquois,  than 
the  confederacy  resounded  with  war-songs  from  end 
to  end,  and  the  warriors  took  the  field  under  their 
two  great  war-chiefs.  Notwithstanding  I.e  Moyne’s 
report,  their  number,  according  to  the  Iroquois  ac- 
count, did  not  exceed  twelve  hundred.*^ 

They  embarked  in  canoes  on  the  lake.  At  their 
approach  the  Eries  fell  back,  withdrawing  into  the 

1 De  Quen,  Relation,  1656,  30. 

2 This  was  their  statement  to  Chaumonot  and  Dablon,  at  Onondaga, 
in  November  of  this  year.  They  added,  that  the  number  of  the  Eries 
was  between  tliree  and  four  thousand.  {Joanml  chs  PP.  Chaumonot  et 
Dahlon,  in  Relation,  1656, 18.)  In  the  narrative  of  De  Quen  {Ibid.,  30,  31), 


440 


THE  DESTROYERS. 


[1655 


forests  towards  the  west,  till  they  were  gathered 
into  one  body,  when,  fortifying  themselves  with 
palisades  and  felled  trees,  they  awaited  the  ap^ 
proach  of  the  invaders.  By  the  lowest  estimate, 
the  Eries  numbered  two  thousand  warriors,  be- 
sides women  and  children.  But  this  is  the  report 
of  the  Iroquois,  who  were  naturally  disposed  to 
exaggerate  the  force  of  their  enemies. 

They  approached  the  Erie  fort,  and  two  of 
their  chiefs,  dressed  like  Erenchmen,  advanced  and 
called  on  those  within  to  surrender.  One  of  them 
had  lately  been  baptized  by  Le  Moyne ; and  he 
shouted  to  the  Eries,  that,  if  they  did  not  yield  in 
time,  they  were  all  dead  men,  for  the  Master  of  Life 
was  on  the  side  of  the  Iroquois.  The  Eries  an- 
swered with  yells  of  derision.  “ Who  is  this  master 
of  your  lives  ? ” they  cried  ; “ our  hatchets  and  our 
right  arms  are  the  masters  of  ours.”  The  Iro- 
quois rushed  to  the  assault,  but  were  met  with  a 
shower  of  poisoned  arrows,  which  killed  and  wound- 
ed many  of  them,  and  drove  the  rest  back.  They 
waited  awhile,  and  then  attacked  again  with  un- 
abated mettle.  This  time,  they  carried  their  bark 
canoes  over  their  heads  like  huge  shields,  to  pro- 
tect them  from  the  storm  of  arrows  ; then  plant- 
ing them  upright,  and  mounting  them  by  the 
cross-bars  like  ladders,  scaled  the  barricade  with 

based,  of  course,  on  Iroquois  reports,  the  Iroquois  force  is  also  set  down 
at  twelve  hundred,  but  that  of  the  Eries  is  reduced  to  between  two  and 
three  thousand  warriors.  Even  this  may  safely  be  taken  as  an  exag- 
geration. 

Though  the  Eries  had  no  fire-arms,  they  used  poisoned  arrows  with 
great  effect,  discharging  them,  it  is  said,  with  surprising  rapidity. 


1G60  -62] 


THE  ANDASTES. 


441 


such  impetuous  fury  that  the  Eries  were  thrown 
into  a panic.  Those  -escaped  who  could ; but  the 
butchery  was  frightful,  and  from  that  day  the  Eries 
as  a nation  were  no  more.  The  victors  paid  dear 
for  their  conquest.  Their  losses  were  so  heavy  that 
they  were  forced  to  remain  for  two  months  in  the 
Erie  country,  to  bury  their  dead  and  nurse  their 
wounded.^ 

One  enemy  of  their  own  race  remained,  — the 
Andastes.  This  nation  appears  to  have  been  inferior 
in  numbers  to  either  the  Hurons,  the  Neutrals,  or 
the  Eries ; but  they  cost  their  assailants  more  trouble 
than  all  these  united.  The  Mohawks  seem  at  first 
to  have  borne  the  brunt  of  the  Andaste  war;  and, 
between  the  years  1650  and  1660,  they  were  so 
roughly  handled  by  these  stubborn  adversaries,  that 
they  were  reduced  from  the  height  of  audacious 
insolence  to  the  depths  of  dejection.^  The  remain- 

1 De  Quen,  Relation,  1656,  81.  The  Iroquois,  it  seems,  afterwards 
made  other  expeditions,  to  finish  their  work.  At  least,  they  told  Chau- 
monot  and  Dablon,  in  the  autumn  of  this  year,  that  they  meant  to  do  so 
in  the  following  spring. 

It  seems,  that,  before  attacking  the  great  fort  of  the  Eries,  the  Iroquois 
had  made  a promise  to  worship  the  new  God  of  the  French,  if  He  would 
give  them  the  victory.  This  promise,  and  the  success  which  followed, 
proved  of  great  advantage  to  the  mission. 

Various  traditions  are  extant  among  the  modern  remnant  of  the  Iro- 
quois concerning  the  war  with  the  Eries.  They  agree  in  little  beyond 
the  fact  of  the  existence  and  destruction  of  that  people.  Indeed,  Indian 
traditions  are  very  rarely  of  any  value  as  historical  evidence.  One  ol 
these  stories,  told  me  some  years  ago  by  a very  intelligent  Iroquois  of  the 
Cayuga  Nation,  is  a striking  illustration  of  Iroquois  ferocity.  It  repre- 
sents, that,  the  night  after  the  great  battle,  the  forest  was  lighted  up  -with 
more  than  a thousand  fires,  at  each  of  which  an  Erie  was  burning  alive. 
It  differs  from  the  historical  accounts  in  making  the  Eries  the  aggressors. 

2 Relation,  1660,  6 (anonymous). 

The  Mohawks  also  sufiered  great  reverses  about  Ibis  time  at  the 
bands  of  their  Algonquin  neighbors,  the  Mohicans. 


442 


THE  DESTROYERS. 


[16G2-72. 


ing  four  nations  of  the  Iroquois  league  now  took 
up  the  quarrel,  and  fared  scarcely  better  than  the 
Mohawks.  In  the  spring  of  1662,  eight  hundred 
of  their  warriors  set  out  for  the  Andaste  country, 
to  strike  a decisive  blow  ; but  when  they  reached 
the  great  town  of  their  enemies,  they  saw  that  they 
had  received  both  aid  and  counsel  from  the  neigh- 
boring Swedish  colonists.  The  town  was  fortified 
by  a double  palisade,  flanked  by  two  bastions,  on 
which,  it  is  said,  several  small  pieces  of  cannon 
were  mounted.  Clearly,  it  was  not  to  be  carried 
by  assault,  as  the  invaders  had  promised  them- 
selves. Their  only  hope  was  in  treachery  ; and, 
accordingly,  twenty-five  of  their  warriors  gained 
entrance,  on  pretence  of  settling  the  terms  of  a 
peace.  Here,  again,  ensued  a grievous  disappoint- 
ment ; for  the  Andastes  seized  them  all,  built  high 
scatfolds  visible  from  without,  and  tortured  them  to 
death  in  sight  of  their  countrymen,  who  thereupon 
decamped  in  miserable  discomfiture.^ 

The  Senecas,  by  far  the  most  numerous  of  the 
five  Iroquois  nations,  now  found  themselves  at- 
tacked in  turn,  — and  this,  too,  at  a time  when  they 
were  full  of  despondency  at  the  ravages  of  the 
small-pox.  The  French  reaped  a profit  from  their 
misfortunes  ; for  the  disheartened  savages  made 
tliem  overtures  of  peace,  and  begged  that  they 
would  settle  in  their  country,  teach  them  to  for- 
tify their  towns,  supply  them  with  arms  and  am- 
munition, and  bring  “ black-robes  ” to  show  them 
the  road  to  Heaven.^ 

1 Lalemant,  Relation,  1663,  10.  2 Hid.,  1664,  33. 


1672-75.] 


THE  ANDASTES  SUBDUED. 


443 


The  Andaste  war  became  a war  of  inroads  and^ 
skirmishes,  under  which  the  weaker  party  gradu- 
ally wasted  away,  though  it  sometimes  won  laurels 
at  the  expense  of  its  adversary.  Thus,  in  1672,  a 
party  of  twenty  Senecas  and  forty  Cayugas  went 
against  the  Andastes.  They  were  at  a considerable 
distance  the  one  from  the  other,  the  Cayugas  being 
in  advance,  when  the  Senecas  were  set  upon  by 
about  sixty  young  Andastes,  of  the  class  known  as 
“ Burnt-Knives,”  or  “ Soft-Metals,”  because  as  yet 
they  had  taken  no  scalps.  Indeed,  they  are  de- 
scribed as  mere  boys,  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  old. 
They  killed  one  of  the  Senecas,  captured  another, 
and  put  the  rest  to  flight ; after  which,  flushed  with 
their  victory,  they  attacked  the  Cayugas  with  the 
utmost  fury,  and  routed  them  completely,  killing 
eight  of  them,  and  wounding  twice  that  number, 
who,  as  is  reported  by  the  Jesuit  then  in  the  Cayuga 
towns,  came  home  half  dead  with  gashes  of  knives 
and  hatchets.^  “May  God  preserve  the  Andastes,” 
exclaims  the  Father,  “ and  prosper  their  arms,  that 
the  Iroquois  may  be  humbled,  and  we  and  our 
missions  left  in  peace!”  “None  but  they,”  he  else- 
where adds,  “ can  curb  the  pride  of  the  Iroquois.” 
The  only  strength  of  the  Andastes,  however,  was 
in  their  courage:  for  at  this  time  they  were  reduced 
tc  three  hundred  fighting  men ; and  about  the  year 
1675  they  were  finally  overborne  by  the  Senecas.^ 
Yet  they  were  not  wholly  destroyed  ; for  a remnant 

1 Dablon,  Relation,  1672,  24. 

Elat  Present  des  Missions,  in  Relations  Inedites,  II.  44.  Relation, 
1676,  2.  This  is  one  of  the  Relations  printed  by  Mr.  Lenox. 


444 


THE  DESTROYERS. 


[16G0-75 


of  this  valiant  people  continued  to  subsist,  under 
the  name  of  Conestogas,  for  nearly  a century,  until, 
in  1763,  they  were  butchered,  as  already  mentioned, 
by  the  white  ruffians  known  as  the  “ Paxton  Boys.”  ^ 

The  bloody  triumphs  of  the  Iroquois  were  com- 
plete. They  had  ‘‘  made  a solitude,  and  called  it 
peace.”  All  the  surrounding  nations  of  their  own 
lineage  were  conquered  and  broken  up,  while 
neighboring  Algonquin  tribes  were  suffered  to 
exist  only  on  condition  of  paying  a yearly  tribute 
of  wampum.  The  confederacy  remained  a wedge 
thrust  between  the  growing  colonies  of  France  and 
England. 

But  what  was  the  state  of  the  conquerors  1 
Then  triumphs  had  cost  them  dear.  As  early  as 
the  year  1660,  a writer,  evidently  well-informed, 
reports  that  their  entire  force  had  been  reduced  to 
twenty-two  hundred  warriors,  while  of  these  not 
more  than  twelve  hundred  were  of  the  true  Iro- 
quois stock.  The  rest  was  a medley  of  adopted 
prisoners,  — Hurons,  Neutrals,  Eries,  and  Indians 
of  various  Algonquin  tribes.^  Still  their  aggressive 


1 “ History  of  the  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,”  Chap.  XXIV.  Compare 
Shea,  in  Historical  Magazine,  II.  297. 

2 Relation,  1660,  6,  7 (anonymous).  Le  Jeune  says,  “ Their  victories  , 
have  so  depopulated  their  towns,  that  there  are  more  foreigners  in  them 
than  natives.  At  Onondaga  there  are  Indians  of  seven  different  na- 
tions permanently  established ; and,  among  the  Senecas,  of  no  less  than 
eleven.”  {Relation,  1657,  34.)  These  were  either  adopted  prisoners,  or 
Indians  who  had  voluntarily  joined  the  Iroquois  to  save  themselves  from 
their  hostility.  They  took  no  part  in  councils,  but  were  expected  to 
join  war-parties,  though  they  were  usually  excused  from  fighting  against 
their  former  countrymen.  The  condition  of  female  prisoners  was  little 
better  than  that  of  slaves,  and  those  to  whom  they  were  assigned  often 
killed  them  on  the  slightest  pique. 


1660-75.] 


IROQUOIS  UBIQUITY. 


445 


spirit  was  unsubdued.  These  incorrigible  warriors 
pushed  their  murderous  raids  to  Hudson’s  Bay, 
Lake  Superior,  the  Mississippi,  and  the  Tennessee ; 
they  were  the  tyrants  of  all  the  intervening  wiL 
derness ; and  they  remained,  for  more  than  half 
a century,  a terror  and  a scourge  to  the  afflicted 
colonists  of  New  France. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 


THE  END. 


Failure  op  the  Jesuits.  — Wiiat  their  Success  would  have 
INVOLVED.  — Future  of  the  Mission. 


With  tlie  fall  of  the  Hurons,  fell  the  best  hope 
of  the  Canadian  mission.  They,  and  the  stable 
and  populous  communities  around  them,  had  been 
the  rude  material  from  which  the  Jesuit  would 
have  formed  his  Christian  emphe  in  the  wilder- 
ness ; but,  one  by  one,  these  kindred  peoples  were 
uprooted  and  swept  away,  while  the  neighbor- 
ing Algonquins,  to  whom  they  had  been  a bul- 
wark, were  mvolved  with  them  in  a common  ruin. 
The  land  of  promise  was  turned  to  a solitude  and  a 
desolation.  There  was  still  work  in  hand,  it  is  true, 
— vast  regions  to  explore,  and  countless  heathens 
to  snatch  from  perdition ; but  these,  for  the  most 
part,  were  remote  and  scattered  hordes,  from  whose 
conversion  it  was  vain  to  look  for  the  same  solid 
and  decisive  results. 

In  a measure,  the  occupation  of  the  Jesuits  was 
gone.  Some  of  them  went  home,  “ well  resolved,” 

[446] 


THE  HOPES  OE  NEW  FRANCE. 


447 


writes  the  Father  Superior,  “ to  return  to  the  com- 
bat at  the  first  sound  of  the  trumpet ; ” ^ while  of 
those  who  remained,  about  twenty  in  number,  sev- 
eral soon  fell  victims  to  famine,  hardship,  and  the 
Iroquois.  A few  years  more,  and  Canada  ceased 
to  be  a mission ; political  and  commercial  interests 
gradually  became  ascendant,  and  the  story  of  Jesuit 
propagandism  was  interwoven  with  her  civil  and 
military  annals. 

Here,  then,  closes  this  wild  and  bloody  act  of  the 
great  drama  of  New  France  ; and  now  let  the  cur- 
tain fall,  while  we  ponder  its  meaning. 

The  cause  of  the  failure  of  the  Jesuits  is  obvious. 
The  guns  and  tomahawks  of  the  Iroquois  were  the 
ruin  of  their  hopes.  Could  they  have  curbed  or 
converted  those  ferocious  bands,  it  is  little  less  than 
certain  that  their  dream  would  have  become  a real- 
ity. Savages  tamed  — not  civilized,  for  that  was 
scarcely  possible  — would  have  been  distributed 
in  communities  through  the  valleys  of  the  Great 
Lakes  and  the  Mississippi,  ruled  by  priests  in  the 
interest  of  Catholicity  and  of  France.  Their  habits 
of  agriculture  would  have  been  developed,  and  their 
instincts  of  mutual  slaughter  repressed.  The  swift 
decline  of  the  Indian  population  would  have  been 
arrested;  and  it  would  have  been  made,  through 
the  fur-trade,  a source  of  prosperity  to  New  France. 
Unmolested  by  Indian  enemies,  and  fed  by  a rich 
commerce,  she  would  have  put  forth  a vigorous 
growth.  True  to  her  far-reaching  and  adventurous 
genius,  she  would  have  occupied  the  West  with 

1 Lettre  de  Lalemant  au  H.  P.  Provincial  [Relation,  1650,  48). 


448 


THE  END. 


traders,  settlers,  and  garrisons,  and  cut  up  the  virgin 
wilderness  into  fiefs,  while  as  yet  the  colonies  of 
England  were  but  a weak  and  broken  line  along 
the  shore  of  the  Atlantic ; and  when  at  last  the 
great  conflict  came,  England  and  Liberty  would 
have  been  confronted,  not  by  a depleted  antagonist, 
still  feeble  from  the  exhaustion  of  a starved  and 
persecuted  infancy,  but  by  an  athletic  champion  of 
the  principles  of  Eichelieu  and  of  Loyola. 

Liberty  may  thank  the  Iroquois,  that,  by  their 
insensate  fury,  the  plans  of  her  adversary  were 
brought  to  nought,  and  a peril  and  a woe  averted 
from  her  future.  They  ruined  the  trade  which  was 
the  life-blood  of  New  France ; they  stopped  the 
current  of  her  arteries,  and  made  all  her  early  years 
a misery  and  a terror.  Not  that  they  changed  her 
destinies.  The  contest  on  this  continent  between 
Liberty  and  Absolutism  was  never  doubtful ; but 
the  triumph  of  the  one  would  have  been  dearly 
bought,  and  the  downfall  of  the  other  incomplete. 
Populations  formed  in  the  ideas  and  habits  of  a 
feudal  monarchy,  and  controlled  by  a hierarchy  pro- 
foundly hostile  to  freedom  of  thought,  would  have 
remained  a hindrance  and  a stumbling-block  in  the 
way  of  that  majestic  experiment  of  which  America 
is  the  fleld. 

The  Jesuits  saw  their  hopes  struck  down;  and 
their  faith,  though  not  shaken,  was  sorely  tried. 
The  Providence  of  God  seemed  in  their  eyes  dark 
and  inexplicable ; but,  from  the  stand-point  of  Lib- 
erty, that  Providence  is  clear  as  the  sun  at  noon. 
Meanwhile  let  those  who  have  prevailed  yield  due 


THE  GREAT  WEST. 


449 


honor  to  the  defeated.  Their  virtues  shine  amidst 
the  rubbish  of  error,  like  diamonds  and  gold  in  the 
gravel  of  the  torrent. 

But  now  new  scenes  succeed,  and  other  actors 
enter  on  the  stage,  a hardy  and  valiant  band, 
moulded  to  endure  and  dare,  — the  Discoverers 
of  the  Great  West. 


I N D E X. 


INDEX 


THE  ROMAN  NUMERALS  REFER  TO  THR  INTRODUCTION. 


A. 

Abenaquis,  where  found,  xxii;  ask  for 
a missionary,  321. 

Abraham,  Plains  of,  whence  the  name, 
335  note. 

Adoption  of  prisoners  as  members  of 
the  tribe,  Ixvi,  223,  309,  424,  444. 

Adventures  and  sufferings  of  an  Al- 
gonquin woman,  309-313;  of  an- 
other, 313-316. 

Agnier,  a name  for  the  Mohawks,  xlviii 
note. 

Aiguillon,  Duchess  d’,  founds  a Hotel- 
Dieu  at  Quebec,  181. 

Albany,  formerly  Rensselaerswyck,  its 
condition  in  1643,  229. 

Algonquins.^  a comprehensive  term,xx; 
regions  occupied  by  them  in  1535, 
XX ; the  designation,  how  applied, 
ib.  note;  found  in  New  England, 
xxi;  their  relation  to  the  Iroquois, 
xxi;  numbers,  ib.;  Algonquin  mis- 
sions, 368. 

Allumette  Island,  xxiv,  45;  its  true 
position,  46. 

AniiJcouas.,  or  People  of  the  Beaver, 
Ixviii  note ; supposed  descent  from 
that  animal,  ib. 

Amusements  of  the  Indians,  xxxvi; 
the  Jesuits  require  them  to  be  aban- 
doned, 136. 

Andacwandet,  a strange  method  of  cure, 
xlii. 

Andastes,  where  found  in  the  early 
times,  XX,  xlvi ; fierce  warriors,  xlvi ; 
identical  with  the  Susquehan nocks, 


lb,  note;  their  aid  sought  by  the 
Hurons,  341;  the  result  unsatisfac- 
tory, 344  seq.;  war  with  the  Mo- 
hawks, 441 ; assisted  by  the  Swedes 
from  Delaware  River,  442;  repulse  an 
attack  of  the  Iroquois,  ; a party 
of  Andaste  boys  defeat  the  Senecas 
and  Cayugas,  443;  finally  subdued 
by  the  Senecas,  ib. 

Aquanuscioni,  or  Iroquois,  xlviii  note. 

Areskoui,  the  god  of  war,  Ixxvii; 
human  sacrifices  offered  to  him,  ib. ; 
a captive  Iroquois  sacrificed  to  him, 
81. 

Armouchiquois,  a name  applied  to  the 
Algonquins  of  New  England,  xxi ; a 
strange  account  of  them  given  by 
Champlain,  xxii  note. 

Arts  of  life,  as  practised  by  the  Hurons, 
xxxi. 

Assistaeronnons.  or  Nation  of  Eire.  See 
Nation  of  Fire. 

Ataentsic,  a malignant  deity ; the  moon, 
Ixxvi. 

Atahocany  a dim  conception  of  the  Su- 
preme Being,  Ixxiv. 

Atotarho  of  the  Orondagas,  liv,  Ivii. 

Attendants  of  the  Jesuits,  112  note, 
132.  See  Donnes. 

AtticamegueSy  xxiii,  286,  293;  attacked 
by  the  Iroquois,  420. 

Attigouantans.  See  Hurons. 

AttiwandaronSy  or  Neutral  Nation,  why 
so  called,  xliv;  their  country,  ib.'; 
ferocious  and  cruel,  xlv;  licentious, 
ib. ; their  treatment  of  the  dead,  ib. 
See  Neutral  Nation. 


(453] 


4:54 


INDEX. 


B. 

Baptism  of  dying  men,  89,  124;  clan- 
destine, of  infants,  96,  97,  116,  117; 
of  an  influential  Huron,  112;  condi- 
tions of  baptism,  134;  baptisms, 
number  in  a year,  136  note. 

Birch-bark  used  instead  of  writing- 
paper,  130. 

Bonrgeoys,  Marguerite,  her  character, 
201;  foundress  of  the  school  at 
Montreal,  202. 

Bradford,  William,  governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, kindly  entertains  the  Jesuit 
Druilletes,  327. 

Brebeuf,  Jean  de,  arrives  at  Quebec, 
5,  20,  48;  commences  his  journey  to 
the  Huron  country,  53;  suffers  great 
fatigue  by  the  way,  54;  his  intre- 
pidity, 54  Tiofe,  56;  arrives  in  the 
Huron  country,  56;  his  previous 
residence  there,  ib. ; his  misgivings 
as  to  his  future  treatment  by  the 
Indians,  57  note;  the  Indians  build 
a house  for  him,  59:  the  house  de- 
scribed, 60;  its  furniture,  ib. ; Brd- 
beuf  witnesses  the  “ Feast  of  the 
Dead,”  75;  witnesses  a human  sacri- 
fice, 80  seq. ; his  uncompromising 
manner,  90;  “the  Ajax  of  the  mis- 
sion,” 99;  his  dealings  with  beings 
from  the  invisible  world,  108;  sees  a 
great  cross  in  the  air,  109,  144;  his 
courage,  120;  his  letter  in  prospect 
of  martyrdom,  122;  harangues  the 
Hurons  at  ^ festin  d' adieu,  123;  com- 
mences a mission  in  the  Neutral 
Nation,  143;  sees  miraculous  sights, 
144;  at  the  Huron  mission,  370; 
taken  by  the  Iroquois,  381;  his 
appalling  fate,  388;  his  intrepid 
character,  390;  his  skull  preserved 
to  this  day  at  Quebec,  391;  his  vis- 
ions and  revelations,  392  note;  a 
saint  and  a hero,  ib. 

Bressani,  Joseph,  attempts  to  go  to  the 
Hurons,  251;  taken  by  the  Iroquois, 
252;  terrible  sufferings  from  his  cap- 
tors,  253-255;  his  escape,  256;  at 
the  Huron  Mission,  370. 

Bruli^,  Etienne,  murdered  by  the  Hu- 
rons, 56 ; the  murder  supposed  to  be 
avenged  by  a raging  pestilence,  94. 

Bullion,  Madame  de,  founds  a hospi- 
tal at  Montreal,  266. 

Burning  of  captives  alive,  instances 
of,  xlv  nate.!  80-82,  249,  250,  309, 
339,  385,  436  note,  439,  441  note. 

Buteux,  Jacques,  his  toilsome  journey, 
421;  waylaid  by  the  Iroquois  and 
slain,  422. 


c. 

Cannibalism  of  the  Hurons,  xxxix, 
137,  of  the  Miamis,  xl;  ether  in- 
stances, 247. 

Canoes,  Indian,  xxxi. 

Capuchins,  unsuccessful  attempt  to 
introduce  them  into  Canada,  159 
note;  a station  of  them  on  the  Pe- 
nobscot, 322. 

Cayugas,  one  of  the  Five  Nations, 
xlviii  note,  liv.  See  Iroquois. 

Cemeteries  of  Indians  lately  opened, 
79;  description  of  them,  ib. 

Chabanel,  Noel,  joins  the  mission,  105 ; 
among  the  Hurons,  370;  recalled 
from  St.  Jean,  408;  Ids  journey,  ib.; 
murdered  by  a renegade  Huron,  409 ; 
his  vow,  410  note. 

Champfleur,  commandant  at  Three 
Rivers,  277,  285. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  resumes  com- 
mand at  Quebec,  20;  his  explora- 
tions, 45  ; introduces  the  missionaries 
to  the  Hurons,  48;  assists  the  mis- 
sionaries at  their  departure,  50;  his 
death,  149. 

Chatelain,  Pierre,  joins  the  mission, 
86 ; his  illness,  ib. ; his  peril,  126. 

Chaurnonot,  Joseph  Marie,  his  early 
life,  101-104;  his  gratitude  to  the 
Virgin,  103,  105;  becomes  a Jesuit, 
and  embarks  for  Canada,  105,  181; 
narrowly  escapes  death,  124;  goes 
with  Brebeuf  to  convert  the  Neu- 
trals, 142;  his  extreme  peril,  145; 
saved  by  the  interference  of  Saint 
Michael,  ib  ; among  the  Hurons,  370 ; 
with  a colony  of  Hurons,  near  Que- 
bec, 431;  builds  Loi’ette,  432. 

Choctaws,  like  the  Iroquois,  have  eight 
clans,  Ivi  note. 

Clanship,  system  of,  1-lii. 

Clock  of  the  Jesuits  an  object  of  won- 
der to  the  Hurons,  61;  an  object  of 
alarm,  115. 

Colonization,  French  and  English, 
compared,  328,  329. 

Conde,  in  his  youth  writes  to  Paul  Le 
-leune,  152. 

Conestogas.  See  Andnstes. 

Converts,  how  made,  133,  162  seq. 

Couillard,  a resident  in  Quebec,  3,  334, 
335. 

Councils  of  the  Iroquois,  their  power, 
Ivii-lx. 

Council,  nocturnal,  of  the  Hurons, 
relative  to  the  epidemic  in  1637,  118. 

Couture,  Guillaume,  a donne  of  the 
mission,  214;  a prisoner  to  the  Iro- 
quois, 216;  tortured  by  them,  216, 


INDEX. 


455 


223;  adopted  by  them,  223;  assists 
in  negotiations  for  peace,  284,  287; 
returns  with  the  Iroquois,  296. 

Crania  of  Indians  compared  with  those 
of  Caucasian  races,  xliii. 

Credulity  and  superstition  of  the  In- 
dians, 301. 

Crime,  how  punished,  Ixi. 

Cruelties,  Indian,  xlv  note,  80,  216 
seq.,  248,  253,  254,  277,  303  seq., 
308  seq.,  313,  339,  350,  377,  381,  385, 
388  seq  , 436  note,  439,  441  note. 

Custom,  Avith  the  Indians,  had  the 
force  of  law,  xlix. 


D. 

Dahcotnhs,  found  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, XX,  note;  their  villages,  xxvi. 

B’Ailleboust  de  Coulonges,  Louis, 
lands  at  Montreal,  264 ; history,  265 ; 
fortifies  Montreal,  266 ; becomes  gov- 
ernor of  Canada,  330,  332. 

Daily  life  of  the  Jesuits,  129;  their 
food,  ib.;  how  obtained,  130. 

Dallion,  La  Koche,  visits  the  Neutral 
Nation  in  1626,  xliv;  exposed  to 
great  danger  among  them,  xlvi  note, 
146. 

Daniel,  Antoine,  5,  20,  48;  commences 
his  journey  to  the  Huron  country, 
53;  disasters  by  the  way,  55;  his 
arrival  in  the  'Huron  country,  58; 
his  peril,  126 ; returns  to  Quebec  to 
commence  a seminary,  168;  labors 
with  success  amons:  the  Hurons,  374; 
slain  by  the  Iroquois,  377. 

Dauversi^re,  Jf*rome  le  Royer  de  la, 
described,  188;  hears  a voice  from 
heaven,  189;  has  a vision,  191; 
meets  Olier,  192;  plans  a religious 
community  at  Montreal,  ib. ; one  of 
the  purchasers  of  the  island,  195 ; 
his  misgivings,  197. 

Davost  at  Quebec,  5,  20,  48;  sets  out 
on  his  journey  to  the  Huron  coun- 
try, 53;  robbed  and  left  behind  by 
his  conductors,  54 ; his  arrival  among 
the  Hurons,  58. 

De  None,  Anne,  a missionary,  5,  14; 
perishes  in  the  snow,  257-260. 

Des  Chatelets,  an  inhabitant  of  Que- 
bec, 334,  335. 

Devil,  worshipped,  lxxiv,lxxvi,lxxvii ; 
his  supposed  alarm  at  the  success  of 
the  mission,  113;  consequences,  114 
oeq. 

Dionondadies.  See  Tobacco  Nation. 

Disease,  how  accounted  for,  xl,  xli; 
how  treated,  ib. 


Divination  and  sorcery,  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxy. 

Dogs  sacrificed  to  tlie  Great  Spirit, 
Ixxxvi;  used  at  Montreal  for  senti- 
nels, 271;  very  useful,  272. 

Donnh"  of  the  mission,  112  note, 
214,  364. 

Dreams,  confidence  of  the  Indian  in, 
Ixxxiii,  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxvi;  “Dream- 
Feast,”  a scene  of  frenzy,  67. 

Dress  of  the  Indians,  xxxii:  scarcely 
Avorn  in  summer,  xxxiii. 

Druilletes,  Gabriel,  his  labors  among 
the  Monfagnais,  318;  among  the 
Abenaquis  on  the  Kennebec,  321, 
323;  visits  English  settlements  in 
Maine,  322 ; again  descends  the  Ken- 
nebec, and  visits  Boston,  324,  325; 
object  of  the  Ausit,  324;  \dsits  Gov- 
ernor Dudley  at  Koxbury,  326,  and 
Governor  Bradford  at  Plymouth, 
327 ; spends  a night  Avith  'Eliot  at 
Roxbury,  ib.;  A’isits  Endicott  at  Sa- 
lem, his  impressions  of  New 
England,  328;  failure  of  his  em- 
bassy, 330. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  go\’-ernor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, kindly  receives  the  Jesuit 
Druilletes,  326. 

Du  Peron,  Francois,  his  narrow  escape, 
124;  his  journey,  127;  his  arrival, 
128;  his  letter,  130;  at  Montreal 
263. 

Du  Quen,  journeys  of,  xxa’’  note,  318. 

Dutch  at  Albany  supply  the  Iroquois 
Avith  tire-arms,  211,  212;  endeavor 
to  |)rocure  the  release  of  prisoners 
among  the  Mohawks,  230. 


E. 

Eliot,  John,  the  “ apostle,”  has  a visit 
from  the  Jesuit  Druilletes,  327. 

Endicott,  Jolin,  \dsited  by  the  Jesuit 
Druilletes,  327. 

Enthusiasm  for  the  mission,  85  note. 

Erie,  Lake,  hoAV  early  knoAvn  as  such, 
143. 

Erics,  or  Nation  of  the  Cat,  xIaJ; 
where  found  in  the  early  periods,  xx, 
xlvi;  Avhy  so  called,  xlvi  note;  Avar 
Avith  the  Iroquois,  438;  its  cause, 
439;  a sister’s  revenge,  ib. ; utter 
destruction  of  the  Eries,  440. 

Etchemins,  Avhere  found,  xxii. 

Etienne  Annaotaha,  a Huron  brav'e, 
destroys  an  Iroquois  Avar-party,  427- 
429 ; slain,  431. 

Exaltation,  mental,  of  the  priests,  146. 

Excursions,  missionary,  132. 


456 


INDEX. 


F. 

Faillon,  Abb4,  his  researches  in  the 
early  history  of  Montreal,  193  note; 
their  value,  ih. 

Faucamp,  Baron  de,  furnishes  money 
for  the  undertaking  at  Montreal,  193 ; 
one  of  the  purchasers  of  the  island, 
195. 

Fasts  among  the  Indians,  Ixxi. 

“ Feast  of  the  Dead,”  72. 

Feasts  of  the  Indians,  xxxvii. 

Female  life  among  the  Hurons,  xxxiii. 

“ Festins  d'acUeu,"  123. 

Festivities  of  the  Hurons,  xxxvii. 

Fire,  Nation  of,  attacked  by  the  Neu- 
tral Nation,  436. 

Fire-arms  sold  to  the  Iroquois  by  the 
Dutch,  211,  212;  given  to  converts 
by  the  French,  269. 

Fish,  and  fishing-nets,  prayers  to  them, 
Ixix. 

Fortifications  of  the  Hurons,  xxix;  of 
the  Iroquois,  ib.  note ; of  other  In- 
dian tribes,  xxx  note. 

Fortitude,  striking  instances  of,  81,  250, 
339,  389. 

Frencli  and  English  colonization  com- 
pared, 328,  329. 

Funeral  among  the  Hurons,  75;  funeral 
gifts,  76. 

Fur  trade,  xlv,  47,  155,  331. 

G. 

Gambling,  Indian,  xxxvdi. 

Gamier,  Charles,  joins  the  Huron  mis- 
sion, 86;  his  sickness,  ; his  char- 
acter, 99;  his  letters,  101,  133;  his 
journey  to  the  Tubacco  Nation,  140; 
at  the  Huron  mission,  370;  slain  by 
the  Iroquois,  405;  his  body  found, 

406  note;  his  gentle  spirit,  370,  407 ; 
his  absolute  devotion  to  the  mission, 

407  note. 

Gamier,  Julien,  liv  note. 

Garreau,  missionary  among  the  Hu- 
rons, his  danger,  410. 

Gasp6,  Algonquins  of,  their  women 
chaste,  xxxiv. 

George,  Lake,  its  first  discoverer,  219; 
its  Indian  name,  ib.  note;  called 
St.  Sacrament,  299;  a better  name 
proposed,  ib.  note. 

Gibbons,  Edward,  welcomes  the  Jesuit 
Druilletes  to  Boston,  325. 

Gifi'ard,  his  seigniory  of  Beauport,  155, 
157  ; at  Quebec,  3^34. 

Gluttony  at  feasts,  xxxviii;  practised 
as  a cure  foi  pestilence,  95. 


Godefroy,  Jean  Paul,  visits  New  Ha- 
ven on  an  embassy  from  the  gov^er- 
nor  of  Canada,  330. 

Goupil,  Ren^,  a donmi  of  the  mission, 
214;  made  prisoner  by  the  Iroquois, 
216;  tortured,  217,  221 ; murdered  in 
cold  blood,  224. 

Goyogoidn,  a name  foi  the  Cayugas, 
xlviii  note. 

Great  Hare,  The.  See  Manahozho. 

Green  Bay,  visited  by  the  French  in 
1639,  166. 


H. 

Habitations,  Indian,  xxvi;  internal 
aspect  in  summer,  xxvii ; in  winter, 
xxviii. 

Hawenniio,  the  modern  Iroquois  name 
for  God,  1 xxviii. 

Hdbert,  Madame,  an  early  resident  of 
Quebec,  2,  15. 

Hell,  how  represented  to  the  Indians, 
88,  163;  pictures  of,  163. 

Hiawatha,  a deified  hero,  Ixxvii, 
Ixxviii. 

Hodenosnunee,  the  true  name  of  the 
Iroquois,  xlviii  note. 

Hotel-Dieu  at  Quebec  founded,  181, 
one  at  Montreal,  266. 

Hundred  Associates,  the,  a fur  com- 
pany, its  grants  of  land,  156;  their 
quit-claim  of  the  island  of  Montreal, 
195;  transfer  their  monopoly  to  the 
colonists,  331. 

Hunters  of  men,  307. 

Huron  mission  proposed,  42 ; the  diffi- 
culties, 43;  motives  for  the  under- 
taking, 44 ; route  to  the  Huron  coun- 
try, 45;  the  missionaries  baffied  by 
a stroke  of  Indian  diplomacy,  51; 
they  commence  their  journey,  53; 
fatigues  of  the  way,  ib. ; reception  of 
the  missionaries  by  the  Hurons,  57 ; 
mission  house,  60;  methods  taken 
to  awaken  interest,  61;  instructions 
given,  62;  the  results  not  satisfac- 
tory, 64;  the  Jesuits  made  respon- 
sible for  the  failure  of  rain,  68;  they 
gain  the  confidence  of  the  Huron 
people,  70;  the  mission  strength- 
ened by  new  arrivals,  85 ; kindness 
of  the  Jesuits  to  the  sick,  87 ; their 
efforts  at  conversion,  88;  the  Hurons 
slow  to  apprehend  the  subject  of  a 
future  life,  89 ; terms  of  salvation  too 
hard,  90;  an  elastic  morality  prac- 
tised by  the  Jesuits,  97 ; conversions 
promoted  by  supernatural  aid,  108; 
the  new  chapel  at  Ossossand  de- 
scribed, 111;  first  important  success, 


INDEX 


457 


112;  persecuting  spirit  aroused,  115; 
the  Jesuits  in  danger,  116;  their 
dail}’’  life,  129;  number  of  converts 
in  1638,  132;  backsliding  frequent, 
135;  partial  success,  147;  great  sub- 
sequent success  of  the  mission,  349 ; 
the  mission  encounters  slander  and 
misrepresentation,  352,  353;  pros- 
poritjq  366;  successful  agriculture, 
'tb. ; number  of  ecclesiastics  and  oth- 
ers in  the  Huron  mission,  1649,  ib. ; 
the  mission  removed  to  an  island  in 
Lake  Huron,  397;  a multitude  of 
refugees,  399 ; their  extreme  misery, 
400;  the  priests  fully  occupied,  40l; 
the  mission  abandoned,  415;  failure 
of  the  Jesuit  plans  in  Canada,  446; 
the  cause,  447 ; the  consequences, 
448.  See  Jesuits. 

{urons,  origin  of  the  name,  xxxiii 
note;  their  countiy,  xx,  xxiv,  xxv; 
had  a language  akin  to  the  Iroquois, 
xxiv;  their  disappearance,  ib.;  ves- 
tiges of  them  still  found,  xxv;  sup- 
posed population,  xxv,  xxvi;  their 
habitations,  xxvi,  xxviii  note ; ex- 
travagant accounts,  xxvi  note ; inter- 
nal aspect  of  their  huts  in  summer, 
xxvii;  in  winter,  xxviii;  their  for- 
tilications,  xxix;  their  agriculture, 
XXX ; food,  arts  of  life,  ib.;  dress, 
xxxii ; dress  scarcely  worn  in  sum- 
mer, xxxiii;  female  life,  ib.,  xxxv; 
an  unchaste  people,  xxxiv;  mar- 
riages, temporary,  ib.;  shameless  con- 
duct of  young  people,  xxxv  note; 
employments  of  the  men,  xxxvi; 
amusements,  ib.;  feasts  and  dances, 
xxxvii;  voracity,  xxxviii;  canni- 
balism, xxxix;  practice  of  medicine, 
xl;  Huron  brains,  xliii;  the  Huron 
Confederacy,  lii;  their  political  or- 
ganization, ib.;  propensity  of  the 
Hurons  to  theft,  Ixiii,  131;  murder 
atoned  for  by  presents,  Ixi ; proceed- 
ings in  case  of  witchcraft,  Ixiii ; their 
objects  of  Avorship,  Ixix  seq.;  their 
conceptions  of  a future  state,  Ixxxi ; 
their  burial  of  the  dead,  ib.;  hostility 
of  the  Iroquois,  45,  52,  62;  visit 
Quebec,  46;  the  scene  after  their 
arrival  described,  47 ; their  idea  of 
thunder,  69;  Huron  gra\'es,  71; 
their  origin,  ib.;  disposal  of  the 
dead,  73;  “Feast  of  the  Dead,”  75 
seq.;  disinterment,  73;  mourning, 
74,  78;  funeral  gifts,  76;  fi-ightful 
scene,  77 ; a pestilence,  87;  canni- 
bals, 137 ; attacked  by  the  Iroquois, 
212,  337;  defeat  them,  338;  torture 
and  burn  an  Iroquois  chief,  339 ; on 
the  verge  of  ruin,  341;  apply  for 


help  to  the  Andastes,  342;  specimen 
of  Huron  eloquence,  355;  Hurons 
defeat  the  Iroquois  at  Three  Rivers, 
374;  fatuity  of  the  Hurons,  379; 
their  tOAvns  destroyed,  379  seq.;  ruin 
of  the  Hurons,  393 ; the  survi\mrs 
take  refuge  on  Isle  St.  Joseph,  399 ; 
their  extreme  miseiy,  411  seq.;  they 
abandon  the  island,  415;  endeavor 
to  reach  Quebec,  416;  the  Iroquois 
waylay  them,  417 ; a tight  on  the 
Ottawa,  ib.;  the}’’  reach  Montreal, 
418;  and  Quebec,  ib.;  a Huron  trai- 
tor, 419;  a portion  of  the  Hui'ons 
retreat  to  Lake  Michigan  and  the 
Mississippi,  425;  others  become  in- 
corporated with  the  Senecas,  424; 
their  country  desolate,  ib.;  after- 
wards known  as  the  Wyandots,  426; 
a body  of  the  Hurons  left  at  St.  Jo- 
seph destroy  a party  of  Iroquois, 
427-429;  a colony  of  Hurons  near 
Quebec,  430. 

I. 

Ihonatiria,  a Huron  village,  57 ; Bre- 
beuf  takes  up  his  abode  there,  59; 
ruined  by  the  pestilence,  137. 

Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Virgin, 

no. 

Incarnation,  Marie  de  1’,  at  Tours, 
174;  her  unhappy  marriage,  175; 
a widow,  ib  ; self-inflicted  austeri- 
ties, ib.;  mystical  espousal  to  Christ, 
176;  rhapsodies,  ib.;  dejection,  177; 
abandons  her  child  and  becomes  a 
nun,  178;  her  talents  for  business, 
179;  her  \flsion,  180;  the  A'ision  ex- 
plained as  a call  to  Canada,  181; 
embarks  for  that  country,  ib.;  peril- 
ous \myage,  182;  her  arduous  labors 
at  Quebec,  185;  her  difficulties,  186 
extolled  as  a saint,  177,  186. 

Indian  population  mutable,  xix;  its 
distribution,  xx;  tAVO  great  families 
ib.;  superstitions  and  traditions, 
IxA'ii  - Ixxxvii ; dreamers,  Ixxxiii, 
sorcerers  and  diviners,  Ixxxiv,  93; 
their  religion  fearful  yet  puerile, 
IxxxAuii,  94;  an  Indian  lodge,  141; 
Indian  manners  softened  by  the  in- 
fluence of  the  missions,  319;  Indian 
infatuation,  336. 

Indians,  their  arts  of  life,  xxx;  amuse- 
ments, xxxvi;  festivals,  xxxAui; 
social  character,  xlviii;  self-control, 
xlix;  influenced  by  custom,  76.;  hos- 
pitality and  generosity,  ib.  note ; fond 
of  society,  1 ; their  division  into  clans, 
li ; the  totem,  or  symbol  of  the  clan, 


458 


INDEX. 


tJ.;  Indian  rule  of  descent  and  in- 
heritance, ih.;  vast  extent  of  this 
rule,  lii ; their  superstitions,  Ixvii  e^ 
sey.;  their  cosmogonies,  Ixxiii,  Ixxv; 
degrading  conceptions  of  the  Su- 
preme Being,  Ixxviii;  no  word  for 
God,  Ixxix;  obliged  to  use  a cir- 
cumlocution, ih.;  their  belief  in  a fu- 
ture state,  Ixxx;  their  conceptions 
of  it  dim,  ih.;  their  belief  in  dreams, 
Ixxxiii;  the  Indian  Pluto,  ih.  note; 
the  Indian  mind  stagnant,  Ixxxix; 
savage  in  religion  as  in  life,  ih.;  no 
knowledge  of  the  true  God,  ih.; 
scenes  in  a wigwam,  30;  their  foul 
language,  31;  not  profane,‘i6  ; hard- 
ships and  sufferings,  39 ; a specimen 
of  their  diplomac}',  51;  an  Indian 
masquerade,  66 ; Indian  bacchanals, 
67  ; their  idea  of  thunder,  69;  Indian 
mind  not  a blank,  134;  specimen  of 
Indian  reasoning,  135;  Indians  re- 
ceived benefit  from  the  Jesuit  mis- 
sions, 164. 

Initiatory  last  for  obtaining  a guardian 
manitou,  Ixxi. 

“Infernal  Wolf,”  the,  117;  a name  for 
the  Devil,  ih.  note. 

Influence  of  the  missions  salutary, 
319. 

Instructions  for  the  missionaries  to  the 
Hurons,  54. 

Intrepid  conduct  of  the  Jesuits,  125. 

Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  origin  of  the 
name,  xlvii;  where  found  in  early 
times,  XX,  xlvi,  278  note;  their 
dwellings,  xxvii  note,  xxviii  note ; a 
licentious  people,  xxxiv  note ; have 
capacious  skulls,  xliii  note;  burn 
female  captives,  xlv;  their  charac- 
ter, xlvii;  their  eminent  position 
and  influence,  ih.;  their  true  name, 
xlviii  note ; divided  into  eight  clans 
or  families,  Iv;  symbols  of  these 
clans,  ih.  note;  the  chiefs,  how  se- 
lected, Ivi;  the  councils,  Ivii,  how 
and  when  assembled,  Iviii ; how  con- 
ducted, lix;  their  debates,  ih.;  strict 
unanimity  required,  ih.;  artful  man- 
agement of  the  chiefs,  lx  note;  the 
professed  orators,  Ixi;  military  or- 
ganization, Ixiv;  and  discipline,  ih.; 
spirit  of  tlie  confederacy,  Ixv;  at- 
tachment to  ancient  forms,  ih.;  their 
increase  by  adoption,  Ixvi ; popula- 
tion at  difterent  times,  ih.  note;  have 
no  name  for  God,  Ixxviii ; a captive 
Iroquois  sacrificed  by  the  Hurons  to 
the  god  of  war,  80 ; supplied  by  the 
Dutch  with  fii'e-arms,  211;  make 
war  on  the  French  in  Canada,  212, 
269  stq.;  extreme  cruelty  to  Jogues 


and  other  prisoners,  217-222,  228* 
cannibalism,  228,  250;  audacity, 
241;  attack  Fort  Richelieu,  244; 
spread  devastation  and  terror  through 
Canada,  245,  251;  horrible  nature  of 
their  warfare,  246-250;  torments 
inflicted  on  prisoners,  248  seq.,  271; 
an  Iroquois  prisoner  tortured  by 
Algonquins,  277 ; treaty  of  peace 
with  the  French  and  Algonquins, 
284  seq.;  numbers  of  the  Iroquois, 
297  note ; the  Iroquois  determination 
to  destroy  the  Hurons,  336;  their 
moral  superiority,  337 ; a defeat  sus- 
tained by  them,  338;  their  shame- 
less treachery,  339;  invade  the  Hu- 
ron country  and  destroy  the  towns, 
379;  their  atrocious  cruelty,  385; 
their  retreat,  386;  they  pursue  the 
remnants  of  the  Huron  nation,  412, 
425;  attack  the  Atticamegues,  420; 
attack  the  Hurons  at  Michilimacki- 
nac,  425;  exterminate  the  Neutral 
Nation,  437 ; exterminate  the  Fries, 
438-440;  terrible  cruelty,  441  note; 
their  bloody  supremacy,  444 ; it  cost 
them  dear,  ih.;  tyrants  of  a wide 
wilderness,  445;  their  short-sighted 
policy,  434. 

J. 

Jesuits,  their  founder,  8;  their  disci- 
pline, 11;  their  influence,  12;  salu- 
tary, 319;  the  early  Canadian  Jesu- 
its did  not  meddle  with  political 
affairs,  323;  denounced  cannibalism, 
but  faint  in  opposing  the  burning  or 
prisoners,  351 ; were  engaged  in  the 
fur-trade,  365  note ; purity  of  their 
motives,  83,  85 ; benevolent  care  of 
the  sick,  87,  98,  267 ; accused  of  sor- 
cery, 120;  in  great  peril,  121;  their 
intrepidity,  125;  their  prudence,  134; 
their  intense  zeal,  146.  See  Huron 
Mission. 

Jogues,  Isaac,  his  birth  and  character, 
214;  joins  the  mission,  86_;  his  ill- 
ness, ih.;  his  character,  106,  304  ; hig 
journey  to  the  Tobacco  Nation,  140; 
visits  Lake  Superior  and  preaches  to 
the  Ojibwas,  213;  visits  Quebec, 
214;  taken  prisoner  by  the  Iroquois, 
216;  tortured  by  them,  217,  218, 
221,  222;  in  daily  expectation  of 
death,  224,  225;  his  conscientious- 
ness, 226,  229,  232;  his  patience, 
226;  his  spirit  of  devotion,  227; 
longs  for  death,  228 ; his  pious  labors 
while  a captive,  ih.;  visits  Albany, 
229;  writes  to  the  commandant  at 


INDEX. 


459 


Three  Rivers,  230;  escapes,  234; 
vovage  across  the  Atlantic,  236; 
reception  in  France,  23'^ ; the  queen 
honors  him,  238;  returns  to  Canada, 
239,  286;  his  mission  to  the  Mo- 
hawks, 297 ; misgivings,  298 ; has  a 
presentiiner.t  of  death,  ib.;  goes  as 
a civilian,  ; vis'ts  Fort  Orange, 
299;  reaches  the  Mohawk  country, 
ih ; his  reception,  ib.;  returns  ito 
Canada,  300;  his  second  mission  to 
the  Mohawks,  301 ; warned  of  dan- 
ger, ib.;  his  cruel  murder,  304. 

Joseph,  Saint,  his  interpositic  n in  a 
case  of  childbirth,  90;  his  help  much 
relied  on  by  the  Jesuits,  70,  95,  96; 
fireworks  let  off  in  his  honor,  160. 
See  Saint  Joseph. 

Jouskeha,  a beneficent  deity,  the  sun, 
the  creator,  Ixxvi,  Ixxix. 

K. 

Kennebec,  visited  by  a Jesuit,  322. 

Kieft,  A\’'illiam,  governor  of  New 
Netherland,  his  kindness  to  Jogues, 
235;  his  letter  to  the  governor  of 
Canada,  304  7iote. 

Kiotsaton,  envoy  of  the  Iroquois,  284 
seq.;  his  speech,  287  seq.;  the  French 
delighted  with  him,  291;  another 
.speech,  292. 

L. 

Lafitau,  his  book  on  the  Iroquois,  liv 
note ; describes  the  council  of  the 
Iroiiuois,  Ivii,  Iviii. 

Ralande,  an  assistant  in  the  mission, 
301;  tortured  by  the  Mohawks,  303; 
killed  by  them,  304. 

Lalemant,  Gabriel,  at  the  Huron  mis- 
sion, 126,  371;  taken  by  the  Iro- 
quois, 381;  tortured  with  fire,  388; 
his  death,  390. 

T.a.  nnant,  .Jerome,  brother  of  Gsbriel, 
assailed  by  an  Algonquin,  127  ; visits 
Three  Rivers,  294;  becomes  liupe- 
rior  of  the  missions,  301. 

Lauson,  president  of  the  Canada  Fur 
Company,  156;  sells  the  island  of 
Montreal  to  the  .Jesuits,  194. 

Le  Berger,  a Christian  Iroquois,  304 ; 
endeavors  to  save  .logues,  ib. 

Le  Borgne,  chief  of  Allumette  Island, 
hinders  the  departure  of  the  mission- 
aries, 50;  his  motives,  51;  convert- 
ed, 268. 

Le  Jeune,  Paul,  Father  Superior,  his 
voyage,  15;  his  arrival  in  Quebec, 


2,  15;  begins  his  labors  there,  16; 
joins  an  Indian  hunting-party,  23; 
adventures  in  this  connection,  25- 
39 ; his  description  of  a winter  scene, 
26  note ; grievances  in  an  Indian 
lodge  in  winter,  27  ; experience  Avith 
a sorcerer,  30;  suffers  the  rude  ban- 
ter of  the  Indians,  ib. ; doubts  wheth- 
er the  Indian  sorcerers  are  impostors 
or  in  league  with  the  devil,  32;  re- 
lates what  he  had  been  informed  of 
the  devil’s  proceedings  in  Brazil, 
33  note ; attempts  to  convert  a sor- 
cerer, 37;  disappointment,  39;  re- 
turns to  Quebec,  40;  rejoices  at  the 
adv'ent  of  the  neAV  governor,  150 
note;  rejoices  at  the  interest  in  the 
mission  awakened  in  France,  151; 
has  for  a correspondent  the  future 
Condd,  152;  is  invested  with  civil 
autborit}',  154;  sends  for  pictures  of 
the  torments  of  hell,  163. 

Le  Mercier,  Francis  Joseph,  joins  the 
mission,  85;  his  peril,  125. 

Le  Moyne,  among  the  Hurons,  126; 
among  the  Onondagas,  438,  440. 

Licentiousness  of  the  Indians,  xxxiv 
7iote  ; XXXV  7iote,  xlv. 

Life  in  a Avigwam,  27-31. 

Loretto,  in  Italy,  102,  105,  432;  Old 
Lorette,  in  Canada,  431;  New  Lo- 
rette,  in  Canada,  432;  settlement  of 
Hurons  there,  ib. 

Loyola,  Ignatius,  his  story,  8;  founds 
the  order  of  Jesuits,  9;  his  book  of 
Spiritual  Exercises,  10. 

M. 

MaisonneuA’e,  Chomedey,  Sieur  de, 
military  leader  of  the  settlement  at 
Montreal,  196;  spends  the  first  win- 
ter at  (Quebec,  202;  poorly  accom- 
modated there,  203;  has  a quarrel 
Avith  the  governor,  204;  beloved  by 
his  folIoAvers,  205  ; compared  to  God- 
frey, the  leader  of  the  first  crusade, 
207;  lands  at  Montreal,  208,  261; 
plants  a cross  on  the  top  of  the 
mountain,  263;  his  great  braverv, 
275. 

Manabozho.,  a mythical  personage, 
IxA’iii;  the  chief  deity  of  the  Algcn- 
quins,  yet  not  worshipped,  Ixxii, 
Ixxix ; his  achieA^ements,  Ixxiii. 

Mance,  Jeanne,  dcAmtes  herself  to  the 
mission  in  Canada,  198;  embarks, 
201;  impressive  scene  before  em- 
barking, ib.;  lands  at  Montreal, 
208,  261. 

Manitous.  a generic  term  for  super- 


460 


INDEX 


natural  beings,  Ixix;  extensive  in 
its  meaning,  Ixx;  process  for  ob- 
taining a guardian  manitou,  ib. 

Marie,  a Christian  Algonquin,  her  ad- 
ventures and  sufferings,  309-313. 

Marriage  among  the  Hurons  often  tem- 
porary and  experimental,  xxxiv. 

Mass,  neglect  of  the,  a punishable 
offence,  154,  157. 

Masse,  5,  20;  ‘*le  P6re  Utile,”  ^6. ; his 
death,  260. 

Medical  practice  among  the  Indians, 
xli,  xlii  note  ; Ixxxiv,  66. 

“ Medicine,”  or  Indian  charms,  Ixxi. 

'‘Medicine-bags,”  Ixxi;  “medicine- 
men,” or  sorcerers,  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxv, 
32-38;  a “medicine-feast,”  66;  the 
religion  taught  by  the  Jesuits  sup- 
posed to  be  a “ medicine,”  90. 

Megapolensis,  Dutch  pastor  at  Alban}'', 
229;  his  account  of  the  Mohawks, 
ib.;  befriends  Jogues,  235. 

Memory,  devices  for  aiding  the,  Ixi. 

Messou.  See  Manabozho. 

Mestigoit,  an  Indi:m  hunter,  21,  24,29, 
34 ; his  skill  and  courage,  40 ; helps 
Le  Jeune  to  reach  Quebec,  ib. 

Mexican  fabrics  found  in  Indian  ceme- 
teries, 79  7iote. 

Miamis,  cannibalism  among  them,  xl. 

Michabou.  See  Manabozho. 

Micmacs  in  Nova  Scotia,  xxii. 

Minquas.  See  Andastes. 

Miracles  in  the  Huron  mission,  108; 
howto  be  accounted  for,  109;  why 
miracles  were  expected,  210  note. 

Miscou,  mission  at,  317. 

Mission  to  Hurons.  See  Huron  Mis- 
sion. 

Mission-house  near  Quebec  described, 

4. 

Mohawks,  xlviii  woie,  liv;  number  of 
warriors,  212,  297 ; their  towns,  222; 
make  peace  with  the  French,  296; 
credulity  and  superstition,  301 ; their 
causeless  rage,  303;  renew  the  war 
with  the  French,  306;  their  perfidy, 
308;  cruelty,  ib.;  torture  of  prison- 
ers, 309;  invade  the  Huron  country, 
37  9 ; furious  battle  near  St.  Marie, 
384;  war  with  the  Andastes,  441, 
and  Mohicans,  ib.  note.  See  Iro- 
quois. 

Montmagny,  Charles  Huault  de,  suc- 
ceeds Champlain  as*  governor  of 
New  France,  149;  his  zeal  for  the 
mission,  150,161;  meets  the  Ursu- 
lines  at  their  landing,  182;  quarrels 
with  the  leader  of  the  Montreal  set- 
tlement, 204;  delivers  Montreal  to 
Maisonneuve,  208;  builds  a fort  at 
Sorel,  242;  called  Onontio  by  the 


Iroquois,  283;  negotiates  a pieao® 
with  the  Iroquois,  284  seq. 

Montagnais,  an  Algonquin  tribe,  where 
found,  xxiii ; their  degradation,  ib. , 
Le  Jeune  essays  their  conversion, 
19;  concerned  in  a treaty  of  peace, 
286,  293 ; salutary  changes  from  the 
influence  of  the  mission,  319. 

Montreal,  island  of,  purchased  for  the 
site  of  a religious  community,  195; 
part  of  the  money  given  by  ladies, 
198;  consecrated  to  the  Holy  Fami- 
ly, 201;  the  enterprise  compared 
with  the  crusades,  207 ; first  day  of 
the  settlement,  209 ; motives  of  the 
enterprise,  as  stated  by  the  leaders 
themselves,  210  note;  infancy  of  the 
settlement,  261;  rise  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence checked  by  a wooden  cross, 
263;  arrival  of  D’Ailleboust  and 
others,  264;  pilgrimages,  267;  hos- 
pital built,  266;  Indians  fed,  268, 
attacks  by  the  Iroquois,  269  seq.; 
sally  of  the  French,  273;  condition 
of  Montreal  in  1651,  333. 

Moon,  the,  worshipped,  Ixxvi. 

IHorgan,  Lewis  H.,  his  account  of  the 
Iroquois,  liv  note. 

Murder  atoned  for  by  presents,  Ixi, 
Ixii,  354;  a grand  ceremony  of  this 
sort,  355  seq. 

N. 

Nanahush.  See  Manabozho. 

Nation  of  the  Bear,  liii. 

Nation  of  Fire,  an  Algonquin  people, 
attacked  by  the  Neutral  Nation,  436. 

Neutral  Nation.,  their  country,  xx, 
xliv,  142;  their  cruelty  and  licen- 
tiousness, xlv ; representations  made 
to  them  respecting  the  French,  xlvi 
note;  a ferocious  people,  143;  their 
excessive  superstition,  ib. ; a mission 
among  them  attempted,  142,  but  in 
vain,  146  ; kindness  of  a Neutral 
woman,  ib. ; destroy  a large  town 
of  the  Nation  of  Fire,  436 ; their  fero- 
cious cruelty,  ib.  note;  themselves 
exterminated  by  the  Iroquois,  437. 

New  England,  Indians  in,  xxi;  a Jes- 
uit’s  impressions  of,  328. 

Niagara,  called  the  Eiver  of  the  Neu- 
trals, xliv;  described  by  the  Jesuits, 
143  note. 

Nicollet,  Jean,  visits  Green  Bay  io 
1639,  166. 

Nipissings,  xxiv. 

Notre-Dame  des  Anges,  at  Quebec, 
6,  155;  Notre-Dame  de  Montreal, 
193, 


INDEX. 


461 


o. 

Ochafegnins.  See  Ilurons. 

OJibioas,  how  differing  in  language 
from  Algonquins,  xx;  visited  by 
Jogues,  213. 

OHes^  or  Otkons,  objects  of  worship 
among  the  Irocpiois,  Ixix. 

Olier,  Jean  Jac([ues,  Abb^,  suspected 
of  Jansenism,  189;  has  a revelation, 
190;  meets  IJauversiere,  192;  their 
schemes,  ib. 

Oneidas,  or  Onneyut,  one  of  the  Five 
Nations,  xlviii  note,  liv.  See  hv- 
quois. 

Onondagas,  or  OnnontngKe,  one  of  the 
Five  Nations,  xlviii  note,  liv  (see 
Iroquoh)\  their  inroad  on  the  Hu- 
rons,  343;  their  jealousy  of  the  Mo- 
hawks, 344;  their  embassy  to  the 
Ilurons,  345;  suicide  of  the  ambas- 
sador, 347. 

Ononkwaya,  an  Oneida  chief,  a pris- 
oner to  the  Ilurons,  338;  his  mar- 
vellous fortitude  under  torture,  339. 

Onontio,  Great  Alountain,  name  given 
to  the  Governor  of  Canada  among 
the  Iroquois,  and  why,  283. 

Ontitarac,  a Huron  chief,  his  speech, 
119. 

Orators  of  the  Iroquois,  Ix. 

Ossossam^,  chief  town  of  the  Hurons, 
74;  great  Huron  cemetery  there,  75; 
mission  established  there,  110,  129; 
abandoned,  139. 

Ouendats,  or  Wyandots.  See  Hurons. 

P. 

ParKer,  Ely  S.,  an  educated  Iroquois, 
liv  note. 

Passionists,  convent  of,  a singular  in- 
cident there,  108  note. 

Peace  concluded  between  the  French 
and  Iroquois-,  284-295;  defects  of  the 
treaty,  296;  the  peace  broken  and 
whv,  302. 

Peltrie,  de  la,  Madame,  her  birth,  168; 
her  girlhood,  169;  a widoAV,  ib.;  re- 
ligious schemes,  170;  resolves  logo 
to  Canada,  ib.;  her  sham  man’iage, 
172;  visits  the  Ursuline  Convent  at 
Tours,  173;  results  of  that  visit,  174; 
embarks  for  Canada,  181;  perilous 
voyage,  182;  her  character,  186; 
thirst  for  admiration,  187 ; leaves 
the  Ursulines  and  joins  the  Colony 
of  Montreal,  206,  261;  receives  the 
sacrament  on  the  top  of  the  moun- 
tain, 264 ; at  Quebec.  334. 


Peno'bscot,  a station  on  it  of  Capuchin 
friars,  822. 

Pestilence  among  the  Ilurons,  87 ; its 
supposed  origin,  94. 

Persecution  of  the  Jesuits,  116  seq. 

Pictures  requested  for  the  mission,  133; 
of  souls  in  perdition,  many,  ib.;  of 
souls  in  bliss,  one,  ib.;  how  to  be 
colored,  ib.;  Le  Jeune  describes  the 
pictures  of  Hell  which  he  wants, 
163. 

Picture-writing  by  the  Indians,  243. 

Pierre,  an  Algonquin,  17;  teacher  of 
Le  Jeune,  18;  runs  awajq  21;  re- 
turns, 22 ; frantic  from  strong  drink, 
24;  repents  and  assists  Le  Jeune, 
38 ; another  of  this  name,  a convert- 
ed Huron,  122. 

Pijart,  Pierre,  joins  the  mission,  85; 
his  clandestine  baptisms,  96,  97 ; es- 
tablishes a mission  at  Ossossand, 

no. 

Piskaret,  an  Algonquin  brave,  278; 
his  exploits,  279;  his  successes 
against  the  Iroquois,  281 ; assists  in 
a treaty  of  peace,  291;  murdered  by 
Mohawks,  308. 

Poncet,  father,  his  pilgrimage  to  Lo- 
retto,  104;  embarks  for  Canada,  181; 
his  peril,  126. 

Price  of  a man’s  life,  Ixii;  of  a wo- 
man’s, ih. 

Prisoners,  cruel  treatment  of,  xxxix, 
xlv,  80,  216  seq.,  248  seq.,  253,  277, 
339,  388  seq.,  436  note,  439,  441  note. 

Processions,  religious,  at  Quebec,  161 


Q. 

Quatogies.  See  Hurons. 

Qualifications  for  success  in  an  Indian 
mission,  134  note. 

Quebec  in  1634,  1;  its  first  settler,  3, 
condition  in  1640,  154;  its  aspect 
half  military,  half  monastic,  158;  its 
very  amusements  acts  of  religion, 
160;  state  of  things  in  1651,  331; 
New-Year’s  Day,  1646,  334. 


R. 

Ragueneau,  Paul,  mis.sionary  among 
the  Hurons,  123,  124,  126;  relates 
proceedings  of  a council  lieid  re- 
specting a murder,  355;  Father  Su- 
perior, 370. 

Raymbault,  Cln.rles,  enters  lake  Su- 
perior with  Jcgues,  213. 


462 


INDEX. 


Religion  and  superstitions  of  the  Indi- 
ans, Ixvii,  et  seq.;  worship  of  mate- 
rial objects,  inanimate  no  less  than 
animate,  ib.;  the  Indians  attribute 
their  origin  to  beasts,  birds,  and  rep- 
tiles, Ixviii;  all  nature  full  of  objects 
of  religious  fear  and  dread,  Ixxxiv; 
sacrifices,  Ixxxvi. 

Remarkable  instance  of  Indian  forgive- 
ness, 319. 

Rome,  Church  of,  her  strange  contra- 
dictions, 84;  self-denial  of  her  mis- 
sionaries, ib. 


s. 

Sacrifice  a human,  by  fire,  witnessed 
by  a missionar}',  80  seq. 

SacVifices  of  the  Indians,  Ixxxv,  Ixxxvi 
note. 

St.  Bernard,  Marie  de,  a nun  at  Tours, 
174;  embarks  for  Canada,  181. 

St  Ignace,  town,  taken  by  the  Iroquois, 
380;  furious  battle  with  the  Ilurons, 
384;  the  town  and  its  inhabitants 
destroyed  by  fire,  385;  vestiges  still 
remaining,  ib.  note. 

St.  Jean,  town  in  the  Tobacco  Nation, 
attacked  by  the  Iroquois,  405;  de- 
stroyed by  fire,  406. 

St.  Joseph,  a town  in  the  Huron  coun- 
try, 137.  374;  surprised  by  the  Iro- 
quois, 375,  and  destroyed,  877 ; an- 
other station  of  this  name  on  an 
island,  395;  the  Huron  refugees  re- 
pair thither,  399;  their  extreme 
misery,  ib.;  famine,  400. 

St.  Louis,  town  in  the  Huron  country, 
attacked,  380;  severe  struggle,  381; 
destroyed  by  the  Iroquois,  ib. 

Ste.  Marie,  in  the  Huron  country,  a 
mission  established  there,  139;  the 
lace  described,  362  seq  ; a bountiful 
ospitality  exercised  towards  the 
converts  and  others,  367 ; alarm  and 
anxiety  at  the  Iroquois  invasion, 
382;  the  station  abandoned,  394; 
stripped  of  all  valuables,  and  set  on 
fire,  396. 

Schoolcraft,  Henry  R.,  his  Notes  on 
the  Iroquois,  Vivnoie;  his  mistakes, 
Ixxviii,  Ixxx;  his  collection  of  Al- 
gonquin tales,  Ixxxviii ; his  unsatis- 
factory speculations  about  Huron 
graves,  71. 

Seminary,  Huron,  at  Quebec,  167. 

Senecas,  one  of  the  Five  Nations, 
xlviii  note,  liv.  See  Iroquois. 

Sepulture  among  the  Hurons,  Ixxxi, 
71  seq. 


I Sillei^q  Noel  Brulart  de,  becomes  a 
I priest,  182;  founds  the  settlement 
which  bears  his  name,  183. 

Sioux  punish  adultery,  xxxiv;  harass 
the  Hurons,  425. 

Sorcerer,  a dwarfish,  deformed  one 
troubles  the  Jesuits,  91;  his  account 
of  his  origin,  92;  sorcerers,  sev'eral, 
in  time  of  mortal  sickness,  93. 

Sorcery,  as  practised  among  the  Indi- 
ans,"lxxxiv,  32-38. 

Speech-making,  Indian,  287,  292-294. 

Sun  worshipped,  Ixxvi. 

Supernaturalism  of  the  Jesuits,  106; 
supposed  efficacy  of  relics  and 
prayers  to  relieve  pain  and  cure  di.s- 
ease,  107;  conversions  effected  in 
this  manner,  108;  such  views  still 
entertained,  as  illustrated  in  a curi- 
ous incident,  ib. 

Superstitious  of  the  Indians,  Ixvii  sej., 

68. 

Superstitious  terrors,  Ixxxiv,  115,  141. 

Susquehannocks.  See  Andastes. 

Swedish  colonists  on  the  Delaware  as- 
sist the  Andastes,  442. 


T. 

Tarenyowagon^  a powerful  deity, 
Ixxvii. 

Tarrntines,  the  Abenaquis  so  called, 
xxii  note. 

Tattooing  practised,  xxxiii;  a severe 
process,  lb. 

Teanaustay  '^,  137.  See  St.  Joseph. 

Tessouat,  or  Le  Borgne,  converted, 
268. 

Tionnontates.  See  Tobacco  Nation. 

Tobacco  Nation,  or  Tionnontates,  in 
league  with  the  Hurons,  xliii;  raised 
tobacco,  47 ; mission  amocg  them, 
140;  reception  of  the  missionarie-^, 
141;  perils  of  the  missionaries,  142; 
some  of  the  Hurons  seek  an  asylum 
there,  393,  404. 

Tobacco,  none  in  Heaven,  a sad 
thought  to  the  Indian,  136. 

Totems,  emblems  of  clans,  li,  Ixviii, 
375. 

Trade  in  furs,  xlv,  47,  155. 

Traffic  of  the  Indians,  how  conducted, 
xxxvi. 

Treatment  of  women,  xxxiv,  xxxv, 
of  prisoners,  xxxix,  xlv,  80,  216  seq., 
248  seq.,  253,  254,  277,  339,  388,  439, 
441  note. 

Tuscaroras,  in  Carolina,  xxi;  unite 
with  the  Five  Nations,  xxi,  Ixri. 


INDEX. 


463 


u. 

Unchastity  of  the  Indians,  xxxiv  note, 
xlv. 

Ursulines  at  Tours,  173;  at  Quebec, 
their  labors,  184;  their  instructions, 
185. 


V. 

Villemarie  de  Montreal,  a three-fold 
religious  establishment,  201,  261. 

Vimont,  father,  embarks  for  Canada, 
181;  makes  a vow  to  Saint  Joseph, 
182;  visits  Montreal,  208;  Superior 
of  the  Canadian  Mission,  286;  as- 
sists in  a treaty  of  peace,  292. 

Visions  and  visitations  from  Heaven 
and  from  Hell  frequent  occurrences 
in  the  lives  of  the  missionaries,  108; 
the  subject  illustrated  by  a curious 
incident,  ib.  note. 


w. 

Wampum,  its  material  and  uses,  xxxi; 
served  the  purpose  of  records,  xxxii, 
Ixi. 

War-dance,  often  practised  for  amuse- 
ment, xxxix. 

Wigwam,  how  built,  xxvii;  inconve- 
niences in  one,  27,  28. 

Winnebagoes,  their  residence  when 
first  known  to  Europeans,  xx; 
known  to  the  Jesuits  in  1648,  368. 

Winslow,  John,  kindly  receives  the 
Jesuit  Druilletes  at  Augusta,  322, 
325 ; his  name  in  the  lielatiuns,  how 
spelled,  323  note. 

Winter  in  Canada,  18,  26,  28. 

Witchcraft,  proceedings  in  case  of, 
Ixiii. 

Women,  their  condition,  xxxiii,  xxxiv, 
XXXV,  xlv. 

Wyandots,  a remnant  of  the  Huron®, 
xxiv,  426.  See  Ilurons. 


THE  END. 


University  Press  : John  Wilson  & Son,  Cambridge. 


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